Proudhon & Anarchism
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Socialism from Above Or Below “The Two Souls of Socialism” Revisited
Socialism from Above or Below “the two souls of socialism” revisited The quotation at the right is from the beginning of “The Two “Socialism’s crisis today is a crisis in the meaning Souls of Socialism,” by Hal Draper (1992), published as a of socialism…. Throughout the history of social- pamphlet in 1966. Draper’s editor notes, “Its political impact ist movements and ideas, the fundamental divide on a generation of socialists in the United States and Great is between Socialism-from-Above and Socialism- Britain has been considerable.” (Haberkern, 1992, p. xvii) It from-Below.… The history of socialism can be influenced that wing of Trotskyism which rejected Trotsky’s read as a continual but largely unsuccessful effort belief that the Soviet Union under Stalin (and after) was to free itself from the old tradition…of emanci- some sort of “workers’ state.” Instead, these semi-Trotskyists pation-from-above.” (Draper, 1992, pp. 3 & 4) held (correctly) that the U.S.S.R. had developed a bureau- cratic ruling class which collectively exploited the workers. Draper’s pamphlet was rewritten as the first half of a work by David McNally, “Socialism from Below” (1984). This has been circulated by the International Socialist Organization, which remains a major part of this international semi-Trotskyist By WAYNE PRICE tendency. McNally rewrote “Socialism from Below” in 1997; this version has been circulated by the New Socialist Group in Canada. He has recently rethought and rewritten his social- ism-from-below perspective in a new book (2002). Draper himself went on to publish four volumes on Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution,elaborating on his arguments. -
“The Whole World Is Our Homeland”: Anarchist Antimilitarism
nº 24 - SEPTEMBER 2015 PACIFISTS DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR IN DEPTH “The whole world is our homeland”: Anarchist antimilitarism Dolors Marín Historian Anarchism as a form of human liberation and as a social, cultural and economic al- ternative is an idea born from the European Illustration. It belongs to the rationalism school of thought that believes in the education of the individual as the essential tool for the transformation of society. The anarchists fight for a future society in which there is no place for the State or authoritarianism, because it is a society structured in small, self-sufficient communities with a deep respect for nature, a concept already present among the utopian socialists. A communitarian (though non necessarily an- ti-individualistic) basis that will be strengthened by the revolutionary trade unionism who uses direct action and insurrectional tactics for its vindications. On a political level, the anarchists make no distinction between goals and methods, because they consider that the fight is in itself a goal. In the anarchist denunciation of the modern state’s authoritarianism the concepts of army and war are logically present. This denunciation was ever-present in the years when workers internationalism appeared, due to the growth of modern European na- tionalisms, the independence of former American colonies and the Asian and African context. The urban proletariat and many labourers from around the world become the cannon fodder in these bloodbaths of youth and devastations of large areas of the pla- net. The workers’ protest is hence channelled through its own growing organizations (trade unions, workmen’s clubs, benefit societies, etc), with the support and the louds- peaker of abundant pacifist literature that will soon be published in clandestine book- lets or pamphlets that circulate on a hand-to-hand basis (1). -
9. Notes and Index.Pdf
- NOTE rn NoI NOTES ,i I cccnt .rSarrlst i \ t:t tC. i l. cloes Preface l. J:rnres Joll, The Anarchisls,2nd etl , (C)ambridge, Nlass.: H:rn'artl llnivet'sin Press, 'i:tlike 19tt0), p viii. .r .rl istic: 2 Sinr:e the literature on this oeriod of soci:rlis( ernd cornrnunist intertrationalism is i.rlizccl immense, it is possible to rite onlr solne rcprL\r'ntJti\c titles here Julius BtaLnthal's ()eschir.hte der Internationale, 3 r'oirs (Flarlno\er: Dietz, l96l-1971 I has bccornc standarcl ' lllrl)l\ on a ccnturl of internationalisrn, though the emphasis is alrnostexclusivclr uporr politir:al . )|S [O :rnd not trade union intern:rtionalisrn. IIore sper:ifir:rllr, on the Setoncl Internatioral, sce Jarnes Joll, The Second InternatiormL, 1889-1911. rcr ed. (l-rtrrdon ancl Boston: r.hil)s, Routledge ancl Keean Paul, 197'1). On the International Federation of Trade flnions before ,11( )ln1C the rvar arrd on its post-rvar rerival. see Joh:rnn Sasst:nbach, I'inlundzuanzig Ja.lLre internationaLer Geuterksthaf tsbelDegung (Anrstcr(1arn: IrrtcrrraIionalcn C]cterlschaf tsbun- .Li aucl dcs, 1926), and Lervis Lonvin, Lobor and Inlernatiortalisrn (Ncl York: N'Iacrnillan, 1929). iltloIls, C)n the pcrst-war Labour and Socialist International, see John Ptice, Tlrc Intcrttational Labour Llouernent (London: Oxford l-iniversitl Press 19.15) On the so-callecl Trro-ancl- ;, lile, a-Half Internationzrl, scc Andr6 Donneur, Hi.stoire de I'L'nion des Pttrtis SetciaListes (tour I'Action InternationaLe (Lausanue: fl niversit6 de ClenEve, Institu t l-n ir crsi Lairc dcs FIaLrtes :;r otlet n -L,tudes Internat.ionales, 1967). -
The Anarchist Collectives Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939
The Anarchist Collectives Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939 Sam Dolgoff (editor) 1974 Contents Preface 7 Acknowledgements 8 Introductory Essay by Murray Bookchin 9 Part One: Background 28 Chapter 1: The Spanish Revolution 30 The Two Revolutions by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 30 The Bolshevik Revolution vs The Russian Social Revolution . 35 The Trend Towards Workers’ Self-Management by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 36 Chapter 2: The Libertarian Tradition 41 Introduction ............................................ 41 The Rural Collectivist Tradition by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 41 The Anarchist Influence by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 44 The Political and Economic Organization of Society by Isaac Puente ....................................... 46 Chapter 3: Historical Notes 52 The Prologue to Revolution by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 52 On Anarchist Communism ................................. 55 On Anarcho-Syndicalism .................................. 55 The Counter-Revolution and the Destruction of the Collectives by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 56 Chapter 4: The Limitations of the Revolution 63 Introduction ............................................ 63 2 The Limitations of the Revolution by Gaston Leval ....................................... 63 Part Two: The Social Revolution 72 Chapter 5: The Economics of Revolution 74 Introduction ........................................... -
Comments About Wayne Price Part 1 .Wps
Comments on “The First International and the Development of Anarchism and Marxism” by Wayne Price René Berthier This text is a commentary of the contribution of Wayne Price recently published on anarkismo.net, « The First International and the Development of Anarchism and Marxism » (http://www.anarkismo.net/article/30330) Wayne made a review of my book (among others) : Social Democracy and Anarchism in the International Workers' Association 1864-1877 (Trans. A.W. Zurbrug.) London: Anarres Editions. WAYNE PRICE: Years after the final split in the International, Errico Malatesta, a colleague of Bakunin’s, stated that both the anarchists and the Marxists “sought to make use of the International for our own party aims….We, as anarchists, relied chiefly on propaganda…while the Marxists…wanted to impose their ideas by majority strength—which was more or less fictitious…. The Italians belatedly joined the IWA as a federation (1872), even though there were sections before. Their participation in the great debates before Saint-Imier did not, it seems to me, leave an unforgettable memory. When Malatesta speaks of “we anarchists" in the International, he alludes to the “anti-authoritarian” International after St. Imier, whose working-class base had disintegrated. By saying that "We, as anarchists, relied chiefly on propaganda", he reveals the nature of the activity they were engaged in. Bakunin did not intend to engage only in "propaganda", he advocated that workers should organize themselves into trade unions ("sections of crafts"), local unions ("central sections"), etc. (See René Berthier, “Bakounine: une thorie de l’organisation”, http://monde- nouveau.net/spip.php?article583) He regarded as a priority the daily struggle for increasing wages and reducing working hours (Bakunin, “Politique de l’Internationale” [Policy of the International] http://monde-nouveau.net/spip.php?article501). -
Throughout His Writing Career, Nelson Algren Was Fascinated by Criminality
RAGGED FIGURES: THE LUMPENPROLETARIAT IN NELSON ALGREN AND RALPH ELLISON by Nathaniel F. Mills A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (English Language and Literature) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor Alan M. Wald, Chair Professor Marjorie Levinson Professor Patricia Smith Yaeger Associate Professor Megan L. Sweeney For graduate students on the left ii Acknowledgements Indebtedness is the overriding condition of scholarly production and my case is no exception. I‘d like to thank first John Callahan, Donn Zaretsky, and The Ralph and Fanny Ellison Charitable Trust for permission to quote from Ralph Ellison‘s archival material, and Donadio and Olson, Inc. for permission to quote from Nelson Algren‘s archive. Alan Wald‘s enthusiasm for the study of the American left made this project possible, and I have been guided at all turns by his knowledge of this area and his unlimited support for scholars trying, in their writing and in their professional lives, to negotiate scholarship with political commitment. Since my first semester in the Ph.D. program at Michigan, Marjorie Levinson has shaped my thinking about critical theory, Marxism, literature, and the basic protocols of literary criticism while providing me with the conceptual resources to develop my own academic identity. To Patricia Yaeger I owe above all the lesson that one can (and should) be conceptually rigorous without being opaque, and that the construction of one‘s sentences can complement the content of those sentences in productive ways. I see her own characteristic synthesis of stylistic and conceptual fluidity as a benchmark of criticism and theory and as inspiring example of conceptual creativity. -
Peter Kropotkin and the Social Ecology of Science in Russia, Europe, and England, 1859-1922
THE STRUGGLE FOR COEXISTENCE: PETER KROPOTKIN AND THE SOCIAL ECOLOGY OF SCIENCE IN RUSSIA, EUROPE, AND ENGLAND, 1859-1922 by ERIC M. JOHNSON A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (History) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) May 2019 © Eric M. Johnson, 2019 The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: The Struggle for Coexistence: Peter Kropotkin and the Social Ecology of Science in Russia, Europe, and England, 1859-1922 Submitted by Eric M. Johnson in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Examining Committee: Alexei Kojevnikov, History Research Supervisor John Beatty, Philosophy Supervisory Committee Member Mark Leier, History Supervisory Committee Member Piers Hale, History External Examiner Joy Dixon, History University Examiner Lisa Sundstrom, Political Science University Examiner Jaleh Mansoor, Art History Exam Chair ii Abstract This dissertation critically examines the transnational history of evolutionary sociology during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. Tracing the efforts of natural philosophers and political theorists, this dissertation explores competing frameworks at the intersection between the natural and human sciences – Social Darwinism at one pole and Socialist Darwinism at the other, the latter best articulated by Peter Alexeyevich Kropotkin’s Darwinian theory of mutual aid. These frameworks were conceptualized within different scientific cultures during a contentious period both in the life sciences as well as the sociopolitical environments of Russia, Europe, and England. This cross- pollination of scientific and sociopolitical discourse contributed to competing frameworks of knowledge construction in both the natural and human sciences. -
Debating Power and Revolution in Anarchism, Black Flame and Historical Marxism 1
Detailed reply to International Socialism: debating power and revolution in anarchism, Black Flame and 1 historical Marxism 7 April 2011 Source: http://lucienvanderwalt.blogspot.com/2011/02/anarchism-black-flame-marxism-and- ist.html Lucien van der Walt, Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, [email protected] **This paper substantially expands arguments I published as “Counterpower, Participatory Democracy, Revolutionary Defence: debating Black Flame, revolutionary anarchism and historical Marxism,” International Socialism: a quarterly journal of socialist theory, no. 130, pp. 193-207. http://www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=729&issue=130 The growth of a significant anarchist and syndicalist2 presence in unions, in the larger anti-capitalist milieu, and in semi-industrial countries, has increasingly drawn the attention of the Marxist press. International Socialism carried several interesting pieces on the subject in 2010: Paul Blackledge’s “Marxism and Anarchism” (issue 125), Ian Birchall’s “Another Side of Anarchism” (issue 127), and Leo Zeilig’s review of Michael Schmidt and my book Black Flame: the revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism (also issue 127).3 In Black Flame, besides 1 I would like to thank Shawn Hattingh, Ian Bekker, Iain McKay and Wayne Price for feedback on an earlier draft. 2 I use the term “syndicalist” in its correct (as opposed to its pejorative) sense to refer to the revolutionary trade unionism that seeks to combine daily struggles with a revolutionary project i.e., in which unions are to play a decisive role in the overthrow of capitalism and the state by organizing the seizure and self-management of the means of production. -
Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 9 Issue 1 Article 2 2021 Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Chris Wright [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2021) "Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.9.1.009647 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol9/iss1/2 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Abstract In the twenty-first century, it is time that Marxists updated the conception of socialist revolution they have inherited from Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Slogans about the “dictatorship of the proletariat” “smashing the capitalist state” and carrying out a social revolution from the commanding heights of a reconstituted state are completely obsolete. In this article I propose a reconceptualization that accomplishes several purposes: first, it explains the logical and empirical problems with Marx’s classical theory of revolution; second, it revises the classical theory to make it, for the first time, logically consistent with the premises of historical materialism; third, it provides a (Marxist) theoretical grounding for activism in the solidarity economy, and thus partially reconciles Marxism with anarchism; fourth, it accounts for the long-term failure of all attempts at socialist revolution so far. -
José Carlos Mariátegui Y El Socialismo De Nuestra América
Mariátegui José Carlos Mariátegui y el socialismo de Nuestra América Miguel Mazzeo Abierto al debate ©Miguel Mazzeo. José Carlos Mariátegui y el socialismo de Nuestra América ©Fondo Editorial de la Asamblea Nacional “Willian Lara” Junta directiva Dip. Diosdado Cabello Rondón Presidente Dip. Darío Vivas Primer vicepresidente Dip. Blanca Eekhout Segunda vicepresidenta Fidel Vásquez Secretario Elvis Hidrobo Subsecretario Fondo Editorial de la Asamblea Nacional “Willian Lara” Presidente Farith Fraija Norwood Edición y corrección al cuidado de: Carlos Alberto Zambrano Rodríguez Juaníbal Reyes Sirley Rita Rodríguez Hernández Diseño y diagramación: Armando Rodríguez Hernández ISBN: 978-980-7603-16-4 Depósito Legal lf 38720133204093 biertoColección al debate A Esta colección es de máxima importancia para nuestro Fondo Editorial “Willian Lara” toda vez que representa el espacio preciso donde los distintos autores vuelcan sus posiciones sociales e ideológicas, así como sus fundadas y argumentadas apreciaciones respecto del camino revolucionario y socialista del siglo XXI por donde, felizmente, transita la Patria de Bolívar. En fin, un resquicio editorial donde se expone –de forma abierta– el pensamiento crítico en el que estamos sumidos para una mejor comprensión y entendimiento de la formación constante de nuestro pueblo en lo que corresponde a los saberes políticos, sociales, culturales y económicos; elementos que complementan y refuerzan la actual Batalla de Ideas tan necesaria para el nuevo ciudadano venezolano. No se transforma artificialmente a una sociedad. José Carlos Mariátegui Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana …una revolución continúa la tradición de un pueblo, en el sentido de que es una energía creadora de cosas e ideas que incorpora definitivamente en esa tradición, enriqueciéndola y acrecentándola. -
Número 77 / Noviembre 2004 / 7 €
Número 77 / noviembre 2004 / 7 € 1 el desorden Palestina internacional Yasir Arafat. Símbolo de una resistencia. Michel Warshawski 7 EE UU ¿Cómo se las arregló John Kerry para dejarse noquear? Socialist Worker 9 III Foro Social Europeo Tres reflexiones y una conclusión. Josep M. Antentas y Josu Egireun 13 “Another world is here”. Identidad política y acción colectiva de los espacios autónomos. Sara López y Pablo Iglesias 19 Declaración de la Asamblea de los Movimientos Sociales 26 Uruguay De la hegemonía cultural a la hegemonía política. Raúl Zibechi 29 Brasil Antes de que sea demasiado tarde. César Benjamín 35 El PT ha perdido una metrópoli y una ciudad símbolo. Charles André Udry 38 Cuba La Cuba de Castro en perspectiva. Entrevista con Sam Farber 43 Italia Otra “Rifondazione” es posible. Manifiesto de militantes del Partido de la Refundación Comunista 59 2 miradas Raúl Montesano 63 voces 3 plural La educación no es una mercancía plural Reformas y contrarreformas en la educación. Chomin Cunchillos 69 El neoliberalismo contraataca. Carlos Sevilla Alonso 80 El movimiento estudiantil en el laberinto de la mercantilización. Miguel Urbán Crespo 86 Los tres ejes de la mercantilización. Judith Carreras García 93 Panorama legislativo actual. Beatriz Quirós Madariaga 98 El recuerdo de la Comuna de Asturias. Wilebaldo Solano 105 4 voces Ángel Calle 109 miradas 5 subrayados Debates en torno a la ley contra la “violencia de género”. Justa subrayados Montero 115 Fòrum 2004: la complejidad de la crítica frente a la izquierda gobernante. Marc Martí, Robert González 120 6 nuestra Emma Roca (1919-2004). Jaime Pastor 125 gente Propuesta gráfica Paula Gil VIENTO SUR Número 77/Noviembre 2004 1 VIENTO SUR Han colaborado en este número POR UNA IZQUIERDA ALTERNATIVA Redacción: César Benjamín Josep Maria Antentas Investigador de políticas públicas de la Universidad G. -
Political Conflict in the International Workers’ Association, 1864-1877
Political conflict in the International Workers’ Association, 1864-1877 A W Zurbrugg INTRODUCTION ............................................................... 2 German Socialism .........................................................................................6 The International in France ..........................................................................10 Politics in Switzerland .................................................................................13 Politics Elsewhere .......................................................................................14 The International in Switzerland .................................................................18 The Basel Congress .....................................................................................22 Unity, Debate and Expulsion .......................................................................25 Accountability and Control .........................................................................30 Delusions .....................................................................................................37 A Non-sectarian International? ....................................................................39 The Ongoing International ...........................................................................57 Conclusion ...................................................................................................69 Appendix 1: The Basel Congress of the International, 1869. ......................77 [A] Summary and extracts of the report