Rrigated Agriculture in the Chicama Valley, Peru

AN HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 0F {RRIGATED AGRICULTURE IN THE CHICAMA VALLEY, PERU

Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE SNWERSITY JAMES S. KUS 196.7 r—uz.‘uru~.gu

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ABSTRACT

AN HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF IRRIGATED AGRICULTURE IN THE CHICAMA VALLEY, PERU

by James S. Kus

This thesis constitutes a survey and analysis of

irrigated agriculture in the Chicama Valley of northern

coastal Peru. This valley is one of many within the region

in which a long sequence of occupation has been recognized.

By studying the relationships between agricultural patterns

of the early cultures and those of the Valley today a better

understanding of the region can be achieved.

The Chicama River, which originates in the Andes

about one hundred miles from the Pacific Ocean,is used ex-

tensively for irrigation. The coastal part of its valley

is only about thirty miles wide and would be a desert ex-

cept for irrigation water from the river. In recent years

wells have been used in the coastal areas to increase the

amount of water available.

The major crop cultivated is sugar cane, which is

grown on large haciendas. There are two sugar mills which

process the cane from all fields in the valley. The pro—

duction of these mills, including several grades of sugar

and various by-products, is consumed in the northern coastal region, in other areas of Peru, and in the rest of the world.

Other crops, including rice, maize, beans and squash, are James S. Kus grown on a limited basis.

The cultural history of the Chicama Valley has been traced for over 4,000 years. One of the earliest sites thus far discovered on the Peruvian coast, Huaca Prieta, is near the mouth of the Chicama River and was occupied for almost two thousand years by primitive agriculturalists.

Later peoples developed elaborate irrigation systems to permit the cultivation of crops on extensive areas of the coastal plain. The most important of these were the Mochica and Chimu, both highly advanced in their agricultural techniques and socio—political development. It has commonly been asserted that more extensive areas were cultivated during the Mochica and Chimu eras than are under cultivation today. However, a major conclusion of this study is that at no time in the past has the amount of land under irrigation been more extensive than at present. The thesis concludes with a discussion of factors causing changes in land use from prehistoric to modern times. AN HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF IRRIGATED AGRICULTURE

IN THE CHICAMA VALLEY, PERU

James S. Kus

A THESIS

Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Geography

1967 nowledged. corporated have M. members in contributed of editing, Brunnschweiler, aged of itial ance Center not from the have ties

1‘ j Latin M. Geography the good have contributed my during at contributed the Walmsley, suggestions Latin at The study For at Hacienda As America. I offices been Ford Michigan Michigan in thank with Sr. assistance ideas assistance the American at of this Foundation, conducted Percy of writing Michigan Dr. any my ideas geography of Cartavio, to to and Many Case-Western thesis. State Joseph Mr. State advisor, undertaking the the Barkely, Group ideas of and in ACKNOWLEDGMENTS other of Norman without completed development University, State many University, securing through and Spielberg, suggestions which this while of Dr. ii faculty Mr. University. people first w. Carignan, Reserve thesis of the C. were R. in work. the Ted these this w. grant of stimulated or the Grace members in including and made Latin Lindsey, which Minkel, and University, the the type, Peru field, grants, a This Mr. for Vice for and available Other study. use American have must Ernest and many travel study extensive Professor Company. my and Dr. for of President- for been students faculty be interest facili- people Dr. encour— Dr. Dieter guid- could Kidder, received in- through Studies ack- in- James Ialy, of w. R. Grace and Company, were very helpful in the initial stages of field research. Professor Rodriguez

Suy-Suy of the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo and Sr.

Jorge Levallos Quinones, Director of the Museo de Arqueo—

legia of the University, furnished valuable material, and

Sr. Abel Vega Ocampo, the librarian of the Museum, was a ready source of assistance during the study of literature on the early north coast cultures. The Director of the

Departamento de Aguas de Regadio, Sr. Carlos A. Lizarraga

F. D., and the head of irrigation in the Chicama Valley, Ing. César Gonzales Vasquez, provided valuable information. The president of the Comité de Productores de Azucar, Sr.

Carlos Orbegoso Barda, and its technical secretary, Alberto Cedion P., also gave freely of their time. Dr. George

Bornhardt, of Projecto Tinaiones, in the Cajamarca area,

clarified my thinking with regard to coast-sierra relationships and answered many questions during travel through the northern sierra.

In the Chicama Valley I left many friends, to whom

I owe debts for assistance in carrying out my study. At

Hacienda Cartavio, Sr. Manuel Mendiola, Sr. Guillermo

Ganoza, Sr. Manuel Monterro, and Ing. Jaime Seoane were especially helpful. Dr. George Husz, the director of the agricultural experiment station at Hacienda Casa Grande, aided in the study of water use and requirements of various crops in the valley. Finally, Sr. Fernando Rey, of Colmansa

iii Ingenieros, was of great assistance in the analysis of physical features of the Chicama Valley and also furnished detailed air photos.

To all of the people who have assisted in this undertaking, I give my sincere thanks. Especially, I must express thanks to my parents, who have furnished support for the past two years of study at Michigan State Univer- sity, which are concluded with this thesis.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... ii

LIST OF TABLES O O O O O O O O O O O 0 vii

LIST OF MAPS AND FIGURES...... viii

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION ...... [—1

The Problem. . The Study Area Procedure. . . Conclusions. . (”:5an

II. PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY ...... \‘l

The Northern Coast . . . . . The Chicama Valley . . . . .

III. ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY ......

The North Coast: Transportation . The North Coast: Agriculture. . . The North Coast: Other Economic Activities The Chicama Valley: Transportation. The Chicama Valley: Agriculture . Sugar Cane: Planting and Irrigation Sugar Cane: Mechanization . . Sugar Cane: Processing and Shipment Other Agricultural Commodities

IV. PRE-INCA CULTURES o o o o o o o 72

The Northern Coast: Culture Sequence. 72 The Incipient Era. . . . 75 The Developmental Era. . 76 The Florescent Era . . . 80 The Climactic Era. . . . 82 The Northern Coast: Spatial Distribution 0 Cultures ...... 84 The Incipient Era. . . . 84 The Developmental Era. . 86 The Florescent Era . . . 89 The Climactic Era. . . . oooooI-hooooo 93 Chapter Page

The Chicama Valley ...... 94 The Incipient Era...... 95 The Developmental Era...... 98 The Florescent and Climactic Eras. . . . 100

V. RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN PRE-INCA AND MODERN IRRIGATION SYSTEMS ...... 108

The Northern Coastal Region...... 108 The Chicama Valley ...... 112 Summary and Conclusions...... 117

BIBLIOGRAPHY. O O O O O O O 0 O O O O I O O O O O O O 119

vi LIST OF TABLES

Page

Hydrographic Summary of Northern Coastal Rivers

Of Peru 0 O O I O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 19

Meteorological Data for the Chicama Valley,

Peru. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O 0 26

Average Rate of Flow, Chicama River, Peru . . . 32

Northern Peruvian Ports--l96l: Percentage of Total Peruvian Imports and Exports...... 38

Economic Importance of Various Crops in Peru. . 41

Water Rights in the Chicama Valley, Peru. . . . 58

Hacienda Cartavio: Irrigation and Labor Data . 61

Cartavio Sugar Mill: Tons and Source of Cane

GrOund, 1928-1966 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o 68

Cartavio Sugar Mill: Production of Sugar and

its By-prOdUCtS o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 69

10. Archaeological Eras of Northern Coastal Peru. . 74

vii LIST OF MAPS AND FIGURES

Map Page

l. The Physical Divisions of Peru ......

2. Principal Rivers of Northern Coastal Peru. . . 16

3. The Chicama Valley ...... 23

4. Economic Features of Northern Coastal Peru . . 37

5. Economic Features of the Chicama Valley. . . . 52

6. Distribution of Pre-Inca Cultures in Northern Coastal Peru ...... 91

7. Principal Ruins in the Chicama Valley. . . . . 97

Figure Page

Types of Crops in Peru ...... 40

Distribution of Agricultural Return in Peru. 4O

viii CHAPTER I — INTRODUCTION

This thesis constitutes a survey and analysis of irrigated agriculture in the Chicama Valley of northern coastal Peru. The general objective is to evaluate the role of irrigated agriculture in relation to the transformation of primitive peasant society to advanced cultural forms and the consequent changes from subsistence to commercial land use. A more specific objective is to determine the location and extent of both present and past irrigation systems and to ascertain the causes for varia— tions that may have occurred through time. Throughout the text, a description of features in the northern coastal area precedes discussion of the Chicama Valley as a detailed example.

‘Thg_Problem

During the past four to five thousand years, advanced cultures developed slowly in the coastal valleys of Peru. These cultures were based upon irrigated agri— culture, for this region is one of the driest on earth.

Despite repeated invasions by highland people, at least one of the coastal cultures, the Chimu, reached a high level of civilization, traces of which were still in evidence when the Spanish conquered the coast in 1533. After the Spanish conquest, the control of the irrigated coastal lands passed to appointees of the Spanish Crown, who were for the most part uninterested in farming and therefore permitted the complex irrigation systems to decay and fall into ruin. This state of affairs continued until the Nine- teenth Century, when commercial agriculture developed on a large scale, with intensive irrigation farming taking place in the same valleys as were previously cultivated.

The role that irrigated agriculture played in the course of history in the Chicama Valley is typical of the signif— icance of irrigation in the sequence of events all along the Peruvian coast. Thus, this valley is worthy of study as an example of an area where cultural richness and social complexity developed entirely on the basis of irrigated agriculture.

The Chicama Valley is without serious physical limitations for irrigation in that there is relatively more arable land than there is water available. The climate and soil are such that with irrigation the land produces abundant, even multiple, crops each year. In pre-

Columbian times the principal crop was maize, which re— quired little water per unit of land and therefore allowed the farmers to irrigate relatively large areas. Today the major crop is sugar cane, which requires large amounts of water per unit of land, resulting in a reduction of acreage that can be irrigated with the available flow of water in the Chicama River. Archaeologists and anthropologists have repeatedly used these facts to explain the existence of ruins in the desert margins of the valley, far beyond the area that is presently irrigated. There are various reasons why this explanation is unsatisfactory. It is a major conclusion of this thesis that the amount of land used today is greater than at any single time in the past and that the present irrigation systems are more efficient than those that previously existed. By mapping both the present limits and the traces of former systems, a basis for comparison and analysis can be established.

The cultural artifacts of the pre-Columbian coastal civilization are well known throughout the world and have been the object of much study and discussion. While there have been several studies of the social and cultural im- plications of irrigated agriculture in relation to early societies, there has been little study of the nature and scope of the irrigation systems themselves. It is useful, therefore, to ascertain in some detail the nature and ex— tent of this sophisticated form of agricultural enterprise and its interrelationship with other significant cultural and social factors. This study also provides a basis for evaluating the nature of the interaction between coastal cultures and those of the Andes, as well as for a compari— son of former and present irrigation systems in coastal

Peru. ﬂames;

The area studied is that portion of the Chicama watershed which lies within the coastal plain, rather than the entire drainage basin. Almost all of this area lies below an elevation of 1,300 feet. No exact line can be drawn to differentiate the coast from the Andes, and the northern and southern limits of the valley on the plain are also rather vague. These limits are here defined as shown on Map 3 (page 23), which places them three or four miles into the desert beyond the margins of presently cul— tivated land. The study area thus comprises about 400 square miles, of which about one—third is presently irrigated.

Procedure

An extensive survey of literature related to the

Peruvian coastal cultures, the use of irrigation, and the cultivation of sugar cane was conducted in the United

States, both before and after the period of field work in Peru. In Peru a thorough study was made at the library of the Museo de Arqueologia of the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, which contains one of the best collections

of material pertaining to the coastal region.

Field research was conducted in the Chicama Valley to determine 1) the location and extent of modern and pre—

Inca irrigation systems, 2) the role of water and irrigated agriculture within the valley today, and 3) the use of water during the period of the pre—Inca cultures. This work was carried out during a ten-week period in January,

February, and March, 1967. The first half of the period was devoted to the study of modern irrigation, while during the second half the remains of ancient systems were traced. The primary research method involved direct ob— servation and identification. The use of a motorcycle gave easy and rapid access to almost all parts of the study area. Detailed field maps were supplied by the cartographic section of Hacienda Cartavio, greatly facilitating the recording of information. One fairly old aerial photo- graph (1943) was available at Hacienda Cartavio, while recent (1964) photos were supplied by a soil survey crew working in the valley. Topographic maps were unavailable.

Conclusions

From field study and readings, the following conclusions are drawn: 1) that irrigation did indeed play an important role in the cultural history of the coastal peoples, and that advances in cultural level were related to advances in irrigation in either a cause or effect reé lationship; 2) that irrigated agriculture within the Chicama

Valley is now at the highest technical level achieved to date, and at no time in the past was the amount of land irrigated greater than at present; 3) that cultivation of 1 sugar cane is the most efficient use of the land and that i any other use would at present be uneconomic and impractical; 4) that almost all historical variations in the location and extent of irrigation were due to changes in agricultural techniques, the change from subsistence maize to commercial sugar production, or saline conditions of the soils; 5) that the findings related to the Chicama Valley can, with relatively little modification, be applied to the other irrigated valleys of northern coastal Peru. CHAPTER II - PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY

Peru, the fourth largest nation in Latin America, exhibits within its borders some of the most diverse top- ography in the world. Georgraphers are in agreement, how— ever, on the division of the country into three distinct regions. These regions are the coast, a narrow desert belt along the Pacific; the Andes, which border the desert plain and reach heights of over 20,000 feet within a hundred miles of the Pacific; and the montaﬁa, a tropical for- ested lowland east of the Andes and containing over half of the land area of Peru but only a small percentage of the population.

A north-south division of the country, and specif- ically of the coastal region, is more difficult to estab— lish because of the lack of major differences between landforms along the coast. The plain varies in width from about one hundred miles in the desert at Sechura, in ex— treme northern Peru, to points such as Pasamayo and Pati- vilica where the Andean foothills reach the sea and the coastal plain is non-existent. In this study the division of the coast as made by Preston E. James is followed; that is, into Northern, Central, and Southern Coastal regionsl

lPreston E. James, Latin America, Third Edition (New York: The Odyssey Press, 1959), p. 189.

7 (See Map 1). There are three principal reasons for using

this system: 1) the coastal plains are physically rather

homogeneous in each of the three areas, 2) economically

they are more similar internally than would be any other

broad division of the coastal plain, and 3) they had inde-

pendent cultural histories and as such are the standard

divisions used by archaeologists and anthropologists work-

ing on the cultural history of the coastal regions. L. M.

Stumer, a well-known archaeologist, has said that "these

three regions are separated from one another by unusually

large strips of desert between river valleys, a geograph-

ical division which is also reflected in cultural developments. In other words, the separation of the Peruvian coast

into three parts is not arbitrary but has been forced upon us by the prehistoric culture pattern."2

Th§_Northern Eggs;

Physically, the northern coastal region offers a number of advantages for irrigated agriculture as compared with the central and southern regions. The northern coastal plain is generally wider than the plain to the south. It also receives more rainfall, and the rainfall is generally more dependable. Finally, the northern coastal region

2L. M. Stumer, "The Chillon Valley of Peru," Archaeology, Vol. 7, p. 171.

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10 receives more sunshine, a cloud cover being common farther south during the winter months.

The broad area under discussion extends from about

6 1/2 to 10 l/2 degrees south latitude, or from La Leche

Valley, north of the city of Chiclayo, to the Pativilca

Valley, south of Chimbote. This region includes the coastal sections of Lambayeque, La Libertad, and Ancash Depart- ments. Because of economic and cultural differences, the northernmost portion of the Peruvian coastal plain is ex- cluded from this thesis. This eliminates from consideration the Sechura Desert and the oilfields near Tumbes, but makes the study area more homogeneous and therefore a more valid region. While the northern and southern boundaries of the area are easily delineated and the western boundary (the Pacific Ocean) is obvious, it is more difficult to establish an eastern boundary for the region.

At least four different criteria can be used to determine the eastern limits. These include geomorphic, vegetative, demographic, and political distinctions. Actually, a combination of all of these elements has been used in this text.

The variety of landforms within this area is great.

The coastal plain is a desert, however, and except where exotic rivers flow from the mountains eolian landforms predominate. The coastal area and the parallel Andes are geologically complex, but in the interests of the present 11 discussion some consideration of the geological history of the area is essential for an understanding of past and present cultural conditions.

During the Cambrian Period the region was occupied by the ancestral Andes. The leveling of these mountains was almost completed during the Silurian and Devonian

Periods, although the famous guano islands along the coast are thought to be remnants of this mountain range. During the Tertiary Period the present Andean ranges were uplifted and took approximately the form they have today. The erosion of these ranges has taken millions of years. The materials removed by the west-flowing rivers formed the

Tertiary and Quaternary deposits which make up the present coastal plain. Pleistocene glaciation in the adjacent

Andes did not produce glacial landforms in the coastal areas but also contributed heavily to the deposition of sediments in the region.

Extremely varied rock types are found within the region, but most are within sedimentary deposits, indicating the transport of igneous and metamorphic material to its present location. Most of the larger erosional remnants, known locally as cerros, consist of Cretaceous or

Jurassic crystaline rocks, although a few are of volcanic origin.

Of the many landforms in the region, only a few are of major significance for this study. Among these are 12

the wave-cut benches along the shore. Generally there are

two benches along the northern coast, but in some cases

only one is present and in others three or more may have

been formed. Nearly all of the fishing villages and small

port towns are located on the first of these benches, while

larger towns are located on the second bench some distance

inland.

Another significant type of landform of the coastal

region is the guebrada, or dry valley, which is found

throughout the desert areas between the river valleys.

While these guebradas divide the landscape into the famil-

iar dendritic drainage pattern, they function as channels

for flowing water only on rare occasions. But when the

water does flow, it can rapidly change the profile of the

guebrada, due to the lack of sufficient vegetation to bind

the soil and prevent erosion. The landscape can thus change

drastically overnight after one of the major, though infre—

quent, rains that occur in the region.

Another conspicuous landform in the region is the

sand dune. The prevalent onshore breezes, the fine alluvial

materials found throughout the area, and the lack of vege-

tation contribute to the formation of dunes of a fairly

large size. These dunes, where the wind direction is relatively constant, are of crescent shape, and their slow movement across the landscape is one of the geomorphic spectacles of the region. They have a negative effect on 13

human occupance, as roads and railroads within the region

are sometimes closed by their encroachment. The same phe-

nomenon can result in the abandonment of valuable fields

or the destruction of irrigation ditches in areas where

the advancement of the dunes is fairly rapid. On the whole,

however, the role of the wind in the transformation of the

landscape has not been as significant as that of water.

The most influential geomorphic agents in the region re-

main the rivers which flow across the coastal plain.

The principal climatic condition in the northern

coastal region is aridity. The entire coast of Peru is

one of the driest regions on earth, and although the north-

ern part receives slightly more rainfall than areas to the

south, the scarcity of water is still the predominant fea—

ture of the region. There are three major factors that

influence the rainfall regime of the coast. First and

probably foremost is the South Pacific high pressure sys-

tem off the Peruvian coast. Air moving landward out of

this high is descending and gathering moisture; it is phys-

ically impossible for this descending air to produce pre-

cipitation. Of secondary importance is the cold water

along the Peruvian coast. The Peru or Humboldt Current

is responsible for the relative coolness of the coastal

areas. The cold water acts as a deterrent to evaporation

and hence reduces the amount ofemoisture that can be gained by the descending air. It also has a stabilizing effect 14

on air masses that reach the water surface. Once the air

masses reach land they are forced to rise only slightly,

but even then the descending air is of prime importance

in decreasing the possibility of rainfall. In the north—

ern coastal areas the cloud cover is generally light, while

to the south the winter skies are often completely clouded

over, with fog or mists striking the tops of hills and fur-

nishing moisture for an extensive cover of grasses. The

third factor contributing to the dryness of the area is

the Andean barrier to westward—moving air masses. Atlantic

air masses are forced to rise and loose their moisture on

the eastern slopes so that upon reaching the Pacific coast

they are either descending and absorbing moisture from the

area or remaining as upper level masses. In either case,

little or no moisture is contributed to the coastal areas.

It is quite common, in fact, to distinguish between high

level westward-moving air masses of Atlantic origin and

the intermediate-level air masses of Pacific origin, due

to cloud layers moving in opposite directions over the area.

The amount of rain that does fall is much less than the

potential evapotranspiration and fluctuates greatly from

year to year.

Although it is impossible for man and his agricul-

tural activities to exist on the coastal desert without supplemental water, it is possible for an amazing variety of life to survive in this region. The basis for the life 15

that does exist here lies either in the cold water of the

coastal currents or in the isolated areas of underground

or surface water. The Peru Coastal Current is very rich

in marine life, the cold water being filled with plankton

which supports an abundance of higher marine life. This,

in turn, supports a large bird population on the coastal

islands and the more isolated peninsulas. The bird drop-

pings constitute the guano which has long been a major

factor in the Peruvian economy. Of more recent importance

has been the marine life, however, for Peru is now the

world's greatest fishing nation in terms of tonnage.

On land, the existence of life is dependent upon various sources of water, the most important being the

exotic streams that flow from the Andes. Where there are no major rivers, xerophytic shrubs and cacti exist in the

lower portions of the guebradas or leeward of the sand

dunes. Shrubs, mosses, and transitory grasses are also

found in the higher coastal elevations. The latter are

similar to, but not as extensive as, the 19mg; (fog-sup-

ported winter grasses) of the central and southern coastal

areas. The desert fauna includes lizards, several species of fox, other mammals, and a variety of bird life.

The only areas of importance for human occupance today are the valleys of the exotic rivers (Map 2). There are over a dozen of-these valleys within the northern coastal region, all very similar in nature. Among the most 5:31.}

MAP 2 PRINCIPAL RIVERS ‘I OF j NORTHERN COASTAL PERU

on ”4050 ”ALEIIHJS

17 important of these are the valleys of the Rios La Leche,

Lambayeque, Jequetepeque, Chicama, Moche, Viru, Santa,

Nepena, and Pativilca. "The Lambayeque and La Leche valleys form one of the richest agricultural areas on the coast.

These two valleys cross the coastal plains in the zone of maximum width, and the rivers descending from the interior flow out onto a slightly elevated plain; where they leave the foothills, their level is little below that of the surrounding land. As they extend seaward over the gently sloping plateau, their burden of sediment is spread over a large area, making it possible to grow sizeable quanti— ties of rice. . . ."3 The Jequetepeque, Chicama, and Moche valleys are well-watered; extensive areas in each of these valleys are devoted to sugar cane and rice. The Viru river is one of the smaller streams on the coast, but the valley could become more important in the future if projects to draw water from the Santa valley, the next valley to the south, are completed. The Nepeﬁa and Pativilca valleys have only limited amounts of arable land, but what is available is used for commercial crops and is thus of major importance.4

Although only the Santa is among the six leading coastal rivers of Peru in average yearly discharge, the

3David A. Robinson, Peru in Four Dimensions (Lima: American Studies Press, 1964), p. 174. 41bid., pp. 174-76. 18

Lambayeque, Chicama, La Leche, and Jequetepeque are among the six leading coastal valleys in amount of land under irrigation. There are several reasons why these valleys of the north coast have relatively larger irrigated areas than the valleys to the south. First, as shown in Table 1, these four valleys have smaller year-to-year and month-to- month fluctuations in the amount of water available. This simply reflects that to maximize the use of water a dependable supply must be available. Second, the amount of water available in these four valleys is relatively large. While the Lambayeque, Chicama, La Leche, and Jequetepeque rivers are not large enough to be included among the six greatest in amount of flow, each does have a larger flow than the average for all Peruvian coastal streams. Finally, and probably most important, there is within the valleys of these rivers a fairly large amount of flat land that can be readily irrigated. In valleys to the south the amount of irrigable land is relatively small, hence a greater percentage of water in southern valleys goes unused. In the valleys of the north, and especially in the above mentioned, the amount of irrigable land is fairly large and, in some cases, even greater than the amount that can potentially be irrigated.

The Chicama Valley

The Chicama Valley has been selected as the focal point in this study because of historical, economic, and 19

35 35

210

540

175

1365 1050 3220 Dec.

11515

280 245

2683 540 140

3258 1165

1431

9947 9236

2835 34139 1610 1120

16093 Nov.

8400 110169

Minimum

Discharge

280 735 210 105

455 Record)

2275 1190

6545

Oct. of 5211

35 35 35 79988 27968 315 315 13804

175 19712

490 82351 86954 263823 113648 1400

PERU Sept.

4760

Maximum

(1948-57)

Discharge Years 168—69.

OF 35

35 35

295

140 560 350

ge 420

Aug. 4830

pp. (Total

2439

7308

4805

70 70

51520 32102 31577 35286

35 10510

RIVERS

280

560 595 163814

Discharge

840 Discharge

Average

5425 1470 Dischar

July 1964, 70 70 945 175

feet)

River 420 7350 1015 1400 1820

COASTAL

June Yearly Years 37 32 16 30 44 44 45 45 40

1 Record 700 140 630 350

cubic 2310 2135 2660 3080

May of

Dimensions, 11690 Total

of Average

TABLE

NORTHERN

Averages Four

945 595

7525 2695

1295

6475 6755

4305 Apr.

24150

1932 1912

1912 1912

1914 1912 1913

1914 1914

Record

Date Earliest

(millions

980

, ) Peru 1400 3395

Ten-Year 9975 1330

SUMMARY 4760 8610

Mar.

33005

10710

2614

3689

6328

27415

24524 11228

33078

49427 240786

770

595

945 Yearly

5425

3150 1785

9065 Feb. 4305

Average

(1948-57

24235 Robinson,

245 455 A.

HYDROGRAPHIC 490

2205 2695 2415

5380 1645

Jan.

17850 David

Leche

Santa Nepeﬁa Pativilca Santa Nepeﬁa Pativilca

River Chicama

Jequetepeque Source: Viru Viru

La Lambayeque Moche Chicama

Lambayeque Jequetepeque Moche

River La

20 physical factors. Historically, the cultural sequence in the valley is particularly long and well established. The

American archaeologists Bird and Bennett, and the Peruvian archaeologists Tello, Muelle, and Larco Hoyle, have done extensive work in the valley and have unearthed evidence of human occupance in the valley as early as 3000 B.C.5

The basic archaeological and historical work already completed simplifies greatly the field work and analysis of data conducted in connection with this thesis. Economic- ally, the irrigated sugar haciendas within the Chicama

Valley are among the world's most efficient. This in itself would make them worthy subjects for geographic analysis and make irrigation in the cultural sequence an interesting phenomenon to study. From the standpoint of slope, drainage, and water supply, a study of changes in location and extent of irrigated agriculture requires that the area in question be such as to permit change within the limits of the agricultural system. If the amount of available water exceeds the land that could be irrigated by it, and so long as this condition exists, the amount of land irri— gated is likely to be the entire irrigable area. On the other hand, if the amount of irrigable land exceeds the amount of water available, or if the amount of water fluctuates greatly above and below the amount required for

5Junius Bird, "Preceramic Cultures in Chicama and Viru,“ American Antiquity, Vol. 13 (1948), p. 23. 21 maximum utilization of the land, the actual area under ir— rigation may be changing constantly in response to changing conditions. In an area where the first condition exists (more water than irrigable land) the determination of changes in areas irrigated would be exceedingly diffi— cult, as it would be unlikely that such changes would have taken place beyond the initial increase to the maximum amount of irrigable land. The Chicama Valley meets the qualifications of a valley in which change is clearly possible. The amount of irrigable land is greater than the availability of water at present, as it was in the past.

A good short description of the Chicama Valley is that from a recent Peruvian government bulletin: The valley of the Rio Chicama is located in the department of La Libertad, between the parallels 07° 20' and 07° 54' of south latitude and the meridians 78° 17' and 79° 18' of longitude west. It is limited on the north by the valley of the Rio Jequetepeque, the south by the valley of the Rio Moche, the east by the province of Cajamarca, and on the west b the Pacific Ocean. It has an area of 5,806 Km. [2,242 square miles] that rep- resents approximately 0.45% of the total surface of the national territory. Its form is almost rectangular. Its greatest length east to west is 105 Km. [65 miles]; its greatest width north to south is 56 Km. [35 miles]. The length of the6 Rio Chicama is approximately 164 Km. [102 miles].6

While the watershed of the valley is described above as being rectangular, the irrigable sections of the valley

6"Cuenca del Rio Chicama, Periodo 1911- 60, " Bole- tin de Estadistica Meteorologica e Hidrologica, No. 10, Servicio de Agrometeorologia e Hidrologia (Lima: 1962), pp. 9-10. 22

actually extend westward in a broad wedge-shaped plain from

near Hacienda Pampas de Jaguey, where the river leaves the

mountains and enters the coastal plain (See Map 3). Here

the river ceases down-cutting and begins to deposit its

load. The landscape beyond this point is depositional in

nature and of recent origin. Above the hacienda there is

little flat land available for commercial or subsistence

crops, while below that point there is within a short dis-

tance more land available than there is usable water. About

five miles downstream from Hacienda Pampas de Jaguey, the

river, which up to that point flows in a southwesterly

direction, turns due west through the last ridge of the

Andes. Once through this barrier, the river again turns

to the southwest and flows straight to the ocean. In so

doing, it leaves a relatively small amount of irrigable

land on its south bank, but on the north side the poten—

tially irrigable land extends for well over twenty miles.

In the central parts of this valley are several erosional

remnants, but they occupy a relatively small percentage

of the total valley area. Back of the shoreline, which

at this latitude extends in a northwest-southeast direc—

tion, the potentially irrigable land extends for over

thirty-five miles. In crossing the coastal plain, a dis—

tance of twenty—five miles, the river drops only about 600

feet, for a slope of less than one percent.

The climate of the Chicama Valley is similar to

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24 that of the entire northern coast. However, there are some relevant micro—climatic changes within the valley, especially between the areas above Hacienda Pampas de Jaguey and the lower areas on the coastal plain. Nevertheless, there is a remarkable consistency of weather throughout the valley, almost to the extent that one accustomed to frequent change might find it unpleasant. Wallace E. Howell, of Harvard University, has written the following description:

The Chicama Valley, lying close to the equator and being largely under the influence of the sub- tropical high pressure cells, experiences rela— tively small changes in most weather elements due to large—scale weather processes, and a large part of the change is therefore diurnal in nature. The diurnal influences in the form of valley and moun— tain winds and sea breezes find clear and regular expression, and dominate many features of the daily weather.7

These diurnal changes take the form, in the lower valley at least, of morning off-shore breezes of considerable strength and on-shore breezes in the late afternoon and early evening.

Meteorological statistics for the Chicama Valley are well kept and easily available. There are at present four meteorological stations within the valley, although the length of record and the type of data recorded is not uniform. Puerto Chicama, in the northwestern part of the

7Wallace E. Howell, Local Weather of the Chicama Valle (Cambridge, Mass.: Wallace E. Howell Associates, 1952) p. 8. 25 valley, has recorded average temperature since 1925 and rainfall since 1945. Hacienda Chiclin, near the central part of the valley, recorded temperature and precipitation from 1930 to 1936 and has been recording only temperature since 1957. Hacienda Cartavio, in the southern part of the valley, has recorded precipitation, evaporation, and average, minimum, and maximum temperatures since 1944, while Hacienda Casa Grande, in the northern part of the valley, has recorded the same data since 1934. An abstract of figures for each of these stations is presented in Table

The warmest months are during the southern hemi— sphere summer, with February usually the warmest. In general, there is a ten degree F. range between the warmest and the coldest month. Elevation or location within the valley are relatively unimportant in determining average temperatures, but have a greater relationship to the rainfall pattern. Puerto Chicama, along the shore, receives the least rainfall, while Hacienda Casa Grande, the highest and most inland climatic station of the lower valley, has the greatest rainfall of the four lower valley stations.

The figures for Cajamarca, about seventy-five miles to the northeast of Casa Grande and at an elevation of over 8,000 feet, are indicative of the amount of rain received in the headwater areas of the Chicama River. The dry winter season is especially notable at all of the stations. 26

.72 .32 .00

.15 .38

70.7 70.4

Year Year Year Year

1.24

.00 .08 .34 .04

.01 .00 71.6

71.2 Dec. Dec.

Dec. Dec.

.08 .00 .00 .00 .02 .00

68.9 68.0 Nov.

Nov. Nov. Nov.

.00

.04 .14

.01 .04 .00 66.9

68.0 PERU Oct. Oct. Oct. Oct. F. F.

.00

.00 .01

.06 .00

.01 66.1 67.7 Sept.

Sept. Sept.

Sept. VALLEY, Years)

Years) Years)

Years)

.02

.06 .00

.00

.00 .00 66.1 68.0 Degrees Degrees Aug.

Aug. Aug. Aug. 11

Inches 6 35

Inches in

in CHICAMA

.00

.02 .10

.00

.00 .00 67.0 68.9

Chiclin July July

July

July THE

Chicama

TABLE Record:

Record: Record:

Record:

.00 .02 .00

.00

.00 .02 68.0

69.8 FOR June

June

June June of

Rainfall Rainfall of

of of

Puerto

Hacienda Temperatures

Temperatures DATA

.00

.01 .05

.00 .00

.00 71.6 69.8 May May

May May

Total

Total (Period

(Period (Period

(Period

.07 .16 .00

.00

.00 .18 74.7 74.0

Apr. Apr.

Apr. Apr. Average Average

.22 .00

.48

.03 .00

.12

77.6 75.9

Mar. Mar.

Mar. Mar. METEOROLOGICAL

.12 .46 .01

.10

.00 .03 77.8 76.1 Feb. Feb.

Feb.

.13 .00

.27

.00 .16 .03

75.2 74.3

Jan.

High Av.

High

Av. Low Av. Av. Low

.00

.63

.00 .41

68.6

Year Year Year

1.31

1.24

.08 .60 .00

.00 .03 .20

69.3 Dec. Dec.

Dec. Dec. Dec.

.18 .00

.09 .03 .02 .00

65.1

Nov.

NOV. Nov. Nov. .00 .44 .03 .36 .00

.05

64.6 Oct. Oct. Oct. Oct. F.

.02 .17 .00

.01 .08

.00

1.8 64.2 3.9

Sept.

Sept. Sept. Sept.

Years)

Years) Years)

Inches

.00 .04

.00

.00 .02

.00

1.5

3.8 64.4 Degrees

Aug.

Aug. Aug.

27 21 17

Inches 17 Inches

in in

Grande

.01 .10

.00

.07 .00

.01

1.4 64.8 3.3

Cartavio July

July July

Casa

2-Continued

Record: Record: Record:

Record: Record:

.00 .00

.03

.02 .10 .00

1.6 66.5

4.0

June June

June June June

Rainfall Rainfall of of

of of of

Evaporation

Hacienda

TABLE Temperatures

.01 .09 .00

.01 .00

.04

2.0

5.3 69.8

Hacienda

May

May May

Total

(Period

(Period (Period

(Period

.06 .32 .00

.22 .00

.05

2.4 71.6

5.7

Apr.

Apr. Apr.

Apr. Average

.17 .65 .00

.06 .00

.33

74.8 3.0

5.4

Mar. Mar. Mar. Mar.

Mar.

.13 .88 .00

.11 .51 .00

75.2

Feb. Feb. Feb.

Feb.

.00

.28 .08

.05 .22 .00

73.4 Jan.

Jan.

Jan. Jan. High High

Av.

Av. Low Av. Av. Av. Low

29.7 69.8 PD-

Year Year

70.7 2.74

Dec. Dec. 12-13. Pluvial,

2.80

67.8 Nov. Nov. pp. 2.64 66.7 Oct. Oct.

.80 Precipitacion F. 64.9

Sept. Sept. y Temperatura, de

Years) Years)

.48 65.2 Total Degrees Aug.

Aug. 27

Inches 10

(continued) in

.14

in 65.3

July July

Grande

.26

2——Continued

Record: Record: 67.1

Cajamarca

June Evaporacidn June

Rainfall of

of Meteorologicas

Casa de

TABLE Temperatures

1.25 68.9 May

May

Total (Period

(Period 73.4 Promedios

Hacienda 4.82 Apr.

Apr. Average

and 76.1

5.98

Mar. Mar. Meteorologicos 35, 77.0 3.99 and Feb. Feb. Promedios

8-12 75.1

3.79

Jan.

Jan. Source: Av. Av.

An important climatic factor in the Chicama Valley

is the great variability of precipitation. Rainfall in

the valley follows the geographic maxim that the less pre-

cipitation there is the less dependable it is. Almost

every month at every station has at some time been com—

pletely rainless during the period of record. On the other

hand, the maximum rainfall in a given month is often six

or seven times greater than the monthly average. While

the maximum figures for the individual months have seldom

been within the same year, the recording of several rain—

less months in succession is not uncommon. In fact, at

Cartavio there was no rain recorded at all during 1944 and

1945, and it was not until December, 1946, that the dry

spell was broken by .13 inches of rain. Casa Grande's

longest period without rain was twenty-six months, while

Puerto Chicama once discontinued recording precipitation

after only .30 inches of rainfall occurred during fifty-

eight months! It is obvious from these examples that pre-

cipitation within the valley is not only undependable but

that the entire area would be a barren desert without some

external source of water, gig., the exotic rivers.

Historically, the principal source of water avail-

able to the valley has been the Chicama River. While the

emubunt of water supplied by the river is not great when connpared with several other Peruvian rivers, the relative abLlndance of arable land permits maximum utilization. The 30

Chicama Valley consequently ranks second among all Peruvian

coastal valleys in total area under cultivation.

Wallace E. Howell, in his study of weather in the

valley, describes the Chicama River as follows:

On the Pacific side of the divide . . . the grassland falls off abruptly into steep V—shaped ravines, relieved by less steeply sloping benches at disconnected levels mostly above 8,000 feet elevation. Below 6,000 feet elevation, nearly all slopes are steep and eroded. . . .

In its lower course the Chicama is obviously an exotic river and receives no significant in— flow from tributaries or percolation. At intermediate levels, the nature of the river changes with the season; from some time after the beginning of the rainy season until its end, water reaches the river both as run-off immediately following rainfall and as infiltrating ground- water. During the dry season, the inflow becomes insignificant in this part of the valley too, and the small amount of rain that might reach it is re-evaporated into the air. Only at the very highest elevations does inflow continue throughout the year, and even there it is limited to infiltration of ground water for a considerable part of the dry season.8

The amount of water in the Chicama River varies

markedly from month to month and from year to year. The

average flow over a fifty-year period is 12,927 cubic feet

per second. The highest rate of flow for a single year

during the same period was over three times this amount

(41,375 cu. ft./sec.), and the lowest rate of flow was lxass than one-third the fifty-year average (3,355 cu.ft./

8Ibid., pp. 1 and 12. 31

sec.). The monthly averages, summarized in Table 3, show

a similar relationship between high, low, and average

rates of flow°

While these figures of the rate of flow are for

the period 1911 to 1960, if similar data were available

for the period 1961-66 it would not be very different.

The past few years have been very dry, corresponding to

the several dry periods which reduced the flow of the

river in the past. The most recent dry period began in

1958, and was of much concern in the valley during the

initial period of field work for this study. However,

the river was in peak flood stage during much of February

and March, 1967, so the drought conditions have apparently

been broken.

During recent decades, and especially during the

past few years when the availability of water has been

erratic, the agriculturists of the valley have increasing-

ly turned to wells as a secondary source of supply. Some

of the first wells, however, were excavated to compensate

for inequalities in the distribution of available water

.rather than fluctuations in amounts. These wells were in

use during the first years of the Twentieth Century, when

the amount of ground water was thought to be almost limit—

Jﬁess. However, the expense of digging wells and maintain— ing; them prohibited their widespread use. Wells were 32

279

315

1336

Dec.

195 620

Nov.

280

139

233 168-69.

1308

Oct.

Low:

Low: pp.

212

1215

Sept.

PERU 1964,

184

460

Aug.

1068

1061

RIVER,

283

601

Second)

July

Av.: Av.:

3 Dimensions,

CHICAMA

per

Period)

120

424

1273

June Four

TABLE

Feet

FLOW,

Year

250 in

3855

1061

May

(45

3430

6084 Peru

(Cubic

560

2759

9550

RATE

Apr.

High:

565

3572

Mar.

14623 Robinson,

AVERAGE

127 A.

2328

Feb.

19180

averages

778 David

1167 all

Jan.

averages

13398

of Source:

High

Av.

Low Mean

Yearly

initially about twenty to thirty feet deep, although water

was often found in large quantities at depths of less than

ten feet.9 During more recent years, and especially dur—

ing the past two years when the lack of water has meant

the loss of commercial acreage, the amount of drilling

activity has been great. But, the water table has dropped

at a rate faster than new wells can be constructed or pres—

ent wells extended. This supports the fact that the amount

of water available is still a determining factor in the

extent of agriculture, whether the water is from the river

or from underground sources.

9V. F. Marsters, "Condiciones Hidrologicas de los Vallles del Departamento de La Libertad," Boletin del Cuerpo QESIngenieros de Minas del Peru (Lima: 1909), p. 29. CHAPTER III - ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY

The Peruvian north coast is economically the most

advanced region in the country. Although beset with phys—

ical problems which might in other nations seem to be in—

surmountable, the northern coastal region has the advantage

of ready markets, good transportation, adequate capital,

and a surplus production of commercial crops. It is in

the latter that the area specializes. This is one of the

most efficient sugar producing regions on earth, and the

cultivation of sugar cane is on a highly commercial basis.

Thg_North Coast: Transportation

Transportation in the northern Peruvian coastal

region is well developed. While rail transport is of only

local importance, the north coast's highway network is ex—

cellent, and good air and sea routes connect with the rest

of the country and the outside world. The access to mar-

kets which these transportation systems give has been an

important factor in the development of commercial activi—

ties in the Peruvian north.

The most important land route in Peru is the Pan—

IMnerican Highway, which parallels the coast for about 1,800 aﬁLles. Of this distance, about 750 miles are within the noz‘thern coastal region. It is economically significant in ‘that this highway is the only north—south road traversing

34 35

the entire country. In many cases where direct travel be-

tween two interior points is impossible, connections are

made to the coast, then on the Pan—American Highway north

or south, and finally into the interior to the destination

point. Hence the highway not only connects the coastal

centers with one another, but carries traffic to and from

adjacent Andean regions as well.

In most parts of the northern coastal region the

Pan-American is a two—lane asphalt highway. The road is

generally in good repair and, although it lacks shoulders,

is an excellent transportation route. Problems are encoun—

tered in almost all sections of the highway beyond the ag-

ricultural areas, because drifting sands obscure vision

and sometimes block the entire highway. During the rainy

season the highway is at times flooded by the coastal

rivers. Yet, when all else is considered, this road is

still the best in Peru.

Despite generally favorable structural conditions,

serious problems exist concerning traffic on the highway.

The Pan-American Highway in Peru is a dangerous highway,

due mainly to the types of traffic using the road and

faulty driving habits. Traffic varies from modern high-

speed coIIectivos, or taxis, and interprovincial buses and

triacks, tokmotorcycles, horsecarts, bicycles and pedestri— anss. This mixture is largely unsupervised, for only in urkoan areas are there police to enforce traffic regulations. 36

Railroads are relatively unimportant within the northern coastal region. None extend into the sierra any great distance, and none extend north and south along the coast. The major function of the railroads is in most cases strictly intra-valley transport, such as the movement of sugar from mills to the sea or of minerals from mines to mills along the coast. The line from Pacasmayo to Chilete and the line from Chimbote to Huallanca are examples of the latter, while the remaining six or seven railroads are all used in the sugar industry (See Map 4).

Until completion of the Pan-American Highway in the 1920's, the principal means of coastal transportation was the sea. While coast-wise shipping has become relatively unimportant since the Second World War, ocean-going vessels still account for all but a small percentage of

Peru's foreign trade. Physical factors have nevertheless greatly hindered this trade. Only two of the six major ports on the north coast have facilities for direct load— ing of ocean-going vessels. At the other four ports goods must be transported in lighters to and from ships anchored well off shore.

The four ports which use lighters are Pimental and

Eten (both ports for Chiclayo), Pacasmayo, and Chicama.

The major export from each of these ports is sugar, in either a raw or refined state. Exports at each outrank imports in value by at least a two-to-one margin. The two

— --— lllll-lAllOAOS ‘I

- C) 4 a —

IO 4 O 3 ll O 6 7 2 5 I

CAJAIARCA ETEN FORTE WALLMCA PIMENTEL CMCLAYO unuwuvs “COTE TRUJILLO nuuoa «roars MMRTMENTLL PACASMAYO CHILETE “LAVERRY PUERTO WHES AREAS (wuss ABOVE CHCANA OO‘ BASE: 0 MAPA SCALE IO 20 DEL IN

30 “LE3 PERU 40 :T,N0RTHERN 50 FlSlCO-POLITICO

(,0 \I ECONOMIC MAP OF COASTAL FEATURES 4

PERU

38 ports that have dockside facilities for large vessels are

Salaverry, the port for Trujillo, and Chimbote. Salaverry was developed during the middle fifties into one of the most modern ports on the coast, with a good pier, break- water, and automatic loading equipment. Its principal export is sugar. Chimbote has the best natural harbor in

Peru. Its excellent port facilities were developed recently to handle coal and steel exports from an expanding in— dustrial hinterland. The 1961 port figures for these cities are presented in Table 4.

TABLE 4

NORTHERN PERUVIAN PORTS - 1961:

PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL PERUVIAN IMPORTS AND EXPORTS

Imports Exports Port Tonnage Value Tonnage Value

Pimentel 1.7% 1.5% 1.5% 2.9% Eten 0.4% 0.2% 1.3% 2.6% Pacasmayo 0.6% 0.2% 0.4% 0.5% Chicama 0.5% 0.4% 1.6% 3.3% Salaverry 0.5% 1.2% 2.5% 4.2% Chimbote 1.4% 0.5% .3.3% 5.1%

Total Percentages 5.1% 4.0% 10.6% 18.6%

Peruvian Totals: Thousands of Tons 2,134 9,707 Millions of Dollars 457 502

Source: David A. Robinson, Peru in Four Dimensions, 1964, p. 281.

The northern coastal region is well served by air transport companies. The Compaﬁia de Aviacion Faucett, 39 founded in Peru in 1928, connects Chimbote, Trujillo, and Chiclayo with interior cities and with Lima. SATCO (éggr vicio Aéreo de Transporte Comercial), a division of the

Peruvian Air Force, and APSA, the Peruvian international airline, also serve the region. No international flights originate in the north, although flights from Ecuador bound for Lima make scheduled stops at Chiclayo and Trujillo.

In addition to these lines, several of the region's larger corporations maintain regular flights to and from Lima.

EEEHEQEEE.222§E‘ Agriculture

The dominant economic activity within the northern coastal region is agriculture. The principal crop is sugar cane; because of all the crops that could be grown on a large scale, sugar cane yields the greatest return per acre planted. The coastal areas produce mainly for export, where— as the highland areas produce most of Peru's food but few agricultural exports. The lack of food production on the coast results in a strong economic interdependence between the sierra and the coastal regions. Table 5 indicates the most important agricultural commodities of Peru as a whole and the relative values of each. Four of the ten most important crops (cotton, sugar cane, rice, and citrus) are grown chiefly in the coastal regions, and two of these

(sugar cane and rice) are most important in the northern coastal region. Figures 1 and 2 give an idea of the 40

FIGURE I TYPES OF CROPS IN PERU (1963)

FRUITS SUGAR CANE PASTURE COTTON

TUBERS

CEREALS

SOURCE: mmucm Ecououm DE LOS ONERiOS cumvos ﬂ

FIGURE 2 DISTRIBUTION OF AGRICULTURAL RETURN IN' PERU (NONE TARY VALUE)

FRUITS SUGAR CANE PASTURE

COTTON OT HE R

CEREALS TUBERS

SOURCE: ”TAM“ ecouonca M L03 DIVERSOS CULTIVOS I “7

41 relative importance of these crops in the agriculture of

Peru.

TABLE 5

ECONOMIC IMPORTANCE OF VARIOUS CROPS IN PERU

Value Return Cultivated Return Production 000's Dollars/ Crop Acres Lbs./Acre Tons Dollars Acre

Cotton 615,000 1,415 387,283 115,150 187 Potatoes 654,000 5,270 1,531,130 93,750 143 Sugar Cane 219,000 128,460 7,698,560 45,575 208 Alfalfa 323,000 33,160 4,758,920 38,420 119 Maize 867,000 1,305 502,580 35,000 40 Coffee 305,000 445 52,740 33,315 109 Rice 205,000 3,845 351,475 30,530 148 Platanos 111,000 8,885 438,995 14,460 131 Yuca 125,000 8,950 496,520 13,490 108 Citrus 33,000 14,200 205,320 11,745 361

Source: Ministerio de Agricultura, Importancia Economica de Los Diversos Cultivos, 1964, p. 1.

That sugar cane is the most important crop in the northern coastal region is not explained completely by the fact that it yields high returns per acre planted. Citrus fruit, the tenth most important crop in Peru, yields almost twice as much per acre as does sugar cane. Olives, the eighteenth most important crop, yield an economic return almost three times as great ($530 per acre), although they are grown on only a few thousand acres.lo One of the best

10Importancia Economica de Los Diversos Cultivos - 1964 (Lima: Estadistica Agraria Universidad Agraria y _".'—H' Ministerio . de Agricultura), . p. l. 42

studies of agriculture in Peru, C. T. Smith's "Aspects of

Agriculture and Settlement in Peru," gives the following explanation of one factor in the relative importance of

sugar cane:

The combination of an all the year round growing season and abundant irrigation water makes it possible to rotate sugar cultivation so that a constant supply of ripe cane is available for re— fining. Detailed control of irrigation is obviously necessary to insure differential ripening, in- volving an elaborate system of cement-lined canals and careful drainage. On this basis the sugar mill can be kept operating throughout the year, except for a brief period of a few weeks when the mill is closed down for repairs and maintenance. But rotation of sugar harvests means that a sugar mill can deal with the production of cane from a much larger area than where it is grown under seasonal conditions. This may be one of the factors, though probably not the most important, which has encour- aged the trend over the last fifty years towards larger estates.ll

Among other factors which have led to the dominance of sugar cane within the region are physical features such as the

large amount of available land, the fairly dependable supply of water, and the lack of a seasonal cloud cover. This

is also the area in which sugar cane was first grown in

Peru, hence a tradition of growing sugar cane has developed

and increased the importance of the crOp.

Sugar was first grown in Peru by the Spaniards dUr— ing the 1540's (reputedly by Diego de Mora in the Chicama

11C. T. Smith, "Aspects of Agriculture and Settle— ment in Peru," Geographical Journal, Vol. 76 (1960), p. 399. 43

Valley in 1540)12 as a supplement to the food crops then

being grown on the coast. Cane remained of relatively minor

importance during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,

with production in the year 1800 being some 6,000 tons,

of which about one-fourth was exported.13 In the latter

part of the nineteenth century new capital from Europe and

the United States led to a consolidation of smaller produc—

ing units. In 1900 sugar exports of 112,000 tons accounted

for sixty-three percent of the total value of Peruvian ex-

ports.14 The absolute amount of sugar exported has increased

since then, but the relative percentage has decreased to the

point that sugar accounted for only eleven percent of the

total value of exports in 1960.15

The rapid increase in sugar production since the

1890's has been accomplished in two ways: increases in

acreage and increases in per-unit yields. During the last

fifty years the amount of land planted to sugar cane has

increased slightly more than sixty percent, while the total

production of sugar cane has increased well over 200 per-

cent. These conditions, according to David Robinson, are

12Victor Von Hagen, Highway of the Sun (London: Gallancy, 1956), p. 269.

13Robinson, loc. cit., p. 313. 14Ibid. 15Ibid., p. 382. 44

attributable "to improved technology, to the greater plant-

ing of cane varieties adapted to Peruvian conditions, to

the increased use of fertilizers, to the mechanization of

operations, to improved irrigation, and to increased con-

trol of planting and harvesting."16 Coupled with the in-

crease of capital brought in by foreign investors, and ex-

panded markets both within Peru and in the world as a whole,

these factors enabled land owners in northern Peru to sub-

stantially increase their production of sugar.

In the northern coastal valleys the cultivation

of sugar is concentrated on a few sugar haciendas. In 1966,

some 200,000 acres were devoted to sugar cane in Peru.

Of this amount, eighty-five percent was in the Lambayeque,

Zana, Chicama, and Moche valleys, and another ten percent

was in the Nepeﬁa and Pativilca valleys. The Chicama and

Moche valleys produce over half of the sugar of Peru, with

Hacienda Casa Grande in the Chicama Valley producing over

one quarter of the total.17

Although Peru produces only about 1 1/2 percent

of the world's sugar, the industry is especially important

in Peru because: 1) the sugar producing area is relatively

concentrated, 2) the producing concerns are among the world's lnost efficient, and 3) the production of sugar is carried out.hand in hand with a developing industrial complex which

l6Ibid., p. 313.

17Sugar Producers Committee, Sugar Statistics (Lima: 1967), p.]” 45 uses sugar cane as a base. The concentration of the sugar industry has meant that within the producing region sugar is by far the most important source of income, almost to the exclusion of subsistence crops. Consequently, the problems and successes of the sugar industry correlate closely with the economic status of the northern coastal region. Only Hawaii produces more cane per unit of land than does Peru. According to the Peruvian Ministry of

Agriculture, average yields in tons of cane cut per acre in various sugar producing countries in 1955 were: Hawaii

85, Peru 68, Puerto Rico 25, Philippine Islands 21, United

States 18, and Cuba 17. 18 In some areas of the Chicama and Lambayeque valleys the production figures exceed the average for Hawaii. Finally, at several haciendas within the northern coastal region sugar cane is used as the raw material in a sophisticated industrial complex. For example, at Hacienda Cartavio both raw and refined sugar are produced, along with molasses, diesel and boiler fuels, alcohol, rum, and acetic acid. Hacienda Paramonga, in the

Pativilca Valley, uses the fibrous bagasse from the milled cane to produce paper, and a similar factory is under con— struction at Hacienda Cartavio. Other haciendas are also

18Robinson, loc. cit., p. 313, quoting Ministerio de Agricultura: La Situacion Agropecuaria en el Peru 1946 a 1956, Lima, 1958. 46 beginning to develop industrial sidelines.

There are several different grades of sugar produced.

These are “Bxportation,” or granulated raw; Blanca Refinada,

or refined white; Marca "T", or brown sugar; and Chancaca,

the lowest quality sugar produced.19 The production of

Exportation grade is strictly controlled by the Sugar Pro— ducers Committee, in Lima, which allots quotas to each of the haciendas on the basis of percent of total production.

These quotas indicate the amount of sugar each hacienda may produce for the United States market. In general, the amount of export grade (granulated raw) is about ten times the amount of refined sugar produced on the haciendas, but a large amount of this raw sugar is further refined elsewhere in Peru.

The second most important crop in the northern coastal region is rice. Rice yields are the third great— est of all major crops grown in Peru (see Table 5, page

41). Small land owners who do not have ready access to a sugar mill or the equipment to grow cotton usually turn to rice as the next best source of income. Since Peru is a net importer of rice there is a ready market for the grain, and recent government policy decisions have tended to encourage its production.20

lgIbid., p. 314. 20Ibid., p. 307. 47

The area around Chiclayo, and particularly the La

Leche, Lambayeque, and Jequetepeque valleys, is the rice bowl of Peru, producing over half of the nation's crop.

In these valleys the large sugar haciendas occupy the upper parts of the flood plain and traditionally have used most of the water available for irrigation. With recent changes in both the amount of water available (through storage dams and diversion of east-flowing rivers) and the distribution of water resources (through government control), the rice growers in the lower parts of these valleys have been in a better position to increase yields.

In fact, rice acreage has tripled during the last fifty years, and yields per acre have increased more than fifty percent. Per capita consumption of rice in Peru has almost doubled during the same period.21

A large part of the rice grown in the northern coastal region is consumed there. Of that which is not, substantial amounts are shipped to the central coastal region and particularly to Lima, or to the Andean area adjacent to the north coast. Within the northern region itself, rice is a major dietary item, usually being served twice a day. Its popularity as a basic food is due to its ease of preservation and distribution, as well as its low cost. With ample markets, land, transportation facilities,

211bid., p. 305. 48

and labor, only the lack of more irrigation water prevents

this part of Peru from becoming a major world exporter of

rice.

Maize is the traditional food crop of the region,

having its origin in Peruvian pre-history. The amount of

land in maize has decreased during the past forty years,

due mainly to the expansion of rice acreage. Maize yields

are relatively low per acre, although the use of modern

hybrids has changed this condition somewhat during the past

decade. Maize is used more in the feeding of hogs and poul-

try than for human consumption in the northern coastal val—

leys, which is the direct opposite of its use in the high-

lands. The per capita consumption of corn in Peru as a

whole has declined by more than half during the past four

decades.22

Corn grown for subsistence is often combined in

fields with other crops. For example, the area between

corn rows is commonly planted to squash, beans, or some

other vegetable. In some cases corn can be seen on the

dikes separating rice paddies, or in fields devoted pri— marily to bananas. Potatoes, yuca, chili, peanuts, wheat, cotton, and sesame are also grown in limited amounts in the northern coastal region. Sesame could become of commercial importance as the source of edible oils and is

22Ibid., p. 304. 49

currently undergoing a fairly rapid expansion of acreage.

It should be reiterated that almost any crop, except those

requiring a cool climate or a change of seasons, will grow

in this region. The only problem is the lack of water.

It is this problem, and the consequent need for irrigation,

that has forced the concentration upon the most economic-

ally productive plants.

The North Coast: Other Economic Activities

In addition to the areas where agricultural prod—

ucts are grown and processed, there are three places in

the region where large-scale commercial and industrial ac-

tivities take place. These are Chiclayo, the capital of

Lambayeque Department; Trujillo, the capital of La

Libertad Department; and Chimbote, the principal city in

the department of Ancash. Trujillo, with about 100,000

inhabitants (1961), is the largest of the three cities

and the fourth largest in Peru. Chiclayo had about 87,000

people in 1961, and Chimbote 64,000, but the population

of each has grown rapidly in subsequent years.23 The population growth trend is illustrated by the percent of in-

crease in population during the period 1940-1960: Trujillo,

170 percent, Chiclayo, 176 percent, and Chimbote, 1,408 percent.24 These cities serve three distinct functions

231bid., p. 108. 24Ibid. 50 for their hinterlands: industrial, commercial, and admin— istrative. Chimbote, the southernmost of the group, has few administrative functions but is the most heavily in- dustrialized. Trujillo, the cultural center of the north coast, has little industrial activity, whereas Chiclayo seems to have reached a balance in its economic base.

Chimbote was chosen in 1953 as the site of a new steel mill, designed to use electricity for power and ore from mines in southern Peru. The mill was opened in 1956 and has been the cause of the city's rapid increase in pop— ulation. The Rio Santa, largest river on the west coast, supplies water for the mill as well as the electric power.

The source of coal is the upper Santa Valley, and limestone is available along the right-of-way of the railroad used to bring the coal to Chimbote. Iron ore is brought by sea from mines near Mollendo in the southern coastal region.

Trujillo is one of the oldest Spanish cities in

Peru, and its residents take pride in its being the Ciudad

Colonial of the country. The city is the cultural heart

of the north coast, and its university, the Universidad

Nacional de Trujillo, has a colorful history dating back to its founding by San Martin in the early part of the nineteenth century. The university and related functions, the offices of local, departmental, and national administrative units, and the banks and other commercial enter— prises constitute the major elements of the city's economy. 51

There is little industry other than sugar refining in the

area.

Chiclayo has attained a relative balance of indus-

trial, commercial, and administrative activities. It is

a modern city, and the inhabitants take pride in its being

modern and dynamic rather than colonial and conservative.

Basic industries include cement manufacture, metal process-

ing, food processing, and transportation industries. A

large military airbase just to the south of the city and

some tungsten mining in the immediate vicinity add even

more diversity to the city's economic life.

The only other city of commercial and industrial

significance in the northern coastal region is Pacasmayo,

which serves as a port for the Jequetepeque Valley and has

a large cement plant. During the dry season the Pacasmayo

port also serves the sierra as far inland as Cajamarca.

The Chicama Valley: Transportation

The transportation network of the Chicama Valley

mirrors to a great extent the transportation system of the

entire north coast. The valley has a number of paved roads,

a fairly extensive railroad system, several airstrips, and

one seaport (See Map 5).

The major road through the valley is the Pan-Amer-

ican Highway, which crosses in a northwest-southeast direc—

tion. The paved, two—lane highway extends for twenty—five rniles in the valley. The towns of Chicama, Chocope, and

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Paijan are located along the Pan-American. Paijan, the northernmost of the three, is about 360 miles north of Lima via the highway. Trujillo is about fifteen miles south of Chicama.

Besides the Pan-American Highway, there are two other systems of paved roads within the valley. These are on the haciendas Casa Grande and Cartavio, both of which make use of large trucks in the hauling of sugar cane.

Cartavio has about fifteen miles of paved roads, while

Casa Grande's system consists of almost thirty miles.

Thus, nearly all of the cane fields in the valley are within a few miles of a paved road.

Two roads connect the coastal plain and the sierra.

One leaves Ascope, which can be reached by paved roads from

Hacienda Casa Grande, and goes east to what was formerly

Hacienda San Antonio before turning to the northeast and crossing the divide out of the valley. This road can be followed to Chilete and Cajamarca. The second road leaves the Pan-American Highway at the town of Chicama and closely parallels the Chicama River to its headwaters. The latter is about one hundred miles from Chicama and some fifty miles from Cajamarca. These dirt roads are little more than paths and are often blocked by huaycos or landslides during the rainy season. The type of country traversed in the upper valley is reflected by part of the Sunchubamba route, between Haciendas Campoden and Salagual, which extends 54 for a straight—line distance of about three miles but a road distance of more than twenty miles. Both roads are classified as vehicle trails and are little traveled.

Major routes enter the sierra from the Jequetepeque and

Moche valleys but not from the Chicama.

In addition to the paved roads, a network of un— paved roads covers the irrigated parts of the lower valley.

Every field of sugar cane has some access road, and it is only in the uncultivated areas that access is difficult.

This is not to imply that access to all fields is easy, since many are reached only by devious paths. Former fields are often practically inaccessible, due to irrigation canals which act as barriers around the present limits of irrigation. However, access to almost any area within the lower valley is still much easier than to most areas in the upper valley.

The railroad system in the valley is extensive, although the total track mileage is gradually being reduced.

There is no longer a rail connection with the Moche Valley, so all exports leave either by truck or through Puerto Chicama. Two of the haciendas, Casa Grande and Chiclin, operate private railroads, with the Casa Grande system by far the larger (125 miles of track, as compared with about fifteen for Chiclin). Both of these railroads are used to transport sugar cane from the fields to the mills, the cane from Chiclin being hauled to Cartavio and that from 55

Casa Grande to its own mill. The railroad at Casa Grande

is also used to transport sugar from the mill to Puerto

Chicama. A fairly complex system of portable track is

used on both haciendas. Track is laid directly into the

sugar fields after the cane has been cut. Cane can there-

fore be loaded onto flat cars and hauled into the mills

without being handled twice, as would be the case if the

cars were not loaded in the field. Much of the Casa Grande

railroad is along the southern side of the river in an area

where access by truck would be difficult.

The only port in the valley is Puerto Chicama,

which is wholly owned and operated by Hacienda Casa Grande.

This port consists of a single long pier which permits the

direct unloading of railroad flatcars to lighters, for

transport to ships anchored a mile or more offshore.

There are five airstrips in the lower part of the

valley, designed primarily for private use by personnel

of the haciendas. One is located near Nepeﬁa on Hacienda

Cartavio and has been used for a Grace and Company plane

on regular flights to and from Lima. The other four strips

are located on Hacienda Casa Grande and are used mainly

as supply bases for aircraft used in cropdusting.

All transportation facilities in the Chicama Val—

ley, except the Pan-American Highway and the two roads to

the sierra, are intimately connected with sugar operations

Thus, while the transportation system of the Chicama Val- ley is well advanced, the major use of the system is by industry rather than by private individuals.

The Chicama Valley: Agriculture

Sugar cane is the principal crop of the Chicama

Valley. It is a perennial grass which grows to a height of from ten to fifteen feet, with a hard and fibrous stalk containing ten to fifteen percent sugar under ideal condi— tions. According to Highsmith and Jensen, sugar cane has advantages over sugar beets in that "1) it returns heavier yields per acre, 2) labor and production costs are usually lower, and 3) it frequently has less competition for land from other crops in areas suited to its production than does the sugar beet."25

§ESE£.EE£S‘ Planting and Irrigation

Sugar cane is usually started in a field by plant— ing cuttings or sections of ripe cane in plowed furrows.

Each of the sections contains a bud or eye which will sprout when planted. In most fields of the Chicama Valley the

25Richard M. Highsmith, Jr., and J. Granville Jensen, Geogrgphy of Commodity Production (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1963), p. 88. .57 cuttings are produced by hand. That is, a team of men hand— prepare the buds for planting. The sections of cane are then placed in hoppers on the back of bulldozer-mounted planting machines, and automatically placed in rows as they are plowed. Fertilizer is added at the same time, and the field is then ready for its initial irrigation.

After the first crop, called plant cane, has ma- tured and been harvested, a second, third, and sometimes a fourth crop can be taken from the field under the ratoon system. As soon as the cane has been cut, irrigation is applied to the field to permit the renewal of life in the plant's roots. A crop of cane can normally be harvested in this way sooner than would be possible with plant cane, but due to losses through root-damage during harvest and from roots that do not re-sprout, the ratoon crop becomes uneconomical after the third or fourth harvest and the field must be replanted with new cuttings.

To facilitate irrigation, each field is leveled by a land-plane before the cane is planted. This insures that there are no high or low spots in the field which would receive more or less water than the remainder of the field.

The land-plane consists of a pair of wheels at each end of a long bar with a blade between them, and is drawn by a bulldozer. Because of the long wheelbase, the plane is only slightly affected by any depressions or rises in the field, and this permits the blade to fill or remove irregu— larities. 58

Irrigation water in he valley is under the control of the Administrador General del Rio Chicama, whose office

is a part of the Direccion de Aguas de Regadio of the

Ministerio de Agricultura. Water from the river is dis-

tributed according to a system of water rights established during the sixteenth century and standardized by the 235227 gién when it was organized in 1920. This system originally gave the owner of each unit of land one derecho, or water right, but with the expansion of acreage and property own- ership, the system has become dominated by only five haci— endas. Table 6 indicates the water rights and percent of

TABLE 6

WATER RIGHTS IN THE CHICAMA VALLEY, PERU

Hacienda Rights Percent

Empresa Agricola Chicama Ltd. (Casa’Grande) 221.425 78.5 Negociacion Chiclin y Anexos, S.A. 22.500 8.0 Cartavio, S.A. 15.250 5.6 Chiquitoy, S.A.! 13.250 4.7 Negociacion Agricola Sintuco, S.A. 8.750 3.2

Total 281.175 100.0

Source: Administrador General del Rio Chicama, Trujillo. river water available to each. Hacienda Casa Grande con- trols by far the greatest amount of water, much more than the relative percentage of land it cultivates. It has re- tained the water rights acquired in the purchase of marginal land and uses the water so obtained to irrigate the best 59 lands in the valley.

The basic unit of land for sugar cane cultivation in the Chicama Valley is the gamp_. Each hacienda is di— vided into numerous campos, either named or numbered in such a way as to permit easy recognition of individual fields. Examples of such campos at Hacienda Cartavio are

Campo El Rosario, Campo No. 22, or Campo Nepen No. 3.

The size and shape of a given campo is determined by the landforms of the area, an objective being to form the largest unit possible of relatively level land.

Each campo is divided into units known as cuarteles.

Bach cuartel consists of one faneggda, an old Spanish unit of measurement equal to 6.36 acres. Each cuartel within a campo is surrounded by unplanted land called calles, on which access roads and irrigation canals are constructed.

The standard unit of canal measurement is the aceguia, about 800 feet in length, six feet in width, and two feet in depth, with a V—shaped cross section. Usually an acequia parallels the long side of a cuartel for 800 feet and the short side for about 300 feet.

The basic unit of water use is the riego, which equals 4.25 gallons per second or 2,035 cubic feet per hour. A secondary unit, the regadera, is equal to four riegos. The standard unit of labor involved in irrigation work is the tarea, which indicates a work day of eight hours for one man. 60

Young cane, or cafia peguefia, normally receives about 35,000 cubic feet of water per fanegada at each ir— rigation, or about two riegos in twenty—four hours. Mature cane, or cafia grande, receives about 200,000 cubic feet of water per fanegada at each irrigation and requires about two and one-half tareas of labor. If this irrigation were to be accomplished in one day, it would mean that one man would irrigate the field alone for most of the day and) that probably two men with overtime would be responsible to complete the task. At Hacienda Cartavio the maximum number of tareas normally permitted per fanegada is three, which means that no more than twenty-four hours of labor is permitted for the irrigation of each fanegada. At

Hacienda Casa Grande the number is slightly higher, but the figures throughout the valley are lower than those for other valleys in the northern coastal region and much lower than corresponding figures on a world—wide basis. Normal practice is to have two or three men working in the same campo, irrigating several fanegadas at the same time.

Close account is kept of the water and labor expended, as indicated by Table 7. The four-week period shown in this table is indicative of the rapid increase in land irrigated and labor expended as the end of the dry season arrives and the amount of water from the river increases.

Several methods of irrigation in addition to the simple flooding involved in the system described above have 61

TABLE 7

HACIENDA CARTAVIO IRRIGATION AND LABOR DATA

Data Week 1 Week 2 Week 3 Week 4 Totals

Total Men 397 651 694 876 2,618 Total Tareas 504 919 978 1,258 3,659 Total 000's cu.ft. H20 25,173 45,492 49,693 83,163 203,521 Total Fanegadas 181 301 351 527 1,160 Total Hours 126 157 175 210 668 Man Days 56 93 99 125 373 Tareas/day 72 131 149 180 000's cu.ft.H20/day 3,596 6,496 7,149 11,880 Fanegadas/day 25.8 43.0 50.1 75.4 Regaderas/day 24.3 43.3 48.6 81.0 Men/fanegadas 2.2 2.2 2.0 1.7 Tareas/fanegadas 2.8 3.1 2.8 2.4 Hours/fanegadas 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.4 000's cu.ft.H20/ fanegadas 139 151 143 158

Source: Ing. Seoane, Hacienda Cartavio. been tried within the valley in recent years, including overhead sprayers and the use of siphons to take water from the main canals. None of these systems have proved more practical or more economical than the use of the direct flooding method.

The water assigned to each hacienda is diverted from the Chicama River some distance upstream from the point of use. Large canals parallel the river for much of its course before being divided into smaller canals by elaborate systems of concrete and steel gates. These gates permit the channeling of water to specific fields, where it is diverted from the smallest canals (acequias) by dams 62 made of wooden stakes, soil, straw, and sugar cane leaves.

These dams can be rapidly constructed and removed. A re— cent innovation is the use of plastic sheets and metal stakes, which permits even more rapid construction of these temporary structures. The main irrigation ditches have slopes of about .5 percent, the acequias between .5 and

1 percent, and the field furrows generally more than 1 percent. For highly sloping land, "jumps" of either concrete or natural materials are used to pool the water and reduce erosion. The number of furrows within a cuartel is usually twenty to thirty, with the length of furrows from 150 to

500 feet. Any excess water that reaches the end of one furrow is used to irrigate the next lower field.

The distribution of wells is not uniform throughout the valley, but rather, inversely reflects the distribution of water rights. Haciendas Cartavio and Chiclin, with much larger percentages of available land than available water, have the greatest number of wells. Some 200 wells are in use within the valley today, about two-thirds on Hacienda Cartavio and a large number of the remainder on Hacienda Chiclin. Due to the relatively high cost of drilling and operating wells, the water so obtained is considered more valuable than that from the river. It is only for well water that concrete—lined acequias are used between the source and the fields. All efforts are expended to get well water to the campos with as little 63

percolation and evaporation as possible. In most other

cases, where greater amounts of water are involved, the

effort expended in this endeavor is negligible.

Controlled experiments are being conducted to de-

termine the most efficient methods of irrigating sugar

cane. Both Hacienda Cartavio and Hacienda Casa Grande

operate experiment stations and have projects under way

to improve sugar production. In the experiments the amount

of water used per unit of land is determined on the basis

of soil type, soil density and texture, and the depth to

be irrigated, but in actual field practice all calculations

are still based mainly on hours of irrigation per unit of

land.

Sugar Cane: Mechanization

The cultivation of sugar cane in the Chicama Val-

ley is one of the most mechanized agricultural operations

in Peru. Only cotton production in the southern coastal

region is more mechanized. All operations except the ac;

tual irrigation of fields are mechanized, and even irriga—

tion is becoming more mechanized with the addition of ditch-

ing equipment to construct the canals, gates to control

Lathe water flow, wells to supply the water, and in some

cases sprayers to apply water to the fields.

The initial use of machines is in the preparation

and planting of the campos. Once the cane is planted, a

fairly long period of growth takes place, determined mainly 64 by the nature and extent of irrigation. In the United States the growing season for cane is between nine and ten months, and in Cuba it is about fifteen months, but in Peru the growing season is between seventeen and twenty-three months.

Because sugar cane absorbs most of its moisture at great depths (30—40 inches), the cane can stand long periods of no water without adverse effects. This permits infrequent though heavy irrigation, at times as long as three months between floodings. By accurate control of the dates of water application, the growth of cane can be controlled and the time of cutting pre-determined. This permits an even flow of cane to the factory, which is operated twenty— four hours per day, six days per week, and eleven months of the year.

When the cane is ripe, that is, when the sugar con— tent is highest, the campos are set afire and the leaves of the plants are burned away. This is done to reduce the bulk of material which must be carried to the mill. Due to its high moisture content, the stalk which contains the sugar is not damaged. Once burned, the cane must be har— vested rapidly because the percentage of sugar decreases as the plant deteriorates. Within forty-eight hours the cane is unusable for sugar production if allowed to remain in the fields.

The cane in the Chicama Valley is cut by machine.

Large bulldozer-mounted cutters are pushed through the 65 fields, and the cane is knocked down and pushed into hedge- row—like piles. The bulldozers can harvest a field very rapidly and usually cut twice as much cane as can be used in twelve hours so that the mills can operate at night.

Two methods are used to transport the cane from the fields to the mill. The railroads involve the use of portable tracks which permit flatcars to be loaded within the fields. However, trucks are more efficient in that no tracks are needed in the fields, and rapid round trips can be made while the trains wait for a whole series of cars to be loaded. In both cases, the loading of transport vehicles takes place around the clock. Large cranes with crab-like claws pick up several tons of cane at a time.

The railroad cars, holding about ten tons, can be loaded in a few scoops, while the trucks, holding up to thirty tons, require slightly more effort to fill. Fluorescent lights on the booms of the cranes permit loading operations to be carried out at night.

While the initial costs of mechanization are high, the labor saved and the efficiency of operation have per— mitted haciendas that have available capital to increase their production tremendously. The twenty—four hour use of equipment and the eleven-month harvest season also permit maximum return on the investment.

Sugar Cane: Processing and Shipment

There are two sugar mills within the Chicama Valley. 66

One is at Hacienda Cartavio, serving that hacienda, the haciendas Chiclin and Chiquitoy, and several small producers. The other is at Hacienda Casa Grande, milling

Casa Grande cane almost exclusively (See Map 5, page 52).

Cartavio, owned by W. R. Grace and Company of New York, is equipped almost completely with American machinery, while Casa Grande, owned by the Gildermeister Corporation of Germany, has mostly German equipment. Almost all of the personnel at both mills, including supervisory workers, are Peruvian nationals.

Sugar cane brought to the mills must be washed be— fore it can be processed. This is done to remove the large amount of debris brought into the mill with the cane. Hand- cut cane would not have this debris, but the savings derived from mechanization more than offset the expense of additional washings. Water from the washing process is used for irrigation in the lower parts of the valley.

The first stage in processing cane is the crushing of the stalk to extract the plant juices. The cane stalk is usually over eighty percent liquid, although only between ten and fifteen percent of this is sugar. The mills contain sets of large grooved rollers through which the cane is passed. Juice drawn off at each of the rollers is kept separate throughout the processing stages. Car- tavio has one set of rollers in normal operation, while

Casa Grande uses three sets. The fibrous residue from the 67 cane stalk, called bagasse, is removed at the end of the

set of rollers, mixed with fuel oil, and burned in the boilers to provide power for the mill.

The plant juices are concentrated and crystalized

in large evaporators before going to centrifuges. Depend- ing on the state of refinement and the nature and type of chemicals added, the final product is one of the grades of sugar previously described. Other products, such as alcohol, rum, boiler fuel, acetic acid, and molasses, are by-products of the various stages of processing. Tables

8 and 9 show the amount of cane ground and sugar produced at the Cartavio mill during the past forty years. For con- venience, only figures for alternate years are given until the present decade. Production figures for the Casa Grande mill during the same period show increases similar to those of Cartavio. In 1965, Casa Grande produced 154,321 tons of sugar, while in 1966 it produced 199,182 tons.26

All of the products of Hacienda Cartavio leave by road. Molasses, acetic acid, rum, and alcohol are shipped by the barrel, and sugar is shipped in large jute bags.

These items, if not sold locally, are shipped through the port of Salaverry, south of Trujillo. Cartavio's share of the Peruvian sugar export market is approximately eleven percent.

26Sugar Producers Committee, loc. cit. 68

TABLE 8

CARTAVIO SUGAR MILL: TONS AND SOURCE OF CANE GROUND, 1928—1966

Year Cartavio Chiclin Chiquitoy Other Total

1928 232,523 170,280 129,566 0 523,369 1930 270,222 166,947 96,632 0 533,801 1932 264,837 166,513 84,063 0 515,413 1934 190,646 156,552 166,831 0 564,029 1936 218,270 147,674 118,152 0 484,096 1938 163,797 92,325 93,025 0 349,147 1940 255,827 182,504 125,552 0 563,883 1942 304,843 84,651 96,638 8,259 494,391 1944 251,536 165,364 101,198 0 518,098 1946 249,916 137,066 81,557 0 468,539 1948 295,675 172,654 122,159 0 580,488 1950 264,533 145,308 113,307 0 523,148 1952 245,920 142,311 102,471 0 490,692 1954 380,905 204,980 165,673 0 751,558 1956 334,589 187,779 151,062 0 673,430 1958 427,099 218,128 188,852 0 834,079 1960 516,522 154,214 149,425 120,905 951,066 1961 477,000 213,407 144,247 119,764 954,418 1962 516,422 204,390 158,318 186,031 1,026,937 1963 666,280 181,289 202,565 116,478 1,204,846 1964 534,353 236,368 202,868 136,771 1,110,178 1965 548,503 258,570 179,417 309,074 1,296,894 1966 601,857 272,440 200,363 236,735 1,311,394

Source: Production Figures of the Cartavio mill, Cartavio S.A.

Most of the products of Hacienda Casa Grande are shipped through Puerto Chicama, to which they are taken by rail. This port is equipped to handle sugar in jute bags and fuel oil in bulk pipelines. Casa Grande's exports constitute about twenty percent of the total Peruvian sugar 27 exports.

27 Ibid. 69

TABLE 9

CARTAVIO SUGAR MILL: PRODUCTION OF SUGAR

AND ITS BY-PRODUCTS

Refined Raw Sugar Sugar Molasses Alcohol Boiler Fuel Year (Tons) (Tons) (Tons) (Gallons) (Tons)

1928 9,633 57,559 15,689 - 1,347 1930 12,813 54,788 18,385 - 2,450 1932 10,435 49,698 19,220 115,547 - 1934 20,509 45,900 18,641 275,785 1,064 1936 19,286 37,847 14,789 161,187 736 1938 24,250 14,476 11,749 146,425 - 1940 32,367 37,006 17,689 171,422 — 1942 36,794 24,117 17,338 167,100 - 1944 45,130 15,235 22,346 231,640 9,990 1946 47,020 6,816 21,855 161,959 16,342 1948 50,112 16,552 21,404 74,337 10,509 1950 40,676 22,045 17,034 132,026 11,697 1952 38,240 17,081 17,130 147,581 7,194 1954 62,762 29,100 25,686 93,688 10,081 1956 64,040 19,988 21,997 337,968 11,156 1958 40,546 61,750 31,998 249,984 3,647 1960 38,975 71,292 33,574 415,501 2,080 1961 14,787 96,896 28,912 305,565 1,240 1962 12,926 100,997 33,038 315,040 1,498 1963 5,663 125,255 35,667 252,236 665 1964 7,671 122,364 31,699 198,689 284 1965 11,756 137,532 41,596 272,802 280 1966 13,060 135,689 - — -

Source: Production Figures of the Cartavio mill, Cartavio

S.A.

“Oth§£_Agricultural Commodities

Sugar so dominates the agricultural scene within the Chicama Valley that no other crop has more than local importance. Among items grown in the valley for subsistence or for local markets are rice, maize, beans, fruit, and potatoes, while hogs, sheep, and cattle are also raised. 70

Rice is most important in the upper parts of the valley, along the river, where the cultivators can divert sufficient quantities of water to flood their fields without being in competition for water with the large haciendas.

These areas produce a high quality product which finds a ready market in the lower valley or in Trujillo. There is little or no rice grown in the lower part of the valley.

The main fields of subsistence crops in the lower valley belong to residents of comunidades, the old non- hacienda Indian communities. Five of the seven towns within the lower valley are of this type, and each has near it a series of small campos on which the villagers grow crops. Chicama, on the Pan-American Highway on the south side of the valley, is of recent origin and functions as a governmental and trading center. There are few, if any, lands near it for communal use. Malabrigo, just south of

Puerto Chicama, is a fishing village with no water avail— able for agricultural activities. Santiago de Cao, one of the oldest settlements in this part of Peru, has a lim— ited amount of communal land, but has serious shortages of water. Magdalena de Cao, on the north side of the

Chicama River near the ocean, also has little water available for the land around it. Chocope, in the center of the valley, has some plots about two miles from town and also has sufficient water rights so that its farmers are fairly prosperous. Paijan, on the north side of the valley 71

along the Pan-American, has extensive land available but most of it without water and hence unusable. Ascope, in

the northeastern part of the valley, almost in the sierra,

has the most water available and is therefore able to pro—

duce the largest quantity and variety of crops. Land is

a limiting factor, though, and the people of Ascope are

forced to use land that would be considered unserviceable

in other parts of the lower valley.

Some land on each of the haciendas is set aside

for subsistence crops, and there are also some small land—

holders left within the areas owned by the large haciendas.

A minimum of produce is grown on these lands, due to the

lack of water rights. On the haciendas some sheep are raised on a subsistence basis, and almost all of the work— ers' families raise one or two hogs. Cattle for meat, and horses and mules for transportation, are also raised on each of the haciendas.

Although the principal crop of the Chicama Valley is different from those of the past, the type of irrigation has not changed and the basic agricultural system has remained the same throughout the centuries. Modern man has been able to apply advanced techniques on a large scale, and the result is one of the most productive agricultural areas in the world. CHAPTER IV - PRE-INCA CULTURES

The development of man within the northern coastal region of Peru is one of the most interesting and well doc- umented histories in Latin America. Serious archaeological work has been carried out in the region since the 1840's

(Tschudi and others) and has yielded a fairly detailed record of the cultures that developed there. However, by far the most work has been done by interpreting cultural devel— opment through pottery and grave offerings, while such obvious evidence as irrigation canals and huacas (temple pyramids) has often been overlooked or discounted as being insignificant. While the cultural sequence presented in this chapter is based on the ceramic periods that have been ad— vanced and accepted by most Peruvianists, much of the specific information is based on field study and interpreta— tion of the existing canal and huaca ruins. Such an approach will hopefully present an accurate account of the spatial history of the region.

The Northern Coast: Culture Sequence

There are four great archaeological eras in the history of northern coastal Peru. These eras are the In: cipient, from about 8500 B.C. to about 1200 B.C.; the Egg velopmental, from about 1200 B.C. to approximately 100 B.C.; the Florescent, from about 100 B.C. to about 1000 A.D.;

72 73 and the Climactic, from approximately 1000 A.D. to 1471

A.D., when the Incas conquered the area. Although the exact dates and delineations of these eras will never be es-

tablished, most sources28 are in agreement concerning the general time scale (See Table 10).

At present there are few concrete facts available regarding the origin of man in the coastal valleys of Peru.

The generally accepted theories represent only the best estimates that can be given in light of present knowledge of the earliest peoples. These theories suggest that the first men to come into what is now Peru did so by moving south within the Andean chain from dispersal points in northern Colombia. They were hunters and gatherers, and not only followed the path of least resistance within the

Andes but probably avoided the coastal rainforests in

Colombia and Ecuador as well as the Amazon rainforests to the east of the Andes. Upon reaching the Andean area to the east of northern coastal Peru, these early people probably followed game down the mountainsth'the lower coastal hills. On these hills grassy vegetation, called

123a, was fairly extensive until about 2500 B.C.29 and could have furnished a base for early life in the northern

28J. Alden Mason, The Ancient Civilizations of Peru (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1957), p. 16.

29Edward P. Lanning, "Early Man in Peru," Scien— tific American, Vol. 213 (Oct., 1965), p. 72. 74

TABLE 10

ARCHAEOLOGICAL ERAS OF NORTHERN COASTAL PERU

Era Date Period Social Structure

8500-2500 B.C. Pre- Hunting bands Agricultural INCIPIENT 2500-1200 B.C. Agricultural Settled villages

1200-800 B.C. Formative Theocratic federations DEVELOPMENTAL 800-300 B.C. Cultist Pan-Peruvian (Cupisnique) horizon 300-100 B.C. Experimental Small intra— (Salinar) valley states

100 B.C. - . 900 A.D. Mochica Regional states FLORESCENT 900-100 A.D. Tiahuanaco Pan-Peruvian horizon

CLIMACTIC 1000-1471 A.D. Chimu Prehistoric empire

EMPIRE 1471-1533 A.D. Inca Historic empire

COLONIAL 1533-1821 A.D. Spanish European empire

Source: J. Alden Mason, The Ancient Civilizations of Peru, 1957, p. 16. 75 coastal region.

The Incipient Era

The Incipient Era served as the base for later cultures within the northern coastal region. About five thousand years ago the people on the north coast were turning to a sedentary form of life. This change was probably brought about by the gradual disappearance of the loma‘ and the game which depended upon it.30 Increased use was consequently made of the sea. Fish and mollusks came to be major food sources, with wild plants making up the remainder of the diet. Archaeological evidence indicates a gradual shift from the loma: to the seashore, where the new sources of food could best be obtained. The end of the pre-agricultural stage, which marks the mid-point of the Incipient Era, came about 2500 B.C. This shift involved four major changes in the lives of the inhabitants of the area. First was the move to permanent villages, next, the development of cultivated plants, third, the development of textiles, and finally, the dependence upon seafood.31

The end results included the development of villages along the coast that were dependent on the sea for a livelihood,

3OIbid.

31Edward P. Lanning, "A Pre-Agricultural Occupation of the Central Coast of Peru," American Antiquity, Vol. 28 (Jan., 1963), p. 361. 76 and also in the river valleys where agriculture was possible.

The early agricultural people lived a very simple life, and there is no evidence that they used pottery.

They did, however, use wild cotton to weave textiles, al— though other vegetable fibers and reeds seem to have been used more than cotton. The main food supply came from the sea, with fish, mussels, clams, crabs, sea urchins, and starfish making up the bulk of the diet, along with beans, gourds, squash, peppers, and native wild fruits.32 Life in coastal Peru advanced slowly from these simple beginnings.

The Developmental Era

The Developmental Era lasted about 1,000 years.

During this era maize became the principal food crop and pottery developed both as utensils and as an art form.

The first part of the Developmental Era is called the Form- ative Period, which lasted for about 400 years and ended in the rise of the first great pan-Peruvian movement, the Chavin religious cult.

The earliest evidence of the changes that took place during the Formative Period consists of very poorly made pottery found in several coastal locations. Techniques in cotton weaving improved during this period, and traces

32Junius Bird, "Identification and Significance of the Curcuribit Materials from Huaca Prieta," American Museum Novitates (1949), p. 10. 77

of the earliest use of maize33 and the domestication of the

llama34 on the coast come from this time. Although north— ern coastal Peru appears to have been the site of the ear-

liest developments, J. Alden Mason, a noted Peruvianist,

indicates " . . . it is possible that these new elements

in the culture here were introduced by an immigrant people

and that both the cultures and their bearers blended. From

the larger pan-Peruvian point of view this means that some- where, in some yet undiscovered place, there was a higher culture at this time." 35 The problem becomes, as elsewhere

in determining cultural development, one of distinguishing between developed and introduced cultural elements. With

the small amount of evidence available for the northern coastal cultures it is impossible to make any type of judg- ment along these lines.

The second part of the Developmental Era is called

the Cultist Period and is the period of the Chavin religious group. The Chavin was the first of several pan-Peruvian

"horizon styles" that were of great importance and that had widespread influence. The cult takes its name from the

site of Chavin de Huantar, located in the Andes near the

33P. C. Mangelsdorf, The Origin of Indian Corn and its Real Relations (College Station, Texas: Texas A & M, 1939?: p. 82.

34Julian H. Steward, Handbook of South American Indians (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1946), p. 150.

35Mason, loc. cit., p. 39. 78

Santa River, from which point its influence spread across the northern coastal region. As an example of the cultural wealth in evidence there, the main building at Chavin de

Huantar, known as the Castillo, was 245 by 235 feet in area

36 and about 45 feet high. This building had only one door and no windows, but an intricate system of ventilation shafts provided fresh air to each of several interior rooms.

The grounds contained many plazas, platforms, terraces, and mounds, indicating that this was once a major center.

There is, however, no indication that this site was once the center of an empire. Rather, it was likely the focal point of a religious and artistic movement. It is in the characteristic art form, the feline deity, that the Chavin horizon can be identified throughout Peru. The Chavin art form carried with it no great technological innovations, and the rest of Peru remained behind the northern coastal region in cultural development for many centuries. The

Chavin traditions spread, and persisted " . . . almost throughout all of Peruvian history. The feline element in art and probably religion was a strong feature in . . . the Moche region and period, in the Huari-Tiahunaco pan- . . 7 PeruVian horizon, and even later."3

36Ibid., p. 42.

. 37Cino Alegria, "2,500 Years of Peruvian Art," Americas, Vol. 13 (Sept., 1961), p. 19. 79

Although it is the earliest of the great art styles in Peru, Chavin is regarded in many ways as being the greatest. The sculpture is very stylized and achieves a massive effect that leaves a very strong image. From a technical standpoint the pottery is not as good as some later types, for the control of firing was not perfect and the color differentiation was poor.

Because of the great changes that occurred in the culture of the region during the last 200 years of this era, the end of the Developmental Era is known as the Ex- perimental Period. The unifying nature of the Chavin cult seems to have disappeared, and minor cultures developed in widely separated valleys. Irrigation was by now prac- ticed, and better varieties of crops were grown and new crops introduced to give the people a more stable food base. The consequent advance in pottery as an art form stems from an increase in leisure time. For the first time the people, especially the women, were able to devote sufficient time to the creation of magnificent works of art. Textiles were also used as an art form, with almost all of the present-day techniques being employed. Gold was the only metal used, but already techniques for weld— ing and soldering it had been developed. At the end of this era, the northern coastal region spawned its greatest culture, that of the Mochica. 80

The Florescent Era

The llOO-year Florescent Era, as represented by the

Mochica culture, was- the most advanced Peru had ever seen in economy, technology, and art. Agriculture, of course, still served as the basis for existence, but a technical superiority in crafts was achieved that was not equalled even by the famed Incas, who borrowed many of the Mochica methods. The Mochicas used an irrigation " . . . system of straight furrows and small leveled plots with retaining earth banks for irrigating crops on the flat lands, and curvilinear furrows for irrigating sloping terrain. For fertilizer, they used bird guano from the Islands."38 Their construction efforts, mainly directed to temple mounds or huacas, were tremendous; the largest building constructed by the Mochicas was the enormous Huaca del Sol (Temple of the Sun) near Trujillo, having a base of about 333,000 square feet and a height of sixty feet achieved in five terraces.

This temple is estimated to contain about 130 million adobe bricks.39

Although they were great construction engineers, the Mochicas achieved their highest degree of advancement in pottery. To again quote Mason, "the perfection of their realistic modelling has nowhere been exceeded, and rarely

38Steward, loc. cit., p. 163.

39Mason, loc. cit., p. 70. 81 equalled."4O In many cases the pottery was made in molds on a mass production basis, with the result that several examples of the best works have survived intact. The

Mochicas are better understood than any other pre-historic

Peruvian tribe, because the scenes on their ceramics present a detailed picture of their daily life. They appear to have had an aristocratic class, which ruled the area and controlled the labor of the masses. The Mochicas were good weavers, with a special class for the members of this craft. However, the Paracas people of the southern coast of Peru apparently surpassed the Mochicas in producing textiles, which even today rank with the world's best. North coast textiles have not stood the test of time as well as those of the south, due to higher moisture and potassium nitrate content in the sands of the north. Therefore, the best of the Mochica textiles may have been lost to history.

The end of the Florescent Era and the beginning of theAClimactic is marked by the second pan—Peruvian hori— zon, the Tiahuanaco cult, which developed in the Lake Titi— caca region. The influence of this cult was not great but serves as the break between the Mochica and Chimu cultures.

The Tiahuanaco influence was, again, mainly in art forms.

The identifying characteristics are the stylized puma and condor. It is possible that physical invasion was

4OIbid., p. 72. 82 responsible for the introduction of cultural elements.

Those who have put forth the invasion theory have also indicated that retreating Mochica survivors might have fled the northern coastal region completely, journeying either into the central Andean area, to re-emerge as the

Incas, or by sea to Easter Island to become the original inhabitants of that isolated place.41 In any case, the period of Tiahuanaco influence serves as an accurately delineated break between the two important cultures to develop on the north coast.

The Climactic Era

The great Chimu empire governed the northern coastal region during the Climactic Era from its capital city near the present site of Trujillo. This city, Chan-Chan, covered eleven square miles and was still inhabited when the Spaniards conquered Peru. The Chimu language was prev— alent in the area until the eighteenth century.42 The

Chimu developed great political and social organizations, and their craftsmanship reached a high state of technical perfection, although the artwork became static and stand— ardized and the emphasis became one of quantity rather than

41Thor Heyerdahl, American Indians in the Pacific (London: Alden Press, 1952), p. 221. :

42John Howland Rowe, "The Kingdom of Chimor," Acta Americana, Vol. VI (1948), p. 31. 83 quality. The great art works of the Mochica'degenerated into the unimaginative art of the Chimu. It is thought that population increased during the Chimu period to the point that crops had to be grown on marginal lands, forc— ing numerous ambitious but costly irrigation projects.

In 1471 the Incas conquered the Chimu. Although the Chimu had a strong warrior class, they were no match for the aggressive Incas, who had the manpower to rotate their armies and who also had the advantage of controlling the headwaters Of the rivers upon which the Chimu depended for irrigation water. Once the initial military conquest was made, the "Inca-ization" of the northern coastal region was peacefully implemented. This included the substitution of Inca art forms and the Inca language, Quechua, but did not include replacement of the Chimu ruling classes, who were made loyal by the removal of their children to the Inca capital, Cuzco. On the whole, though, attempts to change the Chimu culture failed, due mainly to internal conflicts within the Inca empire in the years immediately preceding the Spanish conquest. When the Spaniards first entered the northern coastal region they found it much like the Chimu empire of old. After the conquest the region was divided into estates and eventually again placed under irrigated agriculture. With modern improvements, the region still retains many Of its earlier characteristics. 84

Thg_Northern Eggst: Spatial Distribution gf'Cultures

Spatial aspects of the cultures discussed above have rarely been considered, either in general works or in specific articles. This is unfortunate, because such an approach would have strengthened or at least clarified several anthropological and historical reports. However, almost all of the reports make reference to individual sites, and it is through a compilation of this information that material in this section has been gathered.

.223 Incipient Bra

Most artifacts of the earliest peoples on the coast have obviously been lost. Thus it is that only one site within the northern coastal region and one site immediately to the south of it have yielded artifacts of this era.

Yet, it is likely that the early hunters and gatherers utilized the entire northern coastal region, especially considering the long time that their type of culture pre- vailed. Not until man began to rely upon fishing and agriculture did it become possible for him to stop wandering in search of food.

The later stages of the Incipient Era, during which the earliest agricultural settlements were made, are likewise little known from the spatial viewpoint. Several sites at this cultural level within the northern coastal region have been excavated, and through these excavations some idea of the life in this time has been gained. It is 85 probable that at some time during this period each of the valleys now populated was occupied by agricultural communi-

ties, and in many cases three or four such communities may have coexisted or succeeded each other within the same val-

ley. Julian H. Steward notes that the people " . . . farmed without irrigation along the moist alluvial plains border- ing the river. Wild foods were still of some importance land included fish, shellfish, waterfowl, and plants from

the river banks. There is little evidence that land mammals were hunted, and this is not surprising if coastal

Peru was as completely arid then as it is today."43

There is little evidence to indicate any political or social connections between villages at this stage.: Also, any inter-valley contact probably would have been on an irregular basis, since the areas in each valley that could have been cultivated were isolated by intervening areas of absolute desert. In any event, the usefulness of such contacts at this early stage would have been minimal.

Steward describes the culture of the Incipient Bra as follows:

The general pattern of the Incipient Farming culture is one of a folk society, a fairly stable though small village. In the Viru Valley, the three villages of this period showed a very small population as compared with later eras. The villages were probably structured along kinship lines

43Julian H. Steward, Native Peoples of South America (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 19597: p. 77. 86

and were politically independent. They had some form of shamanistic religion, and the beginning of a village cult is suggested by the ceremonial chamber at Aspero [a type site]. There is no evi— dence in this era of the economic, ceremonial, or political integration of several villages in a larger socio-cultural system.44

The Developmental Era

In the Developmental Era many changes of a spatial nature took place. Probably the most important of these were changes in population distribution and new inter-valley relationships, related with expansion of the productive base of the region. During this era, many typical pre-Inca crops, such as maize and cotton, were first cultivated.

The first part of the Developmental Era, called the Formative Period by some writers, saw only gradual transformation from the earliest farming practices. One

Peruvianist, G. H. S. Bushnell, indicates that irrigation might not have been used at this time. "It is unlikely that irrigation had developed to any extent even by the end of the period," he states, " . . . and cultivation must have been done in small clearings in exceptionally favour— able spots, not necessarily very near the habitation sites."45

The areas cultivated probably expanded to the practical limits of the village clearings, and when it was necessary

44Ibid., p. 78.

456. H. S. Bushnell, Peru (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963), p. 44. 87 to expand cultivation into new areas, the people did so while retaining their homes in the traditional communities.

This would partially explain the lack of habitation sites in areas thought to have been cultivated at an early date.

Such expansions would have taken place only in the lower valleys, where a sufficient amount of moist land was available. The land away from the rivers, and the land in the central and upper parts of the valleys, could not have been used until the advent of irrigation.

Many of the valleys had external contacts by the end of the Formative Period. Wool and bones of highland llamas, found in coastal graves of this period, are evidence of these contacts. Also, as illustrated on pottery of this period, raiding expeditions were organized to secure slaves and sacrificial victims. Such external contacts reflect the relative advancement of the cultures. By the latter part of the Formative Period a religious hierarchy was presumably in control of each community and in a position to organize trade and military expeditions.

During the latter part of the Developmental Bra, which is known as the Cultist Period, the Chavin religious cult spread throughout the northern coastal region and must have been a commanding factor in the life of the people.

Military control was not exercised by this cult, however.

In fact, this appears to have been one of the most peace- ful periods in the entire cultural sequence. 88

During the Cultist Period, irrigation became important and population began to increase rapidly. But,

to quote Steward, "each irrigation system covered only a small portion of a valley and entailed cooperation between only a few communities."46 In most valleys the number of communities increased substantially during this period.

As an example, in the Viru Valley, where archaeological explorations have been very detailed, there are seven known sites for this period and only three for the earlier Incip— ient Era.47 The size of the villages appears to be about the same for the two periods, which is understandable if kinship or clan ties bound the villages and determined max— imum size. With regard to irrigation, Bushnell says:

The main irrigation canals seem to have developed in this period, and some cultivation plots connected by narrow, looped channels can still be seen. The number and distribution of the sites suggest a great increase of population, made pos— sible by irrigation, which in its turn imposed the necessity for a closely integrated society, since an elaborate system of canals can only be maintained and the water shared out by strict control.48 The Chavin influence throughout the northern coastal. region was strongest from about 800 to 300 B.C. As pointed out earlier, the type site for this cult is Chavin de

Huantar, which had only religious rather than political

46Steward, Native Peoples, p. 79.

47Gordon R. Willey, Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1953), p. 390.

48Bushnell, loc. cit., p. 58. 89 influence in the northern coastal region. Besides the Chavin de Huantar site, which is actually in the sierra, important pilgrimage centers appear to have been located in the Jequetepeque, Nepena, and Casma valleys. At inter— vals, large numbers of people from each valley appear to have assembled for religious rites at these centers, and at such times most construction work on the elaborate pyra— mids appears to have been done.

By the end of the Developmental Era there was a rapid increase of population in the coastal valleys and a substantial expansion of land under cultivation. For the first time the central parts of the valleys were used, and fairly extensive irrigation systems were created. The entire northern coastal region was united by the Chavin religious cult, and pottery, textiles, and other handicrafts were being produced in a fairly uniform style throughout the region. As yet there was no political control extend- ing over two or more valleys, and in some cases it is doubt— ed that entire valleys were united under one leadership.

But the people were achieving rapid technical and artistic advancement, which laid the groundwork for developments in political unification.

The Florescent Era

The history of the Florescent Era is written in the ceramics of the Mochica. A leading authority, the late

Rafael Larco Hoyle, identified five "ceramic periods" within 90 the era, but there is insufficient material to determine specific changes in spatial aspects of the culture. In describing the extent of the Mochica territory, Larco Hoyle has said that it " . . . included the following seven valleys: Chicama, Moche, Viru, Chao, Huamanzana, Santa Ana, and Nepeﬁa. Its arable land included approximately 1253 square kilometers [489 square miles] and its desert lands about 5332 square kilometers [2,080 square miles], making a total of 6585 square kilometers [2,569 square miles]. . . .

The area formerly cultivated is estimated to have been one— third greater than that actually cultivated today."49 Other sources indicate that the northward extension of the Mochicas was at least to the Jequetepeque Valley if not even farther northward.SO The southern limit at the Nepeﬁa Valley is almost universally accepted (See Map 6). The Mochica made no conquests in the sierra, although they did trade with some peoples of that region.

"The hearth of Mochica civilization was in the val— leys of Chicama and Trujillo [Moche]. . . . The civilization originated in the Chicama Valley and spread to the

Trujillo Valley . . . during the early centuries of a long

49Rafael Larco Hoyle, Los Mochicas, Tomo I (Lima: Casa Editora, 1938), p. 54.

SOBushnell, loc. cit., p. 74; Mason, loc. cit., p. 68; and Victor Von Hagen, The Desert Kingdoms of Peru (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965), p. 30. 9 l.

MAP 6 DISTRIBUTION OF. __. PRE- INCA CULTURES. IN NORTHERN COASTAL PERU

ARG-IAEGDGICAL SITES A. m “TA Q aim-aw: C. PMA 0. m a: WANT“

Pam RIVERS LA LEG! LAMAVEOUE MTG?!“

VW SANTA ”INA

HTIVLCA ’PNPFIRHPP

LlﬂT , ” WWII" I

N WA GMT 2‘I

0 uoaomaoso W

00° sag: mm oat. PERU

92 ceramic development."51 For at least half of their history the Mochica remained in these two valleys, which culturally functioned together. By about 500 A.D. a series of conquests was initiated, first to the north to occupy the relatively unpopulated Jequetepeque Valley, and then to the south to sweep over the Gallinazo culture in the Viru Val- ley.52 After the latter conquest the Mochica continued southward until they reached the Nepeﬁa Valley, at which point they were still separated from other advanced cultures to the south by a large expanse of desert.

The Mochica culture was both politically and re- ligiously oriented. As George Kubler indicates, ”Mochica society was probably a theocratic organization, governed by priestly persons."53 He also suggests that the change to a theocratic state may have been an extension of the powers of the priests at the same time as the extension of the irrigation systems, for these large community projects " . . . gave mastery of the entire society to a few 54 persons controlling the upper valley necks." In most cases construction of the large earthworks required rigorous

51George Kubler, The Art and Architecture of Ancient America (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1962), p. 251.

S2Willey, loc. cit., p. 397.

53Kubler, loc. cit., p. 253. 54Ibid., p. 254. 93, organization of the population and the subordination of other concerns to the public welfare. This could probably best be achieved in a theocratic state. Steward observed that " . . . throughout northern and central Peru, state planning, control of constructional efforts, and regimen- tation of mass labor are seen in numerous gigantic public projects such as mounds, temples, palaces, and forts.

These, like the irrigation systems, clearly indicate man— agerial control and socio-political integration of large populations."55

The Mochica culture ended with the appearance of the Tiahuanaco-horizon ceramic style. It is not known in just what form the entrance of this style to the region took place. It could have been the result of a religious movement, military conquest, or an artistic wave that swept over the entire region. In any case, the cultural sequence was disrupted for about one hundred years, although most of the population probably continued to live in much the same manner and location as before.

The Climactic Era

The decline of the Tiahuanaco cult gave rise to the Chimu kingdom, which was not unlike that of the Mochica.

The Chimu conquered slightly more territory than the

55Steward, Native Peoples, p. 89. 94

Mochica, mainly the Sechura Desert north of La Leche Val- ley (See Map 6, page 90). They probably did not irrigate as much as had the Mochica. It is likely, however, that they were forced to continue construction of new irrigation works, because much of the land formerly irrigated must have been unusable in Chimu times, due to the development of saline conditions in the soil. The Chimu state was a military organization, with ruling princes controlling the entire empire from the capital city of Chan-Chan. Alliances were formed with tribes in the sierra near Cajamarca, mak— ing this the first state on the north coast that had substantial ties with areas beyond the natural limits of the region.

The Chimu kingdom is presumed to have lasted less than 500 years, or from about 1000 A.D. to the Inca conquest of the region in 1471. For such a relatively short time period, the Chimu erected many structures, but failed to reach the cultural level achieved by the earlier Mochica.

However, it has generally been assumed that the colonial

Spaniards, and even the modern Peruvians, have not equalled some of the Mochica achievements.

The Chicama Valley

The Chicama Valley is extraordinarily rich in archae— ological material, of which only a small portion has been adequately described. The information presented in this chapter is likewise incomplete, but is based upon careful 95 research both in the library and the field.

The Incipient Era

The earliest artifacts found within the Chicama

Valley are those from hunters and gatherers of the pre— agricultural period. The point of this discovery is on the northern side of the valley, near part of present-day

Hacienda Casa Grande. At this site were found many chipped flint implements indicative of a hunting and gathering culture. No ceramics have been found at this site, and no radiocarbon date has been determined from material collect- ed in the area. Thus, the age of the site, except in general terms, remains unknown. However, the method of working the flints, percussion-flaking, does indicate that this is a pre-agricultural site. An approximate date for the site is given by Bushnell in the following manner:

The second horizon [the first being totally unworked stones] includes leaf-shaped points closely resembling some from a deposit dated by radiocarbon at about 6000 B. C. at Ayampitin, Argentina, as well as a number of blade forms, and this horizon is estimated to last from about 6000 to 300 B.C. Surface workshop sites in the desert north coast . . . between the Chicama and Pacasmayo [Jequetepeque] Valleys may belong to this stage. They have yielded pressure- -flaked points, roughly made side scrapers and blades.56

The first Incipient farming site to be discovered on the Peruvian coast, and the one best known archaeolog- ically today, is Huaca Prieta, near the mouth of the

56Bushnell, loc. cit., p. 33. 96

Chicama River. This site was excavated in 1949 by Junius

Bird, and was among the first to be accurately dated by the radiocarbon method. This huaca, actually a midden mound, is on a raised portion of ground known as El Brujo, which overlooks the Pacific Ocean just north of the Chicama

River (See Map 7). The land at El Brujo is uncultivated today and appears to have been so throughout history.

There are several possible reasons for the choice of El Brujo as a site of early settlement. It was high and dry, safe from the annual flooding of the river, but close to the most easily cultivated land in the marshes along the river. It was also close to the ocean, another major source of food. Moreover, the site is physically attractive. Land and sea breezes cool it day and night, and it is sufficiently elevated above the marshy areas to be free of insects, and hence of malaria.

The Huaca Prieta site was occupied for almost two thousand years. The earliest radiocarbon dates for the site are about 2300 B.C., while the last are about 300 57 B.C. No remains have been found of the earliest dwell— ings, but it is known that by the end of the era the people lived in semi-subterranean houses, either on the midden mound or in the immediate area.58 Throughout the era,

57Bird, "Preceramic Cultures," p. 23. 58Ibid., p. 24.

MAP 7 PRINCIPAL RUINS IN THE CHICAMA VALLEY

LA VINA AOUEDUC‘.’

N LICAPA AOUE DUC T

If} FACA-A V / ./ ASCOPE AOUEDUC T

I WALLStb‘s 0 MAL ASRIGC ,/ - 97 ROADS -- '0 MOCOLLOPE

CANALS ”*- be EL ROSARIO

(D LA CUMBRE CANAL

Q\\\‘\1‘ A at A S K NOVIN ::::::: \‘\\\~\. Ch TO HAVE BEEN 332‘ CHICAN‘ITA mmcneo IO SUMANIOUE

nus moucm- II EL BRUJO TO HAVE aim IRRIGATEO l2 MILAGRO

l3 CHIOUITOY VIEJO anus Aaovs .

L300 n. I4 HUACA COLORADO

5 D A A 4 ; A #4 A A SCALE IN MILE 5 ‘79‘ 30' 78°41) »1 -8° BASE: cueucn DEL mo CHICAMA Irsr

98 squashes, beans, chili peppers, wild fruit, and seafood were consumed.59 Textiles were made of cotton, bark, or reed fibers. Fishing nets and hooks were used, as were cutting tools made of flint. No ceramics have been found at Huaca Prieta, nor at other early agricultural sites along the coast.

The Developmental Era

Radical changes in the Chicama Valley occupance pattern appear to have taken place between the end of the

Incipient Era and the middle of the Developmental Era.

The coastal Chavin culture spread to the Valley and is represented in a wide variety of pottery types found in graves throughout the area. The type site, consisting of graves within the small, tributary Cupisnique Valley, has given its name to the culture period locally.

It is difficult to explain fully the rapid move— ment away from the coastal area at Huaca Prieta and the dispersion of people throughout the coastal plain. Out— side influences were probably responsible either through the diffusion of new ideas or wholesale invasion by people equipped to practice agriculture throughout the valley.

With little evidence available, it can only be inferred that by the middle of the Developmental Era major parts of the valley were occupied and in agricultural use.

59Bird, "Curcurbit Materials," p. 3. 99

There are no structures, nor physical evidences other than graves, known for the Cupisnique Period in the Chicama

Valley.

The latter part of the Developmental Era is known locally as the Salinar Period. There is, again, little physical evidence beyond ceramics found in numerous graves.

The type site for the Salinar cultural level is found in the upper part of the coastal plain, almost in the sierra, but it is thought that the people at this cultural level inhabited most of the easily irrigated lands of the valley.

The utilization of such an extensive area was made possible during the period by rapid improvements in agricultural technique.

By the end of the Salinar Period the population of the valley probably was about ten times larger than at the end of the Cupisnique Period.6O A reasonable population estimate for the Incipient Era is about fifty people.

Five hundred to one thousand people probably occupied the valley at the end of the Cupisnique Period and from five to ten thousand at the end of the Salinar Period. This rapid expansion of population was due primarily to improved agricultural techniques.

Some details of life in the Salinar period are known, through interpretation of pottery and study of remaining Salinar structures. The people worshipped

60Steward, Native Pepples, p. 85. lOO collectively at community temples, although one temple often served two or more communities. Villages were small, perhaps five or ten houses, with only about fifty people per village. Life was perhaps priest-dominated and, if so, there is a strong possibility that religious warfare was common. Several redoubts atop local peaks are thought to date from this time, supporting the idea that there was warfare during the period, and the importance of priests is indicated in some of the pottery that has been analyzed.

On the whole, "the north Peruvian communities were being drawn together to form small states which served the supra- community functions of controlling irrigation, carrying out the worship of the temple cult, and perhaps fighting wars," according to Steward.61

The Florescent and Climactic §£2§_

It is impossible to differentiate completely between the Mochica and Chimu ruins within the Chicama Val- ley. The Florescent and Climactic eras are therefore analyzed together in this section, with primary attention to individual habitation sites and the identification of ruins in general.

A great number of habitation sites found within the Chicama Valley pertain to the Florescent and Climactic eras, a span of about fifteen hundred years during which

6lipid. 101

the valley had a relatively large population. In many cases,

the same cemeteries were in use the entire time, which makes it impossible to identify them with a given culture. Also, many of the huacas represent continuous construction throughout the Era, the additions to earlier structures producing the features seen today. However, there are some areas where the huacas are only Mochica or only Chimu, and it is these that enable some distinctions to be made.

There are two large huacas, besides Huaca Prieta, at El Brujo. Huaca Negra, a Mochica structure, has a core that is either of Salinar or Cupisnique origin. H2322

Blanca, of Chimu origin, is thought to have been constructed entirely during the Chimu period. Wendell C. Bennett, a noted archaeologist, also reports the discovery of ceramics from all periods, including Colonial Spanish types, in excavations on El Brujo.62

North of El Brujo is a large area that is essen- tially unused today, due to salinity of the soil. Only a few small and widely scattered huacas have been found there, in an area which covers perhaps ten percent of the coastal section of the valley, but Bennett reports finding "extensive cemeteries which have yielded quantities of Early Chimu

62Wendell C. Bennett, "Archaeology of the North Coast of Peru," American Museum of Natural History Anthro- pological Papers, Vol. 37, p. 84. 102

[Mochica] tombs."63 No sites have been found within the region to indicate that the area was used during periods other than the Mochica.

In the central sections of the coastal plain, north and south of the river, are huacas of both Mochica and

Chimu origin. Most are located one to two miles from the river, singly or in clusters, and parallel its course across the coastal plain. The largest huacas within the valley are the central temples of the clusters. The clusters appear to have had only intra-valley significance, however, as pointed out by Richard Schaedel. "Ceremonial centers are clusters of huacas (pyramid-temples) usually with some minor construction in the immediate vicinity which may have served as living quarters for a limited population."64

Schaedel further states that:

The only ruin which might justifiably be called a ceremonial center was the site of Mocollope, built around a natural hill in the central part of the valley plain. It is composed of a cluster of pyramids, terraced platforms with internal room divisions, and an extensive series of cemeteries. The sherd collection showed an overwhelming percentage of Mochica wares indicating that the site was con- temporary with the Huaca del $01 and the Huaca de la Luna in the Moche Valley.65

63Ibid., p. 86.

64Richard P. Schaedel, "The Major Ceremonial and Population Centers in Northern Peru," in Sol Tax, The Civi— lizations of Ancient America, Vol. I (Chicago, 1951), p. 234. sslbid. 103

Paul Kosok, who carried out extensive work in the

Chicama Valley with the aid of aerial photographs, holds an entirely different view. He contends that there were several great ceremonial complexes within the Chicama Val- ley:

Other Chicama pyramids . . . appear in clusters, in which there is usually one large pyramid surrounded by a number of smaller ones. These huaca clusters were probably large-scale ceremonial centers, just as the individual huacas were probably the seats of local religio-political units.

Examples of these clusters are Las Huacas on the grounds of Hacienda Chiquitoy and the larger more important La Campanilla Huaca group just to the east of the old town of Santiago de Cao. . . . What may have been the most extensive pyramid group— ing in the Chicama Valley . . . consists of the large huacas of Ongollape, Salitral, Leche, Sono— lipe, and Rosario, all situated on the north side of the valley within a mile or two of one another. If these pyramids were once politically unified, they must have constituted the dominating huaca complex of the valley.66

In contrast to these large huaca complexes, which probably pertain to the priest-dominated Mochicas, are a series of ruins in the southern part of the valley. These ruins have been dated as definitely Chimu and appear to result from planned extensions of agriculture into the region closest to the Moche Valley, where the Chimu capital was established. These ruins in the Chicama Valley consist of a pyramid, Huaca Colorado, with an extensive walled

66Paul Kosok, Life, Land and Water in Ancient Peru (New York: Long Island University Press, 1965), p. 107. 104 compound attached; an even more extensive walled area known

as Chiquitoy Viejo, which appears to have had a pyramid

in the central part; and a series of ruins known collec—

tively as Chicamita. All include houses, walls, roads,

and several irrigation canals.

In addition to the sites mentioned, there are several hundred other ruins within the valley which can be con-

sidered of major importance.“'Map 7 (page 97) indicates those which are of archaeological significance and are frequently mentioned in relation to the Chicama Valley. It should be noted, however, that the entire valley was at one time or another occupied, and that in many cases there was construction enlarging earlier features.

The irrigation works of the Mochica and Chimu within the Chicama Valley are considered to be the most exten— sive developed in pre-Inca Peru. Large areas of the valley were irrigated, including many areas that are not irrigated today. However, the actual area irrigated at any one time was never greater than at the present. For a variety of reasons the amount of land under cultivation at any given time was definitely less than that cultivated today. Yet, the systems of the Mochica and Chimu were extensive and among the most outstanding engineering feats of prehistoric

America.

The method of irrigation used in these periods was basically the same as today. Large canals diverted water 105 from the Chicama River in the higher portions of the valley and conducted it along the contour to its place of use.

There it was channeled down short, S-shaped ditches through fields of maize, beans, and squash. Secondary canals removed excess water from the higher fields and carried it to lower ones, and finally back to the river or to the ocean.

In many cases the main canals were very large and, to reach fields distant from the river, necessarily long and of extremely difficult construction. An example is the Chimu canal known as La Cumbre, which diverted water from the Chicama River above its entry onto the coastal plain and conducted it to fields near Chan—Chan in the

Moche Valley. Kosok describes the exploration along this canal as follows:

One of the largest and most important ancient canals on the Coast is the Chicama-Moche Canal. . . . Originating in the upper part of the Chicama Valley above Sausal, it follows the contour of the hills and passes above the system just described [a system supplying Chicamita] until it reaches La Cumbre, the low dividing ridge between the Chicama and Moche Valleys. From there it continues . . . until it reaches the fields of ancient ChanChan, having coursed a distance of some forty miles. While the canal obviously had been used principally to carry water into the Moche Valley, at least during one period, it had also been used to cultivate land within the Chicama Valley, a fact that became clear to us when we found a number of large branches of the canal that remained within the Chicama Valley itself. Indeed, it is possible that the latter branches had been built before it was decided to extend the canal into the Moche Valley.67

67Ibid. 106

The best known Mochica canal, on the north side of the valley, was used to irrigate much of the area that is now Hacienda Casa Grande. One section of this canal, known as the Ascope Aqueduct, crosses a tributary valley on an adobe earthwork about one mile long, fifty feet high, and estimated to contain over one million cubic yards of earth.68 The canal is over thirty miles in length. An interesting idea, and one which has only recently been considered, is that during periods of high water the dry valley behind the aqueduct was filled with water and used as a reservoir for drier periods of the year. A second tributary valley further upstream may also have been used as a reservoir for this canal.

During the Mochica period cultivation extended about ten miles north of the river and only about four miles to the south, whereas Chimu cultivation extended about five miles north and eight miles south. .About the same amount of land was under cultivation by both, and the land near the river was utilized by neither. In both cultures agriculture was on a semi-subsistence basis, with enough surplus to support a religious hierarchy in the

Mochica case and a political one for the Chimu.

Agriculture in the Chicama Valley developed rapidly during the Florescent and Climactic eras. The area

68Mason, loc. cit., p. 69. lO7 cultivated had shifted from the early center near the ocean at El Brujo to the easily irrigated sites of the middle valley, and finally to areas in the lower valley requiring the use of complex canal systems. With no machines or draft animals, the Mochica and Chimu fashioned elaborate irrigation systems in this desert area. Together, these peoples contributed much to the glory of Peruvian history. CHAPTER V - RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN PRE-INCA AND

MODERN IRRIGATION SYSTEMS

In most valleys of the northern coastal region modern irrigation systems lie within extensive areas of

pre—Inca ruins. Old irrigation canals, houses, huacas,

and other physical evidence indicate that an area larger

than that presently under cultivation was used in former

times. Many archaeologists have so indicated and it is commonly accepted by the present inhabitants that the ear-

lier systems were more extensive than those presently in use. However, as previously noted in this study, probably at no time in the past was the amount of land cultivated greater than that cultivated today.

The Northern Coastal Region

The role of irrigation in the early societies of the Peruvian north coast has been described by Kosok, in his definitive study of the early systems:

Water control increases and stabilizes agri— cultural production. The building, cleaning, re- pairing and defense of a network of irrigation canals imposes on the tribe or community a greater need for collective work and thought than is re— quired in communities dependent merely on rainfall irrigation. Other irrigation communities often arise on adjacent terrain and thereby often par- ticipate in a joint use of common major canals. As a result, a growing interdependence of thought and action among communities evolves, which is far more intricate than that existing in the Sierras

108 109

where neighboring communities are often separated from one another by high mountain ridges or deep valley gorges. Finally, as a coastal valley becomes more and more populated, a still greater complexity of closely—knit social relations de- velops out of the need for a still more extensive joint water control. Such kinds of social rela— tionships do not evolve in exclusively rainfall societies.69

In contrast to the role Kosok indicates for irrigation in pre-Inca times, irrigation as an entity in itself is far less influential in determining cultural relation-

ships today. Tariffs, taxes, and the international sugar price are now more significant factors in the coastal val-

leys than the actual irrigation techniques, which have become merely tools within the agricultural system rather

than determinants of them.

There is little actual knowledge of the relation—

ship between pre-Inca and modern irrigation systems in terms of location and extent. Repeatedly one finds vague or incorrect statements in the literature concerning the nature of this relationship. Kubler has said that: "The valley areas anciently under cultivation greatly exceeded those in modern use. In the Viru Valley, for example, the

Mochica canals supplied an area 40 percent larger than the present cultivated area, and the land supported 25,000 people, where today there are only 8,000."70 Rowe asserts

69Kosok, loc. cit., p. 10.

7OKubler, loc. cit., p. 251.

110 that: "Before the Spanish conquest, large scale irrigation projects greatly extended the cultivable area of many of the valleys, but much of the reclaimed land was neglected under the Colony and was allowed to go back to the desert."71

Mason also concurs with the idea that irrigation systems were much more extensive in the past: "Irrigation works, most of them now long since abandoned but a few still in use, watered almost every possible acre of land and doubt- less supported a much larger population than lives in these valleys at present."72 Willey and Means have written along the same lines.

The most detailed discussion of the reasons for the presumably greater irrigation systems in the pre-Inca times is given by Kosok. After elaborating on the modern cultivation of sugar cane and rice in the northern coastal valleys and the tremendous water requirements of both of these plants, he states that:

The limited amount of water in most rivers necessitated the cultivation of a much smaller area than had been the case with a maize or maize- cotton economy of the ancients. This left considerable areas, once cultivated in ancient times, without the essential water. . . . For topograph- ical reasons the land thus cultivated was generally in the part of the valley closest to the river itself. Consequently the ancient canals, fields and ruins in the more distant peripheral areas remained

71Rowe, loc. cit., p. 31.

72Mason, loc. cit., p. 68. lll

untouched by modern agricultural expansions.73

On first thought it appears unlikely that such noted Peruvianists would make serious errors when describing a major facet of the early cultures. Apparently, how— ever, these writers have looked only at the most obvious feature of the early irrigation systems--that they extended beyond the present limits of cultivation-~and explained this by saying that the pre-Inca irrigation systems were more extensive than today. With this basic notion established it is easy to determine how much more land was under cultivation, how many more people could have been supported on the land, and so forth. One is left with the impression that these irrigation systems watering "almost every possible acre of land" were much larger than those of today and that the present systems must therefore be relatively inefficient or inferior in comparison with those of the past. Yet, this is clearly a misconception. In the discussion of modern agriculture in Chapter III it was empha— sized that the present agricultural system is among the most efficient in the world. Could the ancient structures have been so much more efficient than the systems in use today? Is the explanation for this phenomenon to be found in the change from maize or maize-cotton to sugar and rice cultivation? Or, are the Peruvianists in error, and is

73Kosok, loc. cit., p. 16. 112 there need for revision of thought on this suﬁject? In answer to these questions, it is useful to refer again to the Chicama Valley.

.Thg Chicama Valley

It is true that in the Chicama Valley much larger areas were cultivated in former times than are cultivated today. However, it can only be concluded that the impression given by the writers quoted is false.

The most obvious change between the pre-Inca and modern agricultural systems is the substitution of crops that has occurred through time. Kosok is correct when he indicates that cane uses more water. In fact, it appears likely that as much as fifty percent more water is required for sugar cane than for maize under similar conditions.74

However, there are several other facets to the problem that are not covered by this simple explanation. First, sugar cane can withstand periods of up to three months without irrigation, because the moisture for the cane is drawn from the soil at great depths. On the other hand, maize requires much more frequent irrigation, usually at least once a week, because the water for this crop is drawn from the soil at depths often only one-third of that of cane. Normal averages for sugar cane are water intake at depths of thirty

74Ivan E. Houk, Irrigation Engineering (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1951), p. 355. 113

to forty inches, whereas maize normally receives the greater

portion of its water at depths of ten to fifteen inches.75

With the more frequent irrigation necessary for maize, more

water is lost to evaporation and seepage in the distribu-

tional canals.76 This reduces the additional water required

for sugar cane from about fifty percent to about thirty

percent. Also, because sugar cane can withstand periods

of up to three months without water, fields can be planted

in relation to the amount of water available in the rivers

during the nine months of high water, rather than to the

lowest level of water available during the year. Maize, with its short irrigation intervals, could not have been

planted in areas beyond those irrigable at the lowest level of available water without some of the fields being aban-

doned during the dry season.

Since the turn of the century the amount of water

available for the canefields has been increased about fifty

percent through the use of wells. On the other hand, there

is no evidence that the pre—Inca peoples used wells to sup-

ply water to their fields. If this is true, and the previous figures for water use by maize and sugar cane are

75Interview with Ing. Jaime Seoane, Hacienda Car- tavio, March 13, 1967.

76Carl Rohwer, Seepage Losses from Irrigation Chan— nels (Fort Collins, Colorado: Colorado Agricultural Experi- ment Station, 1948), p. l. 114 correct, the amount of land that could be planted to cane today is necessarily greater than the maximum amount under cultivation at any time in the past.

If the area of land cultivated today is more extensive than at any previous time, the existence of large— scale ruins on the margins of the canefields must be ex— plained. The reasons are two-fold: first, a large area along the Chicama River was unused during ancient times, and second, the shifting of agriculture naturally intro— duced irrigation, at one time or another, to lands that are beyond the limits of present fields. As noted in the description of the Mochica and Chimu irrigation systems, the Mochica concentrated on the north side of the river and the Chimu on the south. Naturally, in doing so both peoples moved into areas which cannot be cultivated with the present supply of water. In fact, the limits of pres— ent cultivation fluctuate year to year as the supply of water increases or decreases. At times the present limits of cultivation extend into what was once Chimu cropland, only to retreat in successive dry years. On the whole, it is in the central part of the valley, along the margins of the river, that cultivation takes place today, which presents the pattern of a belt of irrigated agriculture amid a more extensive area of ruins.

One explanation of the change in areal location from the past to the present is that the pre-Inca peoples 115 could not readily utilize the areas along the rivers that are so important today. These areas were originally swampy and overgrown with scrub trees, conditions which would have made irrigated agriculture difficult. These areas were unused until the introduction of large machines which could overcome such problems and make the land arable. Even if the vegetation could have been removed by the Mochica or

Chimu, the lack of adequate drainage on this flat land would have made the introduction of irrigation useless.

Finally, these areas were probably malarial, which would have made them unattractive for settlement.

An additional factor in explaining the relationship between pre-Inca and modern systems is» the location of early population clusters. Mason reports that “ . . . the irrigable areas of these valleys were utilized for agriculture while the temples and the great graveyards . . . were placed on the desert edges of the cultivated fields; this was generally true of the villages also."77 Actually, there is little reason to believe that gply_on the desert side of the cultivated lands would the non-agricultural features have been placed. It is reasonable to expect that the same features would have been found near the river, between the cultivated land and the riverine marshes. When the loca- I tion of huacas along the river is examined, it is found

77Mason, loc. cit., p. 68. 116

that a line could be drawn between many of them represent-

ing the approximate riverward limit of pre-Inca agriculture.

It seems likely that there was cultural development all

around the irrigated areas, and that the huacas near the

river remain as evidence of this.

The question of climatic change has needlessly com-

plicated the historical analysis of irrigated agriculture

in the Valley. Some writers have contended that there might

have been more water available in the Chicama River in pre-

Inca eras and that this would have permitted the use of more land by the early peoples. That there was a change

of climate in the region at some geologically recent time

is without doubt; the only real question is at what archaeo-

logical time this might have taken place. Rather than in

the Mochica or Chimu periods, within the last two thousand years, it is more likely that this change took place some

four or five thousand years ago at the very latest, and

possibly at some even earlier time. The first men to come

into the coastal area obviously did so when the climate

was more moist than at present, but it is generally believed

that when the early farmers of the Incipient Era began to

practice agriculture near Huaca Prieta the climate and water regime was much the same as at present. The fact that or-

ganic materials from Huaca Prieta have been found intact

suggests a low moisture content in the air throughout the

past four thousand years. Hence, climatic change does not 117

appear to be a significant variable when analyzing the his-

torical relationships of agricultural systems in the northern coastal valleys.

Summa£y_and Conclusions

Irrigation and related agricultural features have

played an important role in the cultural history of northern coastal Peru. It is impossible to determine whether

irrigated agriculture was a cause or result of the develop— ment of advanced societies. In any case, the coastal cul-

tures achieved much higher levels of arts and handicrafts

than did their sierra neighbors, and at a much earlier date, which may be due to the greater amount of leisure time avail— able with the use of irrigation. Political and religious organization also appears to have taken place earlier and at higher levels on the coast, due to the built-in need for supervision and control attendant with the use of complex irrigation systems.

The variations in location and extent of irrigated agriculture through time have been caused mainly by changes in agricultural technique. Among these is the introduction of machinery for the construction of irrigation works and the cultivation of crops. Other causes of change include saline conditions of the soil and the substitution of commercial sugar production for subsistence maize. All other causes of change, and especially climate, are probably of minor importance. 118

Sugar cane cultivation is now the most efficient use of land in much of this region, and any other use would be uneconomic and impractical. Although more people might be supported directly by the subsistence cultivation of maize, the commercial use of land supports a far greater population, when employment in agriculture, industry, and transport is considered. A return to small land units would be unjustified in an area where mechanization has produced one of the world's most efficient agricultural systems.

Perhaps this study's most important conclusion is that during no former era was the amount of land irrigated greater than at present. Although no absolute proof can be given at present, the following points support this thesis:

1) Whereas sugar cane requires more water than maize, and its growth should theoretically result in a reduction of acreage, the differential in water need is now more than offset by the use of wells to supplement the flow of river water. 2) Concrete lining of some modern canals and less frequent irrigation of sugar cane result in relatively less water being lost through seepage and evaporation. 3) Sugar cane can withstand long periods of drought and hence can be cultivated in areas where the year-around water supply is insufficient for maize. 4) Extensive areas along the Chicama

River are now under cultivation but were evidently unused during pre—Inca times. Considering all of these factors, it would seem that prevailing theories concerning the relative extent of past and present irrigation systems should at least be subject to a careful re—evaluation. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Barnes, A. C. The Sugar Cane. New York: Interscience Publishers, Inc., 1964.

Baudin, Louis. The Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru. New York: Van Norstrand, 1961.

Beals, Carleton. Nomads and Empire Builders ~ Native Peoples and Cultures of South America. Philadelphia: Chil- ton Co., 1961. Bennett, Wendell C. Ancient Arts othhe Andes. New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1954.

. Andean Culture History. New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1964.

Bosworth, T. O. Geology of the Tertiary and Quaternary Periods in the N.w. Part of Peru. London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1922.

Bourne, Edward Gaylord. Spain in America 1450-1580. New York: Barnes & Noble, Inc., 1962.

Burgess, Eugene W., and Harbison, Frederick H. Casa Grace in Peru. Washington: National Planning Associa- tion, 1954.

Bushnell, G. H. S. Peru. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963.

Butzer, Karl W. Environment and Archaeology. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1964.

Collier, Donald, Jr. Cultural Chronology and Change as Reflected in the Ceramics of the Viru Valley, Peru. Chicago: Chicago Natural History Museum, 1955. Doering, Heinrich U. The Art of_Ancient Peru. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1952.

Earth Manual. Washington: Department of the Interior, 1963.

119 120

Edson, Hubert. Spgar - from Scarcity to Surplus. New York: Chemical Publishing Co., 1958.

Enock, Charles R. Peru: Its Former and Present Civiliza- tions. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1908.

Ford, Thomas R. Man and Land in Peru. Jacksonville: Uni- versity of Florida Press, 1955.

Carcilaso de la Vega. The Incas. Edited by Alain Gheer— brant. New York: The Orion Press, 1961.

Gerassi, John. The Great Fear in Latin America. New York: Collier Books, 1965.

Gibson, Charles. Inca Concept of Sovereignty_and the Span- ish Administration in Peru. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1948.

Gilire, Alen G. 0. Geography of the Central Andes. New York: American Geographical Society, 1922.

Grace, J. P., Jr. W. R. Grace and the Enterprises He Cre- ated. New York: Newcomer Society of North America, 1953.

Heyerdal, Thor. American Indians in the Pacific. London: Alden Press, 1952.

Highsmith, Richard M., Jr., and Jensen, J. Granville. Geggraphy of Commodity Production. Philadelphia: Lippincott Company, 1963. /II

Houk, Ivan E. Irrigation Engineeripg. Vol. I. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1951.

Howell, Wallace E. Local Weather of the Chicama Valley. Cambridge, Mass.: Wallace E. Howell Associates, 1952.

Huber, Siegfried. The Realm of the Incas. London: R. Hale, 1959.

International Sugar Council. The World Sugar Economy Struc- ture and Policies. London, 1963.

James, Preston E. Latin America. Third Edition. New York: The Odyssey Press, 1959. Jiménez Borja, Arturo. Moche. Lima: Instituto Peruano del Libro, 1937. 121

Johnson, George R. Peru from the Air. New York: American Geographical Society, Special Publication No. 12, 1930.

Kelemen, Pal. Medieval American Art. New York: Macmillan, 1943.

King, Norman J., Mungomery, R. W., and Hughes, C. G. Manual of Cane Growing. New York: American Elseier Pub- lishing Co., 1965.

Kobori, Iwao. Human Geography of Methods of Irrigation in the Central Andes. Tokyo: University of Tokyo, 1962.

Kosok, Paul. Life, Land and Water in Ancient Peru. New York: Long Island University Press, 1965.

Kroeber, A. L. Archaeological Explorations in Peru, Part 1, Ancient Pottepy from Trujillo. Chicago: Field Museum, 1926.

. Archaeological Explorationsin Peru, Part II, The Northern Coast. Chicago: Field Museum, 1930.

Kubler, George. The Art and Architecture of Ancient America. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1962.

Kutscher, Gerdt. Ancient Art ofgthe Peruvian North Coast. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1955.

Larco Hoyle, Rafael. Cronologia Arqgeolégica del Norte del Peru. Buenos Aires: Sociedad Geografica Ameri- cana, 1948.

. Los Mochicas. Tomo I & II. Lima: Casa Editora, 1938.

Lehmann, Henry. Pre—Columbian Ceramics. London: Elek Books, 1962.

Levin, Jonathan V. The Export Economies. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960.

Lothrop, Samuel K., Editor. Essays in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961.

Mangelsdorf, Paul. The Origin of Indian Corn and its Real Relations. College Station, Texas: Texas A & M, 1939. 122

Mason, J. Alden. The Ancient Civilizations of Peru. Balti- more: Penguin Books, 1957.

McGown, Theodore D. Pre-Incaic Huamachuco. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1945.

Meade, George P. Cane Sugar Handbook. New York: J. Wiley, 1963. ‘

Means, Philip Ainsworth. Ancient Civilizations of the Andes. New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1931.

. Fall of tpe Inca Empire and the SpanisQ_Rule in Peru, 1530-1780. New York: Scribner and Sons, 1932.

Mintz, Sidney W. Worker in the Cane. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960.

Miro Quesada, Aurelio. Costa, Sierragy Montaﬁa. Lima: Editorial Cultura Antartica S.A., 1947.

Murphey, Rhoads. An Introduction to Geography. Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1966.

1965 Production Yearbook. Vol. 19. Rome: FAO, 1966.

Rivadeneira, Ricardo. Las Ruinas Preincaica de Chan-Chan. Trujillo: Universidad de La Libertad, 1935.

Robinson, David A. Peru in Four Dimensions. Lima: Amer- ican Studies Press, 1964.

Romero, Emilio. Geografica Econémica del Peru. Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1961.

Sauer, Carl 0. Agricultural Origins and Dispersals. New York: The American Geographical Society, 1952.

Schulman, Edmund. Dendroclimatic Changes in Semiarid America. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1956.

Scott, Walter. The Industrial Utilization of Spgar Cane By-Products. Port-of-Spain, Trinidad: Caribbean Commission, Central Secretariat, 1950.

Shanahan, Edward W. South America, An Ecgnomic and Regional Geography. London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1959.

Squier, E. George. Peru: Incidents of Travel and Explora- tion in the Land of the Incas. New York: Harper & Bros., 1877. 123

Steward, J. H., Editor. Handbook of South American Indians. Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, Smith- sonian Institution Bulletin 143, 1946.

Steward, Julian H., and Faron, Louis C. Native Peoples of South America. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Com- pany, 1959.

Strong, William Duncan, and Evans, Clifford, Jr. Cultural Stratigraphyiin the Viru Valleyi Northern Peru. New York: Columbia University Press, 1952.

Tax, Sol, Editor. The Civilizations of Ancient America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951.

Thomas, W. L., Editor. Man's Role in Changing the Face of the Earth. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956.

Timoshenke, Vladimir P., and Swerling, Boris C. The World's Sugarngrggress and Poligy. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957.

Valcarcel, Luis E. Indians of Peru. Lake Forest, Illinois: Pocahontas Press, 1950.

Verrill, A. Hyatt. America's Ancient Civilizations. New York: Putnam, 1953.

Von Hagen, Victor. Highway of the Sun. London: Gallancy, 1956.

. The Desert Kipgdoms of Peru. London: Weiden— feld and Nicolson, 1965.

Waisbard, Roger, and Waisbard, Simone. Masks, Mummies, and Magicians. Translated by Patricia Russell. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966.

Weber, Max. The City. Translated and edited by Don Martin— dale and Gertrud Neuwirth. New York: Collier Books, 1962.

Weberbauer, A. La Influencia de Cambios Climaticos y Geo— logicos Sobre la Flora de la Costa Peruana. La Molina, Peru: Ministerio de Agricultura, 1945.

Whitbeck, R. H. Economic Geography of South America. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1926. 124

White, C. Langdon, Griffin, Paul F., and McKnight, Tom L. World Economic Geograppy. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1964.

Articles and Periodicals

Acuﬁa, Luis Alberto. "Legislacién Sobre Explotacién, Fundi- cion, Ensayo y Beneficie del Oro en las Colonias Espanolas de América, " Boletin de Arguelogia, Vol. II, No. l (Bogota, 1940), 85- 94.

"Agrarian Reform in Latin America," Royal Institute of In- ternational Affairs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962). Alegria, Cino. ”2,500 Years of Peruvian Art," Americas,

Bennett, Wendell C. "The Gallinazo Group, Viru Valley, Peru," Yale University_Publications in Anthrgpology, Vol. 43, 1950.

"Some Archaeological Needs in Peru," Conferencia de Ciencias Antropologicas (Lima, 1951), 188- 91.

Bird, Junius. "Preceramic Cultures in Chicama and Viru," American Antiquity, Vol. 13 (1948), 21-29.

Chase, Kathleen Barantzen. "Under Peruvian Sands,“ Americas,

Collier, Donald, Jr. "The Central Andes," Courses toward Urban Life, Current Anthropology, Wenner-Gren Foun- dation for Anthropological Research, 1962.

. "Development of Civilization on the Coast of Peru," Irrigation Civilizations: A Comprehensive Study, Social Science Monographs, Vol. 1 (Washing— ton, 1955), l9- 27.

"Conclusions and Evaluation of the Symposium," re 37th International Congress of Americanists, Latin Amer- ican Research Review, Vol. II, No. 2 (Spring, 1967).

"Documents from Early Peru," The Harkness Collection in the Library of Congress (Washington, 1936).

Encinas, J. A. "La Huaca," Peru Indigena, Vol. VII, 34—58. 125

Engel, Frederic. "A Preceramic Settlement on the Central Coast of Peru," Transactions of the American Philo- sophical Society, Vol. 53, Part 3 TMay, 1963).

"The 500 Largest Industries," Fortune (July, 1965).

Ford, James A. "The History of a Peruvian Valley,” Scien- tific American, Vol. 191, No. 2 (Aug., 1954), 28- 34.

Gayton, Anna H. "The Uhle Collections from Nieveria,” University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 21, No. 8 T1927).

Grabman, Alexander. "El Mejoramiento del Maiz en Peru," Agricultura de las Américas, Vol. 5, No. 11 (Nov., 1956), 28- 31.

"W. R. Grace Earnings Set a Record," New York Times, May 11, 1965, 51.

"Grace Terminates Agreement to Sell its Shares of Panagra," New York Times, July 23, 1965, 33.

"W. R. Grace Thrives by Getting Complex," Business Week, Jan. 25, 1958, 104-108.

Herkheimer, H. "Guia Bibliografica de los Principales Sitios Arquelogicos del Peru," Boletin de la Bib- lioteca Central de la Universidad Maygr de San Marcos, Vol. XX, Ano XXXII, Nos. 3 and 4 (Lima, 1937), 181- 234.

Kimmich, José. “Ori en de los Chimus," Boletin de la So- ciedad Geografica de Lima, Tomo XXXIII (Lima, 1937),

Kosok, Paul. "Ancient Drawings on the Desert of Peru," Archaeology, Vol. 2, No. 4, 206-15.

. "The Role of Irrigation in Ancient Peru," Pro- ceedin s of the Eighth American Scientific Congress, Vol. 2, 169-78.

. ”E1 Valle de Lambayeque," Actasgy Traba'os del II Congreso Nacional de Historia del Peru (Lima, 1959).

Lanning, Edward P. "A Pre-Agricultural Occupation on the Central Coast of Peru," American Antiquity, Vol. 28 (January, 1963), 360- 71. 126

. "Early Man in Peru," Scientific American, Vol. 213 (Oct., 1965), 68-77.

Larco Hoyle, Rafael. "A Culture Sequence for the North Coast of Peru," Handbook for South American Indians, Vol. VI, 1946. Marsters, V. F. "Condiciones Hidroldgicas de los Valles del Departmento de La Libertad,” Boletin del Cuer 0 de Ingenieros de Minas del Peru, No. 71 (Lima, 1909).

"A Matter of Chemistry," Time, Vol. 79, March 23, 1962, 84.

Miranda, José. "La Funcién Econémica del Encomendero en los Origenes del Regimen Colonial," Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropologia y Historia, Tomo II, 461-62.

Muelle, Jorge C. "Concerning the Middle Chimu Style," University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 39, part 3 (19437.

. ”Los Valles de Trujillo," Revista del Museo Nacional, Tomo VI (Lima, 1937), 3-24.

"El Peru en Marcha," Ensayo de Geografia Econémica (Lima, 1941).

"In Peru, Sugar Cane Evolves into Paper," Business Week, May 12, 1951, 164-66.

Rieser, Carl. "The Unfinished Job at W. R. Grace," Fortune,

Robertson, C. J. "Geographical Trends in Sugar Production," Geogggphical Review, Vol. 22 (1932), 120-30.

Roosevelt, C. V. "Ancient Civilizations of the Santa Val— ley," Geographical Review, Vol. 25 (1935), 21-42.

Rowe, John Howland. "The Kingdom of Chimor," Acta Americana,

Schaedel, Richard P. "The Callején de Huaylas of Peru and its Monuments," Archaeology, Vol. I, No. 4 (1948),

. "Wooden Idols from Peru," Archaeology, Vol. 4,

. "The Lost Cities of Peru," Scientific American, Vol. 185 (Aug., 1951), 18-23. 127

. "The Major Ceremonial and Population Centers in Northern Peru," in Tax, Sol, The Civilizations of Ancient America, Vol. I (Chicago, 19517?

"America en Cifras, Estado y Movimiento de la Poblacion," Situacion Demografic, Vol. II (Washington, 1964).

Smith, C. T. "Aspects of Agriculture and Settlement in Peru," Geographical Journal, Vol. CXXVI (1960),

Stumer, L. M. "Playa Grande: Primitive Elegance in Pre- Tiahuanaco Peru," Archaeology, Vol. 6, No. l (1953),

42‘48 o

"The Chillon Valley of Peru,“ Archaeolo ogy, Vol. 7, No. 3 (1954), 171- 78.

. "History of a Dig,” Scientific American, Vol. 192 (March, 1955), 98-104.

Taylor, Alice, Editor. "Peru," Focus, Vol. XVII, No. 8 (April, 1967).

Tello, Julio. "Discovery of the Chavin Culture in Peru,“ American Antiquity, Vol. 9, No. 1 (July, 1944), 135—60. Uhle, Max. "La Antigua Civilizacion Peruana," La Industria, Trujillo, 1900.

Van Stan, Ina. "A Problematic Example of Peruvian Resist- Dyeing," American Antiguities, Vol. 29 (Oct., 1963),

Vargas Ugarte, Ruben. “Los Mochicas y el Cacicazgo de Lambayeque," Actasy Trabajgs del Congresso de Americanes, Vol. 2 (Lima, 1942), 475- 82.

Von Hagen, Victor. "The Mystery of Pisac," Archaeology,

. "The Highways of the Inca,” ArchaeoloQY, Vol. 5, No. 2 (1952), 104-109.

Yacovloff, Eugenio. "El Mundo Vegetal de los Antiguos Peruanos," Revista del Museo Nacional, Tomo III, No. 3 (Lima, 1934), 241-323.

Zevalles Quinones, Jorge. "La Imprenta en el Norte del Peru,“ Boletin Bibliografico, Vol. XXII (1949), 204- 83. 128

"La Zona Arqueologica de Trujillo,” Chimor, Boletin del Museo de Arqueologia de la Universidad de Trujillo, Ano I, No. l (Trujillo, 195377'3- 21.

Reports

Alexander, w. P. The Irrigation of Sugar Cane in Hawaii. Experiment Station of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association, Honolulu, 1923. Anuarie Estadistica del Peru, 1956- 57. Lima: Direccion Nacional de Estadistica y Censos, 1959.

Bennett, Wendell C. “A Reappraisal of Peruvian Archaeology," Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, No. 4, 1948.

. "Archaeology of the North Coast of Peru," Amer-

ican Museum of Natural History Anthropological Papers, Vol. 37, 1949.

Bird, Junius. "Identification and Significance of the Cur- curbit Materials from Huaca Prieta," American Museum Novitates, 1949.

"Cuenca del Rio Chicama, Period 1911- 60, " Boletin de Esta- "f distica Meteorologica e Hidrologica, No. 10, Ser- j vicio de Agrometeorologia e Hidrologia, Lima, 1962. ‘

Importancia Economica de los Diversos Cultivos, 1964. Es— tadistica Agraria, Universidad Agraria y Ministerio de Agricultura, Lima, 1965.

International Trade, 1962. The Contracting Parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Geneva, 1963.

Kroeber, Alfred Louis. "Peruvian Archaeology in 1942," Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 4, New York, 1944.

Plan Nacional de Desarrolo Economic y Social del Peru 1962- 1971. Lima, 1962.

Promedios Meteorologicos de Evaporacion Total y Precipita- cionJ Pluvial. Capitulos II & III, Ministerio de Agricultura, Lima, 1966.

Promedios Meteorologicas de Temperatura. Capitulo I, Minis- terio de Agricultura, Lima, 1966. l29

Rohwer, Carl, and Stout, Oscar V. P. Seepage Losses from Irrigation Channels. Colorado Agricultural Experi- ment Station, Fort Collins, Colorado, 1948.

Sutcliffe, R. C. Theories of Recent Changes of Climate. Arid Zone Research, UNESCO, Vol. 20, 277- 80. Sutton, Carlow W. "El Problema de la Irrigacion en el Valle de Chicama," Ministerio de Fomento y Obras Publicas, Boletin del Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Minas y Aggas, No. 101, Lima, 1921.

Towle, Margaret A. "The Ethnobotany of Pre-Columbian Peru," ‘Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 70, 1961.

Willey, Gordon R. Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 155, Washington, 1953.

Unpublished Material

Amaya Liza, Zoila. ”Noticia Acerca de Huaca Colorada,” Unpublished Master's Thesis, Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, 1948.

Fitchett, Delbert Arthur. "Defects in the Agrarian Struc- ture as Obstacles to Economic Development: A Study of the Northern Coast of Peru,“ Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1963.

Grace, J. P., Jr. "It Is not too Late in Latin America; Proposals for Action Now," W. R. Grace and Co., 1961.

Hacienda Cartavio, Trujillo, Peru. Personal interview with Ing. Jaime Seoane, March 13, 1967.

Miller, Solomon. "The Hacienda and the Plantation in North— ern Peru," Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, Colum- bia University, 1964.

Production Figures of the Cartavio Mill, Cartavio S.A., Trujillo, 1966.

Sugar Producers Committee, "Sugar Statistics" (Lima, 1967). 5w 201-387 3511901967