294 Heritage Journal, 10(3) https://doi.org/10.46538/hlj.10.3.2 Winter, 2013

The Linguistic Vitality of Chinese in the

Na Liu Center for Applied Linguistics

Abstract This article examines the current status of Chinese as a heritage language (CHL) in the United States, referring to the Capacity-Opportunity-Desire (COD) framework (Grin, 1990, 2003; LoBianco, 2008). After briefly describing the linguistic profile of Chinese immigrants in the United States, the current status and future prospects of CHL in the United States are discussed. The article concludes that a wide variety of programs are available to CHL speakers, compared to those available decades ago. However, heritage speakers’ capacity in Chinese will be developed only when they have opportunities to use the language and a desire to learn it.

Introduction The number of Chinese immigrants in the United States has reached 3,179,648, comprising 1% of the U.S. population and constituting a significant language and cultural group (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). The / spoken by Chinese immigrants are anything but monolithic. The historical legacy and current complexity of the population of Chinese immigrants are reflected in linguistic heterogeneity (Wong & Lopez, 2000). “Chinese,” as a member of the Sino Tibetan family of languages, encompasses a number of regional “dialects” (Norman, 1988), which are considered to be different languages in many countries, because they are not mutually intelligible (e.g., a Mandarin speaker may not understand speakers at all). In these variants are considered dialects. (In this article, I use “dialects” to refer to , consistent with the traditional use of the term in China, unless the authors I cite use “languages.”)

Despite the large number of dialects spoken by Chinese immigrants, only a handful plays key roles in the Chinese American community: Cantonese, Mandarin, and Taiwanese (Wong & Lopez, 2000). Wiley, DeKlerk, Li, Liu, Teng, and Yang (2008) claim that the dialects spoken by Chinese immigrants, with the possible exception of Cantonese and Mandarin, are unlikely to be maintained over time due to the lack of opportunity for speakers to receive formal instruction. Even with Cantonese and Mandarin, “the overall picture of Chinese Americans that emerges is that the shift to English is taking place at a fast rate in the community” (Wong & Lopez, 2000, p. 284).

In this article the linguistic vitality of Chinese is examined, primarily focusing on Mandarin, the of People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan, and one of the official languages of . Referring to and informed by the COD framework (Capacity Development, Opportunity Creation, and Desire) first developed by Grin (1990, 2003) and further elaborated by LoBianco (2008), the current status and future prospects of Chinese in the United States are discussed. It is important to note that COD requires all three components to produce language use in new generations, and most heritage language planning tends to focus only on one (either teaching or capacity development). (See the introduction to this issue for discussion.)

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Capacity Development According to LoBianco (2008), capacity development refers to the development of personal language proficiency and language use, through both formal teaching and informal transmission of the language. In the United States, formal teaching takes place primarily in community-based Chinese heritage language schools, K-12 public schools, and institutions of higher education. By “formal,” I refer to instructional settings where there is a curriculum, instruction, and assessment, and where teachers receive training and support. Informal transmission of Chinese occurs in Chinese immigrant homes and communities.

Chinese Heritage Language Schools Chinese heritage language schools have a long history in the United States, with the first established in San Francisco in 1886 (Chao, 1996). It was estimated that in 2005 there were over 1,000 Chinese heritage language schools, with about 140,000 students enrolled (McGinnis, 2005). In 2009 these numbers increased to total over 1,205 Chinese heritage language schools and approximately 180,000 students (Wang, 2009). The majority of these schools were established as non-profit organizations, operated primarily by volunteers consisting of parents and international students from local universities. From the mid-nineteenth century through the early postwar decades, the Chinese American community was overwhelmingly Cantonese- speaking, and the majority of Chinese schools in the United States taught Cantonese. This began to change after World War II, when the Mandarin-speaking population increased rapidly, especially from the 1970s on. Mandarin gradually superseded Cantonese as the predominant language of instruction in Chinese schools (Lai, 2004). Lai points out that very few schools taught other dialects, such as Hakka, Fuzhounese, or Taiwanese, in spite of the large influx of these immigrants, probably because they are of limited use either for communication in business or for scholarly exchanges in society at large.

Generally, Chinese heritage language schools operate on weekends or after regular school hours. In weekend programs, classes are held three hours a week on Saturday or Sunday. In general, two hours are devoted to language teaching and one hour to cultural activities. In after-school programs, classes are held in public schools from around 3:00 to 6:00 p.m. on Monday through Friday. Classes usually include one or two hours of language teaching, one hour of , and one hour of tutorial lessons in English, mathematics, or other subjects (Chao, 1996; Liu, 2010b). Of the schools surveyed by Lin (1986), 55% held classes on Saturdays, 56% on Sundays, and only 5% on weekday afternoons. Unfortunately, there are no more up-to-date data with this information.

The effectiveness of weekend Chinese heritage language schools, which offer one or two hours per week of language instruction, in reversing to English among Chinese heritage language (CHL) learners has been questioned and studied by researchers (Chuang, 1997; Liu, 2010b). In a study of stakeholders’ perspectives (Liu, 2010b), it was found that the vast majority of parents (about 90%) believe that the primary role of Chinese schools is to teach Chinese language and culture and that two hours per week is not enough time for children to become fully proficient in Chinese.

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In addition to teaching Chinese language and culture, Chinese heritage language schools serve vital, nonlinguistic functions, which include creating a sense of cultural and ethnic pride, providing an occasion for socializing and group involvement among parents, and providing opportunities for children to interact with other Chinese speakers (Wong & Lopez, 2000). Involvement in Chinese schools has created an opportunity to join an extended family for both parents and children. In addition, as McGinnis (2005) pointed out, “Chinese community schools are beginning to play a significant social service role that transcends more narrowly educational functions, as exemplified in their support work for the adoptive Families with Chinese Children (FCC)” (p. 593).

Compared with weekend schools, weekday Chinese heritage language programs are expected by parents to do a better job in terms of capacity development, and classes meet three hours a day, five days a week (parents, personal communication, 2013). However, no research has been conducted to compare capacity development results between students who attend weekend schools and those who attend weekday after-school programs.

Both weekend and weekday Chinese heritage language schools face a number of challenges, which include arousing students’ interests in learning Chinese and providing them with a valuable learning experience, adopting suitable textbooks, designing curriculum, using current technologies, cooperating with state and local school districts, improving teacher training and certification, and creating articulation and learning paths across programs (Wang, 1996).

In addition to offering classes during the academic year, Chinese heritage language schools, together with Chinese cultural centers, organize Chinese language summer camps to give Chinese-American teenagers another opportunity to learn about their Chinese heritage, appreciate Chinese art, participate in Chinese cultural activities, and study Chinese (Chai, 1996). Funding for summer camps comes from tuition, donations from local companies and individuals, and grants from the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office of the State Council in the PRC and the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission (OCAC) in Taiwan. Since their inception in 1976, Chinese language summer camps have grown nationwide. One summer program, operated by the United States East Coast Association of Chinese schools, has enrollments of 500 to 700 students annually (Chai, 1996). Another summer camp, “Root-seeking Summer Camp in China,” cosponsored by the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office of the State Council and China Overseas Exchanges Association in the PRC, hosts approximately 5,000 teenagers from different countries in China (Wang, 2006). In summer camps, students not only learn the language, but they also experience the authentic Chinese culture and visit historic and scenic places. Spending time and seeking to function effectively in China creates real opportunities for Chinese speakers to use the language. Most parents in Liu’s study (2010b) identified sending their children to China as an effective way to learn Chinese. Lan, the parent of a 5th grade student in a Chinese heritage language school, related that:

After one summer, I found his Chinese much better. Because when he was in China and he wanted to ask for something, he had to communicate with others. So…going back is pretty effective (p.144).

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Public Schools and Institutions of Higher Education In addition to Chinese heritage language schools, formal Chinese teaching takes place in public schools and institutions of higher education, where Chinese programs have grown substantially during the past decade. Although Chinese programs in public schools and higher education institutions, with a few exceptions, may not be designed for heritage Chinese speakers, they do provide a nurturing environment for these students to develop their capacity in Chinese, and a large portion of the students in K-16 Chinese classes have Chinese or Asian heritage (Aratani, 2006). In 1992 and again in 1995 Chinese was identified as a “critical” language by the U.S. Department of Education’s Foreign Languages Assistance Programs (FLAP), and in part as a result of this status the percentage of schools offering Chinese, although still low, increased at both the elementary and levels. In 2008, Chinese was taught in 3% of elementary schools, up from .3% in 1997, and in 4% of secondary schools with language programs, up from 1% in 1997 (Rhodes & Pufahl, 2010). Two key events for Chinese as a in the United States were the development of the Chinese Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT) in 1994 and AP Chinese in 2006. In higher education, Welles (2002) reported that 34,153 students were studying Chinese. Since 2005 there has been significant growth; in 2006 there were 51,582 students learning Chinese, a 52% increase over 2002 (Asia Society, 2008).

Another push for the study of Chinese came from the National Security Language Initiative (U.S. Department of State, January, 2006), launched to enhance the foreign language skills of American students. STARTALK and Flagship programs are two major initiatives under NSLI. STARTALK provides summer student immersion experiences, academic courses, curricula, and other resources for education in 10 less commonly taught languages, including Chinese (STARTALK, n.d.). In 2013, out of 107 STARTALK student summer programs, 64 offered Chinese (STARTALK, n.d.). In addition, in 2002 the National Security Education Program (NSEP) established the Language Flagship with a goal of educating global professionals to speak critical languages at high levels of proficiency (The Language Flagship, n.d.). As of this writing, nine Chinese Flagship Programs are hosted in U.S. institutions of higher education.

By the beginning of the twenty-first century, an increasing number of leaders from different sectors of U.S. society began to realize that China’s tremendous economic growth and emergence as a social and political leader in Asia, has an impact on the teaching and learning of Chinese. Some state leaders also realize the importance of being bilingual in a global context, and Chinese is one of the most frequently chosen languages for the establishment of bilingual or immersion programs. Utah, for example, has established a number of Chinese immersion schools and plans to establish hundreds more in the coming years (M. Chen, personal communication, 2011). These programs are well received by local communities, and student enrollment is increasing.

In the meantime, the Office of Chinese Language Council International (Hanban) in the PRC, has launched many initiatives to promote Chinese language and culture in the world, including creating a global network of Chinese cultural centers (Confucius Institutes and classrooms), developing the Volunteer Program for International Chinese Teachers, holding summer camps for foreign students, and inviting school administrators to visit China. Though Hanban’s mission

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is not to promote Chinese heritage language education, these initiatives provide resources to Chinese language learners, including Chinese heritage learners.

When discussing diversified channels for Chinese language learning, we cannot leave out the most modern channel, the Internet and online resources. Due to the vast need, resource web pages and Chinese learning games have appeared in recent years. One of the largest resource websites is being developed by Hanban (Confucius Institute Online, n.d.), which is gathering and making available a comprehensive set of Chinese teaching and learning resources. This website is available in 46 languages, including Chinese and English. New websites and games designed to engage Chinese learners continue to appear. For example, a well-known Chinese learning game, “ZON,” provides a multiplayer, online learning environment, which is designed and sponsored by Hanban and Michigan State University to teach Chinese language and culture through games. As a web-based site, ZON provides real-time, on-demand connections to interactive learning activities and authentic cultural information.

Informal Transmission of CHL at Home and in Communities Informal transmission of the Chinese language occurs primarily in homes. Families constitute an important part of the network for intergenerational transmission (Fishman, 1991). Hinton (1999) argues that “all those children who retained fluency or near-fluency in their native tongue come from homes where the heritage language was spoken as a matter of policy” (p. 15). In reality, some Chinese families emphasize speaking the heritage language at home, while others do not. The general language use pattern found in Liu’s study (2010b) is that parents speak Chinese to their children, and their children respond in English. English is primarily used among siblings. Shin (2005) argues that parents’ attitudes toward the dominant language and the heritage language significantly influence the ways in which they socialize their children to view, learn, and use each of them. In order to pass on heritage languages to children, Bayley, Schecter, and Torres-Ayala (1996), after a study of the use of Spanish in one Mexican-American family, suggested that a household ban on use of English would help ensure children’s development of Spanish. More recently, however, He (2008) argues that children who speak only Chinese before they start school are more likely to develop a negative attitude toward Chinese when they start school than children who have spoken both Chinese and English at home.

Chinese speakers’ language and literacy acquisition environment in the home varies. Li (2002) found that some parents made word lists and flash cards in Chinese and English and taught their children to read the words every day. In contrast, other families were reluctant to promote the use of Chinese at home or send their children to Chinese schools, because they worried that studying Chinese would interfere with their learning of English. Xiao (2008), in a study of use of Chinese at home, found that most of the parents in her study taught their children how to write the Chinese names of family members and some simple Chinese characters, sing Chinese songs, and read character cards and books with picture illustrations when they were young. Such activities were drastically reduced when children started kindergarten or first grade, possibly because their parents wanted them to concentrate on English and school work. The Chinese parents in Xiao’s study did not invest much time or effort in Chinese literacy activities with their children once they started school, and homes possessed zero to minimal Chinese language materials, including level-appropriate recreational reading material for school-age children. Furthermore, a

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considerable number of the children did not engage in activities at home such as reading books, watching TV, or writing characters in Chinese. However, the small number of children who had advanced Chinese language and literacy came from homes where parents spoke Chinese and practiced Chinese literacy skills with them. To sum up, Chinese families vary considerably in their efforts to maintain and develop their children’s heritage language, which results in a range of linguistic knowledge and proficiency levels of Chinese speakers.

In summary, channels for CHL learners to develop their capacity in Chinese are diversified and include formal teaching and informal use and transmission among family members. Chinese, as a language of global importance in the 21st century, is receiving increased attention in the United States, which results in opportunities for individuals to study Chinese. In the meantime, there are urgent issues and challenges for Chinese language educators to solve, including teacher certification, curriculum and materials development, and articulation among grade levels.

Opportunity Creation Opportunity creation refers to creation of domains in which use of the language is natural, welcome, and expected (LoBianco, 2008). Even though Chinese is both a heritage language and an ethnic in the United States, it is not widely used in public. However, with continuing Chinese immigration and the rising status of Chinese as a foreign language in U.S. public schools, opportunities to use Chinese are increasing.

Community settings, including Chinese churches, stores, and restaurants, provide some opportunities for Chinese speakers to use the language. However, most churches in the post- 1960s are sensitive to the needs of the second generation and offer both Chinese and English services. Second-generation Chinese speakers tend to speak English at church (a personal observation of the author). At the same time, churches can assist Chinese speakers in retaining and reclaiming their Chinese cultural identity within American pluralism by celebrating the Chinese New Year and Mid-Autumn Festival as cultural celebrations (Tong, 2003).

Mass media in communities is one of the important ways to immerse Chinese speakers in the language. Recent technological advances have made it easier for immigrant families to obtain television programs, rented movies, newspapers, and other media from their land of origin and to have access to Chinese language websites, which are proliferating rapidly (Wong & Lopez, 2000). Chinese newspapers that are widely distributed in the United States include The World Journal, The China Press, Sing Tao Daily, The United Journal, and People’s Daily (ChinaSite.com: Newspapers, n.d.). These newspapers provide detailed news and events from the People’s Republic of China, Taiwan, , and Singapore, which are of interest to Chinese immigrants (Pan, 1997). In addition to national newspapers, many local Chinese newspapers and magazines have been in circulation, especially since the 1990s. Community papers, mostly owned by immigrant entrepreneurs, are published weekly or biweekly and have a circulation of between 5,000 and 10,000 readers (Zhou & Cai, 2002). Most of these community papers are distributed at no cost through Chinese-owned businesses, such as supermarkets, travel agencies, and restaurants.

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Television and radio programs also provide opportunities for Chinese language input. Three major Chinese television networks -- Asian American Television (AATV), Chinese Television Network (CTN), and North American Television (NATV) -- broadcast in both Cantonese and Mandarin twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week, via satellite or through local cable systems in major cities for two to fifteen hours per day. These television programs feature headline news from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan and breaking news in the United States and around the world, as well as a wide range of special reports and entertainment programs (Zhou & Cai, 2002). Chinese IPTV (Internet Protocol television) operators deliver over 85 channels broadcast in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong and cover genres that include news, drama, movies, and Chinese language learning programs for children. KyLinTV and Charming China are two major IPTV operators.

Internet and online forums provide meaningful opportunities for Chinese speakers to use the language. There are many online forums for Chinese speakers to discuss topics of interest with native Chinese speakers in China, including searching for friends, learning about the culture, and discussing social and political topics. Young people find social circles online, and the Internet shortens the distance between the United States and Chinese-speaking countries. No studies have been conducted on how much activity on the Internet and in online forums helps with language maintenance and development, but these new technologies seem promising.

Desire Desire fosters investment in learning the language, because language proficiency brings certain rewards (Lo Bianco, 2008). For Chinese heritage speakers, desire may derive from various sources, including a desire to communicate with families and relatives, to claim and form identity with one’s Chinese heritage, to succeed in education programs, and to advance in a career or other economic endeavor.

Chinese might not be the language of choice for children when speaking with their parents, because most of their parents can communicate in English; however, with grandparents and relatives who do not understand much English, the language of communication must be Chinese. With the help of webcams and the Internet, Chinese speakers have more opportunities and more desire to communicate with their relatives, including those in China. It is crucial that parents stimulate and maintain their children’s desire to talk with their relatives in Chinese.

One notable desire for Chinese-heritage children, especially when they reach their late teens, is to explore their heritage language and culture as part of their identity formation. For example, Jason, a 19-year old second-generation immigrant, said in an interview with Agnes He (2008), “I am Chinese. I feel stupid not knowing the language. Plus I’d like to do business in China some day (p. 110).” Many Chinese language speakers do not realize the importance of learning their heritage language until they became undergraduates in college, which, argues He, explains why many participate in Chinese classes in college.

As the status of Chinese rises in the United States, the desire to develop proficiency in Chinese through language study is increasing in that proficiency in Chinese yields academic benefits. These benefits include receiving public school credit for courses taken in Chinese heritage

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language programs and taking the Chinese SAT II and AP Chinese. These opportunities need to continue to be created. According to Chao (1996), 92 of the 102 Chinese heritage language schools in southern California were eligible to apply for receipt of credit in public school for study in the heritage language school, but at the time of publication only 28 schools had been granted credit transfer status. In northern California, 9 out of 87 Chinese language schools had been granted credit transfer status (Chao, 1996).

With Chinese designated as a critical language by the NSLI, the NSLI supports nine Chinese Language Flagship programs in the United States. Flagship students pursue intensive study abroad and an internship in China. When students have completed the program, they are highly proficient and culturally literate, with qualities that give them an advantage as they apply for jobs.

The Asia Society has provided a list of the reasons why students should learn Chinese, including that China is an immense market for U.S. goods and services and a vital supplier to American manufacturers and consumers. U.S. trade with China exceeded $450 billion in 2012, second only to trade with and Mexico. These reasons suggest that China presents huge potential for businesses and jobs, and that economic and career motivation can generate a desire to learn Chinese (Why Chinese?, n.d.).

In a study of stakeholder views of Chinese heritage language programs (Liu, 2010b), an interview participant described his daughter’s experience. She worked in a large nuclear company and because she was proficient in Chinese, she was sent to China, where two nuclear stations were going to be built. Long compared students proficient in Chinese to tigers with wings, meaning that they would be competitive in the job market. Another participant related a story in which a man of Chinese heritage lost a precious job opportunity due to his lack of knowledge in Chinese:

Since the American market became saturated, the director of his company decided to send him to other countries to work. Seeing he was Chinese, the director intended to send him to China and Singapore. When the son came home from work, he told his father that it was such a pity that he did not learn Chinese before. He was so unwilling then, but he had to say to his boss that he did not know any Chinese. (p. 158)

Conclusion Compared to decades ago, Chinese language speakers now have a wide variety of programs in which they can continue to learn Chinese, including Chinese heritage language programs, programs in public schools, Chinese immersion programs, STARTALK and Flagship programs, and online classes. The flourishing of Chinese language programs gives Chinese heritage language speakers and others abundant opportunities to use Chinese with Chinese teachers and their peers. There are also many opportunities to use Chinese in contexts where it is welcome and expected in communities, online forums, and even at work. However, increased opportunities will result in increased language capacity only for those with the desire to learn the language. Therefore, one of the big challenges to CHL educators, parents, and administrators is how to arouse students’ desire to learn Chinese and make Chinese learning fun.

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