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Social Process in Hawaii

Social Process in Hawaii

A N D К L- vV vV i_iiN D SOCIAL PROCESS IN HAWAII

Published by the SOCIOLOGY CLUB in collaboration with THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII

.os AMeeirs

VOLUME II M A Y 1936 HONOLULU, HAWAII, U.S.A.

SOCIAL PROCESS IN HAWAII Published by the Sociology Club in Collaboration with the Department of Sociology University of Hawaii MAY 1936 VOLUM E II

EDITOR Kum Pui Lai MANAGING EDITOR ADVISOR Marion Y. P. Wang Andrew W. Lind

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CONTENTS

SOCIAL PROCESS IN HAWAII (Foreword) .... Кгіт Pui Lai 2

STATEHOOD FOR HAW AII ...... Romaonzo A dam s 4

THE COMPETITION OF LANGUAGES IN HAWAII . John Reinecke 7

RACIAL FACTORS i n t h e EMPLOYMENT of W OM EN Jane Dranga 11

ATTITUDES OF HOTEL WORKERS .... Douglas Yamamura 15

SOME FILIPINO TRAITS TRANSPLANTED . . . Roman Cariaga 20

FIFTY AGED PUERTO R ICA NS ...... Kum Pui Lai 24

RESIDENTIAL DISPERSION o f URBAN CHINESE Clarence Glick 28

THE CHINESE 2.TORE a s a SOCIAL INSTITUTION Bung Chong Lee 35

LEAVES FROM THE LIFE HISTORY OF A CHINESE IMMIGRANT ...... Elizabeth Wang 39

FAMILIAL SURVIVALS IN RURAL HAWAII . . . Shiku Ogura 43

THE TAXI DANCE HALL IN HONOLULU Virginia Lord & Alice Lee 46

POPULATION TRENDS IN H AW AII ...... Andrew W. Lind 51

RACE RELATIONS IN H A W A II ...... Romanzo Adams 56 Social Process In Hawaii FOREWORD

By KUM PUI LAI

The intermingling of peoples of in particular, assimilation is gradual­ many different races and cultures ly taking place and a language and has made of Hawaii, in the words culture are developing which are d:s- of Professor Robert E. Park, “one tinctly Hawaiian and American. Mr. of the most interesting laboratories Reinecke in the second article calls in the world.” The students in sociol­ attention to the processes involved in ogy at the University of Hawaii have the creation of a “Hawaiian English therefore a peculiar opportunity to Dialect” through the competition of acquire an understanding of social several languages. Although the sec­ theories and problems in refer­ ond and third generation youths are ence to concrete situations. Their far on the road to acculturation, the attempts at mastery of sociological opponents of statehood still contend theory have been based upon analyses that the predominance of Orientals is of the processes at work about them. an obstacle in Hawaii’s path towards In this volume, as in the first one pub­ statehood. Incidentally, the increase lished in 1936, they have brought to­ of second generation Orientals educat­ gether reports of separate studies ed in the American schools brings to made during the past year or two. the fore the questions of dual stand­ These presumably afford a better un­ ards in salaries, race discrimination in derstanding of social situations in Ha­ employment, citizen labor on the plan­ waii and also seek to make some con­ tations, and the adequate provision of tribution to the more general body employment for thousands of gradu­ of sociological knowledge. The writers ates imbued with the “white-collar” of the papers are participant observ­ complex. Mrs. Dranga discusses the ers and their researches, based on racial factors which may aid or hin­ “acquaintance with”, give a more in­ der the employment of women, espe­ timate portrayal of roles and situa­ cially in household work, while Mr. tions, which for many have been per­ Yamamura surveys a large hotel com­ sonal experiences. munity, recording the attitudes of the The first article on statehood for Japanese, Filipinos, and other racial Hawaii by Dr. Adams is of current groups in reference to their work and interest to mainlanders and Islanders. the types of people they meet. Hawaii’s statehood aspirations have The next two papers concern the gained much ground as evidenced by newer arrivals in Hawaii—the Filipi­ the report of the House nos who came between 1907-1930, and Territories subcommittee which de­ the Puerto Ricans, most of whom mi­ ferred action on the King Hawaiian grated to the Islands in 1901. Mr. Ca- Statehood Bill but expressed favora­ riaga, after giving a general histori­ ble attitudes toward eventual admis­ cal background for the understanding sion of Hawaii as a state. One of the of the Filipinos, describes some of contended oppositions to statehood is their traits transplanted to Hawaii. the heterogeneity of the population. He deals mainly with the customs and In spite of the tenacity of oriental usages surrounding the major crises customs among the first generation of life—birth, marriage, and death. Social Process in Hawaii (3)

Mr. Lai in the following preliminary customs in Kona, Hawaii, writing study of the Puerto Ricans, a minor­ chiefly about courtship and marriage ity group, attempts to explain the customs. problems of maladjustment of the The natural rise of the taxi dance aged in terms of historical and cul­ hall, a description of the various tural processes. dance halls and excerpts from inter­ The Chinese, earliest among the views with taxi dancers, are subjects immigrants, and consequently with for study by Miss Lord and Miss greater opportunities for accultura­ Lee. Other so-called undesirable fea­ tion, are the subject for discussion in tures in this community such as pros­ the succeeding three essays. Mr. titution, gambling, and lax moral Glick analyses the residential disper­ practices may be viewed from a more sion of the Chinese in Honolulu to understanding perspective with a sub-urban areas, which is a phenome­ knowledge of the racial, sex, and age non different from the segregation composition of the population. In the and dispersion of immigrant groups treatise on population trends, Dr. to restricted areas in American ci­ Lind interprets changes in current ties. In the paper on the Chinese vital statistics. The last is a sum­ store, Mr. Lee depicts the former role mary statement by Dr. Adams of the of a first generation institution in race mores in Hawaii with special at­ a frontier society and its subsequent tention to inter-marriage and the rise decline in an American urban commu­ of a mixed population. nity. The next essay by Miss Wong It is expected that in future issues records the vivid experiences of a more attention will be given to rural Chinese woman in her ancestral vil­ processes and perhaps special num­ lage and in the New Land, and pro­ bers on education, employment, and vides a brief glimpse “behind the language institutions will be publish­ mask of the inscrutable Oriental.” ed. Although “Social Process” is di­ In rural Hawaii are many “cul­ rected largely to Island readers we tural pockets” where traits from the hope to be able to compare notes with old country remain more or less un­ other inter-cultural areas and there­ altered owing to fewer contacts with by to achieve a better perspective of the outside. Mr. Ogura in his article our social setup and its accompanying records some survivals of Japanese problems.

“It is probably no mere historical accident that the word person, in its first meaning, is a mask. It is rather a recognition of the fact that every­ one is always and everywhere, more or less consciously, playing a role. We are parents and children, masters and servants, teachers and students, clients and professional men, Gentiles and Jews. It is in these roles that we know each other; it is in these roles that we know ourselves. . . In a sense, and in so far as this mask represents the conception we have formed of ourselves—the role we are striving to live up to—this mask is our truer self, the self we would like to be. In the end, our conception of our role becomes second nature and an integral part of our personality. We come into the world as individuals, achieve character, and become persons.”— Robert E. Park “Behind Our Masks”, The Survey Graphic, Vol. LVI, No. 3, May 1, 1926, page 137. Statehood For Hawaii

By ROMANZO ADAMS

There has been, in Hawaii, more or Would statehood be, on the whole, ad­ less talk about statehood for a long vantageous to Hawaii? Would it be time. The Territorial Legislature of advantageous to the nation? If the 1931 passed a resolution memorializ­ people of Hawaii answer the first of ing Congress and asking for state­ these questions affirmatively they hood. The Governor of the Territory will continue to seek a favorable de­ vetoed the resolution on the ground cision on the part of Congress. If the that it was premature. More recently American public answers the second our Delegate in Congress has intro­ affirmatively, it is probable that Con­ duced in Congress a bill designed to gress will take favorable action. result in Hawaii’s becoming a state. It may be admitted that commonly While it is practically certain that the laws passed by Congress and the this bill will not become a law, it may administrative rules of the executive be assumed that it represents a more department at Washington have been advanced development of local opin­ applied equally to Hawaii. There are, ion on the question and that the Con­ however, a few cases where such laws gress of the United States will, in or administrative rules have been ap­ future years, give more attention to plied unequally to Hawaii merely be­ the question, granting statehood, per­ cause it is not a state. Taxes in some haps, after the questions have been instances have been collected of the more fully considered. citizens of Hawaii where citizens of Since the question of statehood is statoe in a precisely corresponding likely to be before the people for a position were exempt. Sometimes ap­ period of years it may be well to raise propriations for public improvements some of the questions that will have for the benefit of all states have been to be considered. There are, for the denied to Hawaii although Hawaii people of Hawaii, two main questions. was regularly taxed as were the states 11) What are the advantages and the to pay the expense of such improve­ disadvantages that might be expect­ ments. Very recently Hawaii’s quota ed to arise from statehood? (2) What for sugar production was fixed at are the probable obstacles to the se­ a point about ten per cent below curing of statehood and how can they its average annual production in the be overcome? Of course, there will be most recent years, while the sugar no occasion to ask the second ques­ producers in the states were given tion if the first is answered in such a a quota somewhat above their average way as to indicate that the disadvan­ production in recent years. There is, tages outweigh the advantages. It is much of the time, some apprehension probable, however, that the great ma­ in Hawaii that the acts of Congress jority of the citizens of Hawaii will will be discriminatory. This may hap­ reach an opposite answer. The obsta­ pen even when there is no intent. It cles will, then, arise from the exist­ is so easy for men in Washington to ence of a different view on the part forget Hawaii. Much of the legisla­ of many mainland people. tion receives its final form in the The question of advantages may be Senate and Hawaii has no voice, much considered from two points of view, less a vote, in the Senate. Statehood the local Hawaiian, and the national. would have some practical advantages Statehood for Hawaii (5) for Hawaii. There is also something sure up as nearly to mainland stand­ that belongs to sentiment rather than ards as the mainland people do com­ to the more superficial practical con­ monly, but I will not do this. It is siderations. When people participate not needed by the people of Hawaii in the democratic traditions of Amer­ and it would’ be of little or no effect ica they tend to feel the need of so far as mainland people are con­ full equality. They do not want to re­ cerned. The thing that will eventual­ gard themselves as a subject people. ly convince the mainland is success­ They want to have the same rights as ful experience. the other American people. They want When Hawaii became a Territory the full benefit of the American Con­ of the United States the number of stitution and a voting right in mat­ men eligible to vote was not much, if ters of national policy. As the peo­ any, above a tenth of the adult male ple of Hawaii become more American population, the rest being aliens. By in outlook and sentiment it is proba­ 1920 nearly a third of the adults were ble that their attitude toward state­ citizens and by 1930, about 41 per hood will be determined even more cent. It is easy to see that the great by sentiment than by considerations majority of the people who do the relating to the obvious practical ad­ work of Hawaii are still voiceless in vantages. the Territorial government. That is There is a question that is often there has been no real test of the po­ asked by mainland people who give litical quality of the people generally. some attention to Hawaii and some­ Not until the number of eligible vot­ times by local people also. Are the ers is equal to something not far from citizens of Hawaii now and prospec- half of the population will sceptical tively able to provide a government mainland people consider that a fair reasonably adequate to the needs of test has been made. There were, for the local people and also adequate to the 1934 election, approximately 70,- meet its obligation to the nation? The 000 registered voters and nearly an­ doubt that is expressed in the ques­ other 10,000 could have registered. If tion is based largely on the fact that the numbers increase at the rate of the citizens of Hawaii now and even about four thousand a year for ten more in the near future, are so large­ years we will have a possible voting ly of immigrant ancestry and of an population of about 120,000—about a ancestry that has no tradition of po­ third of the total population, but over litical experience. Very few of the two thirds of the adult population. immigrants to Hawaii were voters in Among these, would be a sufficient their native lands. It has been ob­ number of the representatives of all served in many countries that where ancestries including even the latest politically inexperienced peoples ac­ comers, the Filipinos,—a number suf­ quire voting rights they do not exer­ ficient to indicate the nature of their cise such rights in an advantageous performance. way at first. Evidently political wis­ • Doubtless, this increase of voting dom is largely a matter of experience strength will involve a redistribution and tradition. What about the thou­ of power. There will be some change sands of Hawaiian youth who will in in the personnel of political leader­ the near future become voters? ship. New issues will emerge and some At this point I might make a state­ old ones will be forgotten. If, in this ment of my own faith in the charac­ ten year period, 1934-1944, the peo­ ter of the young citizens of Hawaii, ple of Hawaii shall be able to exer­ or I might make a statement of rea­ cise the authority they now have, un­ sons for believing that they will mea­ der the provisions of the Organic Act,

A ( 6 ) IStatehood for Hawaii with moderation and wisdom they conduct of affairs by the people will go far toward convincing the of Hawaii. Hawaii must win her case more open-minded mainland people as strictly on its merits. This is the an­ to their political character. swer to the second main question. Doubtless there will be opposition When the facts relating to a success­ to Hawaiian Statehood. There will be ful management of governmental af­ some opponents who will be indus­ fairs are placed before the American trious in the spreading of evil re­ people there will still be people who ports about Hawaii. There will be sub­ will refuse to consider them for pre­ tle appeals to racial, nationalistic, and judice does not easily give way. But economic class prejudice and some­ such evidence will win increasing sup­ times such appeals will not even be port to Hawaii’s contention and at subtle. To all such appeals there is some crisis this will be decisive. only one effective answer,—the actual

RACIAL ATTITUDES OF THE JAPANESE IN HAWAII

By J1TSUICHI MASUOKA

Social Feelings of the Second Generation Japanese Toward the Chinese. In the case of the second generation Japanese, the race which received the highest score on friendly feelings was the Chinese. Toward this group 173 out of 250 or 69.2%, reported that their feelings were friendly, 62 or 24.8%, stated that their feelings were neutral, and only 15 or 6%, were antipathetic toward them. There were more of the second generation than of the first generation Japanese who expressed friendly feelings toward the Chinese, the difference being 6.4%. There were more of the first generation whose feel­ ings toward the Chinese were antipathetic. It may be inferred from the above that the second generation Japanese feel much more friendly towards the Chinese than do their parents. (Master’s Thesis, University of Hawaii, 1931, p. 126.) The Competition of Languages in Hawaii By JOHN REINECKE

Hawaii presents the same multipli­ and is necessary where the laborers city of languages found in any im­ are drawn from several linguistic portant center on the main paths of groups. In gawaii it has been (a) a world traffic. Each of the languages language of command from Haole to is spoken by one ethnic group and is non-Haole, and (b) an interlanguage the normal means of communication or lingua franca among the various within that ethnic group for a con­ linguistic groups of laborers. siderable length of time. (No figures The crudest form of English spo­ are available in Hawaii to show how ken in Hawaii is commonly termed many people speak each of the non- “pidgin”, but pidgin should properly English tongues; probably the Part- be applied rather to makeshift lan­ Hawaiians and Portuguese are the guages which arise from a trade only non-Haole groups whose mem­ situation, such as the Pidgin Eng­ bers have become to any great extent lish of China and the Chinook Jar­ wholly English-speaking.) Each lan­ gon. True, the two forms are practi­ guage is in very active competition cally indistinguishable from a lin­ with the dominant cultural, political, guistic point of view, and a pidgin and commercial language — English. may be used on plantations; as Ki- It is in competition with all the other Swahili in Kenya and Beach-la-mar languages in one special circumstance in Melanesia. But the distinction is —intermarriage. valuable sociologically, as showing the Hawaii also presents the same assi­ circumstances in which any makeshift milation of ethnic groups and disap­ dialect arose. pearance of their languages which is Our “pidgin” was, according to the typical of new, relatively empty available evidence, at first a true pid­ countries having their origin in gin of trade; it arose primarily as a colonies of settlement, and which medium of communication between draw settlers from all parts of the the white traders and whalers and world: the United States, Canada, the natives, and was called “hapa Argentina, etc. haole”. It appears to have been a In Hawaiian history can also be makeshift dialect of English, amor­ seen all the steps in the decline of a phous, strongly influenced by Ha­ native tongue before the language of waiian grammatical forms and inter­ the dominant community. spersed with Hawaiian words. This Hawaii furthermore presents the “hapa haole” also came into use on formation of a makeshift dialect of the plantations, which prior to 1876 English, which can be classified as a were manned chiefly by natives. marginal member of the general class Therefore when the Chinese and of creole languages or dialects. A Portuguese were imported in large creole dialect is a greatly simplified, numbers from 1876 and 1878, respec­ makeshift form of a European lan­ tively, they learned and modified the guage which has arisen in master- “hapa haole” until it became “pidgin servant situations on a large scale be­ English”—although not quite the tween European employer and (usual­ “pidgin English” of today, for the ly) non-European laborer. It is es­ Japanese and Filipino in turn have pecially common in plantation regions. influenced it, though slightly. This (8 ) The Competition of Languages in Hawaii

creole dialect has not been able to sta­ so more homogeneous, containing few­ bilize itself, because of the strength er indications of the national origin of the ethnic groups, which have of the speaker. This is lumped to­ maintained their cultural and linguis­ gether with the creole as “pidgin Eng­ tic identity, and the free public edu­ lish” by casual observers, but the two cation whish has allowed the children should be distinguished. There is a of the immigrants and natives to continuum of speech, but at one end learn fairly good English.* As a Chi­ there is a makeshift speech, at the nese, a Japanese, a Portuguese, a other a fairly adequate local dia­ Hawaiian, can be distinguished by his lect. True, it is not a dialect spoken national intonation and idiomatic pe­ by all English-speakers of the Islands, culiarities, the “pidgin” is almost a but it is spoken by a majority of congeries of immigrants’ mixed dia­ them, and is already coloring the lects such as those of the Scandina­ speech of the Haoles and other care­ vians, Germans, Italians, etc., in the fully educated people. United States. Nevertheless, it has May I offer an example of the dif­ enough unity to be considered an en­ ference between the creole and the tity, the Creole Dialect of Hawaii. local dialects? A short time ago, I The older natives and immigrants heard a Korean woman describing the usually did not have the opportunity reputation of a physician: “All same to learn good English. They were in too muchie good speak.” Now a very little touch with the English-speak­ careless person of the younger gen­ ing class except as workmen taking eration would say something like: orders. They learned their makeshift “everybody speak him toooo good.” English functionally, during the pro­ Take a series of examples of the lo­ cesses of field labor; if it worked in cal dialect: a given situation, it was right enough 1. “Nine lose already.” (i.e., “I’ve and normal. But their children did lost nine already”). have the opportunity to learn good 2. “Last year a Rockne was chang­ English. The language of instruction ed.” (i.e., “Last year he changed his of the schools was being changed from car for a Rockne” ). Hawaiian to English when the Por­ 3. “Only what the Filipinos know tuguese field laborers arrived in 1878, is to fool around girls.” (i.e., “All and their presence accelerated the that the Filipinos know is to hang change. In 1855 about ten per cent about paying attention to girls”). of the school children of the Islands 4. “Are you going?” (The succes­ were being taught English; by 1870, sive words are almost in the Manda­ one-fourth were being taught in Eng­ rin tones, 4, 1, 3, respectively.) lish ; by 1878, 38 per cent, by 1890, These illustrate the chain between 92.3 per cent; by 1901, all. creole dialect and standard English. In the schools and on the play­ The first is a bit of creole in a fair­ grounds a new dialect of English ly adequate context of school ground grew up, and is still growing. It is conversation; the second is decidedly not makeshift, but still departs wide­ un-English in its syntax, but not ly from English standards and con­ makeshift; the third contains two lo­ tains many marks of the influence of cal idioms, but is English in its gen­ the creole speech of the first genera­ eral feel; the last is wholly stand­ tion. Because of the large number of ard English except for the local in­ Japanese children in the schools tonation. (nearly one-half the total), it is more Therefore three forms of English influenced by the Japanese language are competing now with the various than was the creole dialect. It is al­ ethnic languages; the creole speech or The Competition of Languages in Hawaii (9)

“pidgin English” its child, the local to speak without the Island intona­ dialect, and Standard English. Bilin­ tion, accentuation, and other peculi­ gualism has therefore become a typi­ arities. That is being a “black Haole.” cal phenomenon of the Islands, but it The sharp racial and social line is bilingualism on different levels. An drawn between Haoles and non- immigrant may speak his native Haoles is thus to a considerable ex­ tongue and creole English; his chil­ tent reinforced by the linguistic line dren may speak the parental lan­ between them; a line which the ambi­ guage, tho’ not very adequately, and tious and careful seek to obliterate in the local dialect; his grandchildren, their own speech, but which the mass or even his children, may speak Stand­ of young people keeps up, first be­ ard English and the parental lan­ cause it is easiest to speak as one has guage. In some instances one may al­ spoken since childhood, second because most speak of trilingualism, or even it places one socially. This linguistic quadrilingualism; for an individual line is also confused with the econo­ may very likely speak dialectal Eng­ mic line which in a very general way lish in some situations and what is divides Haoles from non-Haoles: on pretty close to Standard English in the one hand, the mastery of good others, and he may also speak his pa­ English fits one for well-paid jobs rents’ language in an Americanized and makes it possible to compete with local form in some situations, and the Haoles on their own ground; on with fair correctness in others. the other, there is the feeling that This bilingualism, or trilingualism, the Haoles and a few others have is one of the major educational pro­ the good positions in their pockets blems of Hawaii, for the evidence of anyway, so why exert such an effort the studies made thus far is that it to speak Standard English. retards the school children in their English has not been the only lan­ mastery of the body of knowledge of­ guage of commercial and social value fered in the English language schools. to all the immigrant groups. Many Possibly it may also have some harm­ of the earlier immigrants, especially ful psychological effects upon some the Chinese, learned Hawaiian. Oth­ individuals, making them timid, un­ er individuals, even of the second and certain of themselves, and confused. third generations, have learned other Probably the problem is only partly languages besides English and their one of bilingualism per se, but is father’s tongue, either because they caused also in large part by faulty have been in close contact with large teaching of both English and foreign linguistic groups, or have married in­ languages. to another linguistic group, or have As the creole “pidgin” was the had parents of two linguistic groups. class dialect of the immigrant groups, It is likely, however, that in most re­ marking them off from the Haole cent cases of inter-marriage English population, so the local dialect is still is the home language. to a great extent a class and racial Then, too, nationalities represent­ dialect, marking off the non-Haole ing several linguistic groups have had youth from the Haoles. To speak the to find a lingua franca within their dialect puts one in a definite class. own group of tongues. The Filipinos It is considered somewhat beneath sometimes speak English as an in­ one’s dignity as a person educated in ter-language, sometimes Tagalog; English to speak gross “pidgin” ex­ sometimes Bisayans and Ilocanos cept to older people who know no oth­ learn each other’s language. The Oki­ er English; at the same time it is nawans have learned common Japa­ considered snobbish and presumptuous nese. The Chinese have agreed upon ( 10) The Competition of Languages in Hawaii the Shekki subvariety of the Heung- the influence of Hawaiian. Not only Shan subdialect of Punti Cantonese does it lie at the base of the creole as their common language in Ha­ dialect and hence of the Island Dia­ waii. lect, thru its influence upon the The languages of some ethnic forms of English; but an unusually groups are already giving way before large number of loan words have English. Portuguese is the most strik­ passed from Hawaiian into all grades ing example. Next to it comes Ha­ of English. These probably number waiian among the mixed bloods. Oth­ between 500 and 1000, of which 150 ers are still strong, with language to 200 are in fairly common use. All schools, a language press, and church the other languages together have not services conducted in them; such are furnished nearly so many. This re­ the Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and flects the prestige which Hawaiian Filipino. The size of the group, its had—and still has to some extent— ethnic solidarity and pride in its cul­ as the language of native administra­ tural heritage, the recency of its ar­ tion and culture. Had it not been for rival in Hawaii, and the commercial the great immigration, Hawaiian importance of the language in ques­ would probably occupy today a much tion, are the chief factors in deter­ stronger position in every field than mining the strength of any language’s it actually does. position. Among the generation edu­ The present trends of language in cated in Hawaii, however, English Hawaii may be summed up thus: the is very rapidly becoming the language creole dialect is dying out with the of habitual thought and of communi­ passing of the first generation of im­ cation even within the home except migrants and natives to learn Eng­ with parents and older members of lish; some of the immigrant lan­ one’s race. Even to the parents the guages and the native Hawaiian are children often speak creole English, losing ground before English, but still the parents replying in a simplified retain much vitality; more and more form of their own language. Maca­ of the population are coming to speak ronic speech which is essentially one the local dialect of Hawaii, which or another of the alien languages in­ apparently is attaining some stabili­ terspersed with English phrases and ty; Standard English and forms of sentences, is also a common phenome­ dialect approximating it are being non in Hawaii. spoken more and more widely. Special mention should be made of

MASTERS THESIS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII RELATING TO RACE RELATIONS IN HAWAII

Hormann, Bernhard “The Germans in the Hawaiian Islands” (1931) Masuoka, Jitsuichi “Race Attitudes of the Japanese People in Hawaii” (1931) Lam, Margaret “Six Generations of Race Mixture in Hawaii” (1932) Lai, Kum Pui “The Natural History of the Chinese School in Hawaii” (1935) Reinecke, John “Language and Dialect in Hawaii” (1935) Racial Factors in the Employment of Women By JANE DRANGA

Employment Secretary ,of the Honolulu Y.W.C.A.

Employers in Hawaii generally ex­ HOUSEHOLD EMPLOYMENT press a racial preference in choosing employees. Obviously the type of The Japanese are generally consi­ work to be done is an important fac­ dered by employers as best suited for tor in selecting workers, for so-called household work. They are usually “racial characteristics” seem to make quiet, scrupulously neat and clean in one group more adaptable to one in­ appearance, not given to gossip (at dustry than to another. Frequently least not beyond their own racial physical characteristics, such as size, group) and do not find detail and weight, or strength, provide a justi­ routine as monotonous as do the more fication for some of the occupational temperamental members of other ra­ choices but the majority of the stated ces. In the opinion of a great many preferences are based upon more sub­ household employers, the secnnd'gen- tle factors such as custom or tradi­ eration Japanese girl is not so satis­ tion. The choices are often influenc­ factory as the first generation. The ed by the employers’ familiarity and Hawaiian-born girl has been given understanding of a race or upon a outside interests through school con­ personal belief that the different tacts. She has, if a high school girl, groups possess distinctive traits. been made somewhat aware of her These beliefs have some foundation own personality and the opportunities in the case of the first generation im­ for self-expression through commu­ migrants but there is less basis for nity activities, especially those of a distinction among the second and lat­ social and religious nature. Conse­ er generations. Many of the island- quently, she is interested and happy born and island-reared Orientals de­ only on that type of job which gives velop a stature comparable to that of her some time to follow individual the Caucasian or European races and interests. certainly the fairly uniform educa­ The Chinese and Chinese-Hawaiian tional and environmental pattern = are greatly in demand but they do not are creating a great similiarity of figure prominently in the field. They conduct, ideas, and beliefs. The writ­ are fewer in number and more attrac­ er’s personal observations and ex­ tive occupations are open to them. periences, covering a period of five They are generally thought to be very years during which time a yearly successful with children, the aged average of more than 3,000 girls and and adaptable in cases of illness. women have been interviewed, raise The Portuguese are unpopular and doubts as to how deep seated these generally unsuccessful. The distinc­ “racial characteristics” are, but th° tive characteristics cited by employ­ differences between the races are still ers are emotional instability, an in­ important enough to seriously affect clination to be talkative and intimate­ their success in the various occupa­ ly interested in the employer, his fam­ tions. The following are some of the ily and circle of friends, argumenta­ common observations of employers tive, and a shade too independent to with reference to racial factors in the suit most employers. On the other employment of women in Honolulu. hand, if the position provides the op­ (12) Racial Factors in the Employment of Women portunity for sufficient social and rec­ master. reational expression, many Portu­ OTHER OCCUPATIONS OF guese work with an industry and an WOMEN EMPLOYEES initiative superior to that of the Ori­ ental worker. Considerable antago­ Commercial laundries and bakeries nism is felt by the Portuguese toward present a curious contrast as to ra­ the Oriental races because of the cial selection. Portuguese and Asiatic- practically unanimous preference of Hawaiian women are highly desired in the household employer for the Ori­ these industries. The attributes of both ental. As a rule the Portuguese be­ groups which make them desirable lieve that Oriental popularity is a for this type of work are a sturdiness consequence of the supposed willing­ of physique and a gregariousness ness of the Oriental to work for a such as to render the close proximi­ lower wage. There is, however, no ty of other workers satisfying. Quot­ differential in the wage received. ing the remarks of one manager, Employers find the pure Hawaiian “The Orientals are too small to oper­ and the Caucasian-Hawaiian inclined ate most of the standard built ma­ to be inattentive to detail and routine chinery. They are more difficult to duties and likely to lose interest in train because they want to ask ques­ the situation. In the care of children tions. The white girls are too indepen­ and invalids their calm and sunny dent and resent being asked to do dispositions could create a large de­ anything other than their regular mand for their services if it were not duties. Neither can the white women offset by their brief span of interest or the races of smaller stature stand and attention. up under the steady repetition of the The Caucasians of Nordic, German same movements day after day.” But and English descent are the nurses, the picture is reversed in the offices governesses, housekeepers, but rarely of these plants. Here the Oriental the menial servants. The island tra­ girls are found busily and quietly at dition in favor of the Oriental ami work on the routine duties of typing Hawaiian servant has created in the daily records and reports and keep­ minds of employers a feeling that a ing accounts. Office managers have Caucasian has neither the docile dis­ repeatedly expressed their apprecia­ position nor the servant attitude, but tion for the accuracy and thorough­ must be treated as an equal socially ness of the work of Orientals, but to her employer. Hence, she is given also stating that their present inabili­ positions of responsibility having a ty to become reliable secretaries is social rating higher than that of the due to their limited command of the so-called domestic. English language. This also, gen­ Taken as a whole, the demands of erally bars them from positions as the employers in this occupation pre­ switchboard operators, information sent something of a paradox. They and order clerks. look for the servile attitude of the Racial discrimination in the hotel immigrant while at the same time and restaurant trades and in retail and in the same person they require selling is largely determined by the the ability to speak English and to be nationality of the owners and mana­ readily adaptable to modern house­ gers—most of them preferring work­ hold equipment. The modern Occiden­ ers of their own race. In a few cases, tal pattern of living has been acquired Oriental girls in their picturesque at­ by our Oriental peoples at the ex­ tire are employed by a white proprie­ pense of the former obsequious and tor to lend color and atmosphere. Ex­ deferring attitude of servant towards cept for the brief span of the N.R.A. Racial Factors in the Employment of Women (13) code regulations, a wage differential part of the worker. It seems an am­ has been in general practice, the Ori­ bition peculiarly of the Japanese pa­ ental waitress and salesgirl receiv­ rents that their daughters learn to ing a lower wage than the Portuguese sew. The family expenditures for and other Caucasians. Proprietors clothing is much less when one or capitalize on the driving ambition of more in the family are skilled in sew­ the Japanese to get ahead which ing. Many girls make clothes for leads them to work for a smaller themselves and for other members of wage. The Hawaiian and Caucasian the family after the regular working races are relatively quick to detect hours and on Sunday. The great num­ and resent any unfair practices such ber of Japanese women who earn all as insufficient wage for too arduous or part of the family income by sew­ work or too long hours on duty. ing has reduced the charge for such The clothing trades, though small services to a very low figure. This in the number of employees, present a situation causes antagonism on the cross section of all the racial groups. part of clothing retailers and among The specialized type of work perform­ other races whose living costs prevent ed by the several groups, however, them from working at an occupation differs owing to employer’s prefer­ so poorly paid. ences, to discrimination in rates of pay, and to racial characteristics. In THE EMPLOYEES’ REACTION the smaller shops of women’s ready- TO EMPLOYERS to-wear, the alteration departments generally employ Oriental girls, who Generally speaking, the Haole* is are directly under the supervision of considered by all races to be the best the manager. But the larger shops employer. The foreign-born employer use the Portuguese who work success­ of any race or the employer who re­ fully without supervision. The Por­ tains distinctive nationality traits, tuguese women from the old country though born in this country is gener­ have been well trained in needlework. ally found to be difficult to work for. The Portuguese girls who are engag­ Several attempts of an Oriental to ed in the rather detailed work of the employ Haoles has been unsuccessful. alteration of factory-made clothing The Haole employee believes him to seem to do so naturally without the be more critical of the Haole than of aid of long courses of training used the workers of his own race. The Ori­ for the Orientals. Employers state ental employer appears, to the Haole that the Portuguese and the other to be lacking in common courtesy to­ Caucasians who have an aptitude for wards his employees. Probably a part needlecraft show a keener style con­ is owing to an attempt on the part of sciousness than do the Oriental. This the employer to combat the tradition­ is probably due in a large measure al feeling of inferiority with relation to the longer experience in the use to the Haoles. In these cases, the Ha­ of the Western style of clothing. ole employee is also faced with a lan­ The Oriental women excel in the guage handicap which in itself breeds more severe types of sewing, such as suspicion and misunderstanding. the tailoring of marine clothing, In the case of the household work­ shirt-making, and the making of plan­ er, we find much unwillingness on tation workers’ outfits. This is main­ the part of an Oriental to work in an ly copy work from standard samples Oriental home. This situation is fair­ and requires little originality on the ly true with all groups other than

♦Hawaiian term for people of North European ancestry. (14) Racial Factors in the Employment iof Women the whites. Objections are made on cation of a Japanese girl well quali­ grounds of long working hours, low­ fied for the position said, “I know er rates of pay, more strenuous work her family well and she might dis­ due to the larger families, and the cuss my business and myself at home.” lack of modern equipment. Also, the The Chinese household employer, to Oriental employers are more interest­ escape the same difficulty does not, ed in the personal life of their work­ as a rule, employ a Chinese girl in ers and often assume the role of order that the family conversation parents. This supervision is resented may not be understood by the work­ by the girl who has often gone er. The Oriental household worker, on to work partly to escape home the other hand, objects to the close control. Often Oriental employers re­ moral scrutiny of an employer of her quest workers from other communi­ own race, and fears that any devia­ ties than their own so that the op­ tion from the parental code will be portunities for gossip may be lessened. reported back to her home communi­ A Japanese business man in explain­ ty. ing his refusal to consider the appli­

WOMEN IN SELECTED OCCUPATIONS BY RACE FOR HONOLULU, 1930.

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Dressmakers and seamstresses (not in factory) 260 11 5 5 30 1 25 8 168 6 1 Operatives Clothing Industries 249 36 1 5 35 160 11 1 Saleswomen 478 7 15 11 61 139 110 129 2 2 Laundresses (not in factory) 359 13 2 6 33 4 4 281 7 7 Laundry Operatives 215 68 12 17 72 5 16 6 16 1 1 Servants 2,030 89 63 49 129 49 65 111 1,401 24 24 W aitresses 263 5 3 1 22 4 26 31 161 5 3 Stenographers and Typists 733 18 99 27 55 440 29 57 3 1 Barbers, Hairdressers, and Manicurists 230 1 3 34 1 189 1

* Others Included. Attitudes of Hotel Workers

By DOUGLAS YAM AMUR A

The community of the hotel work­ He must cultivate all these and must ers, like most communities in Ha­ make his trade more of an art in it­ waii, is cosmopolitan in character. self. We find all racial extractions repre­ “I’ve spent over one third of my sented. It may well be compared with lifetime in this vocation and I ought the average community in Hawaii in to know plenty about it. It’s not easy its racial segregation. The managers, as it looks. The waiter doesn’t know assistant managers, desk clerks, etc. what to expect. He has to be obse­ forming the apex of this community, quious in spite of anything and must are entirely Caucasians. At the broad put up with cranks that give him base we find the Orientals, who form mental fatigue, which to my way of the service group and occupy infe­ thinking is more excruciating than rior quarters. The great majority of bleeding wounds. He must bear un­ those at the bottom are unmarried due reprimands from his boss and men. The attitudes discovered in this smile. If it’s his lot to wait on people community are a product, in part of that are unreasonable and unhappy if the occupation itself, and in part of they have nothing to complain about, the larger multi-racial situation. he must bear it and make the best of THE WAITERS it during their sojourn. Many a wait­ Typical of those at the bottom of er finds peace by voluntarily forsak­ the scale are the waiters, seventy- ing his job to escape from them, with five per cent of whom are young Fi­ pretext of some kind of ailment. But lipinos. The majority of them receive everything has its good and bad sides. both room and board from the hotel, The waiter has to deal with all sorts in addition to the basic wage of $37 of people with varied habits, idiosyn- to $40 per month. The following is cracies, and temper. the Filipino’s conception of himself “The American is easier to get and his profession. This particular along with than the European. He view was expressed by a city Filipi­ treats his waiter not as does a lord no, a high school graduate, who came to menial, but as human being to hu­ to Hawaii several years ago. He comes man being. The European with his from the better class of Filipinos. ancient background still has that at­ “He wakes up early in the morning titude of lord to vassal or serf. The and prepares himself for a hard day’s Englishman in particular still has work. He combs his hair, inspects his it in his blood. He regards his waiter nails and puts on an immaculately as a minus quantity and parts with clean uniform. Nothing slipshod about ten per centum only after he’s worn him for he is to handle food. He is a his waiter out. Most of his brothers waiter, the light-footed fellow who from the Antipodes with very few fleets about your table and serves exceptions are worse. They don’t your meals. His trade requires clean­ bother about their waiters. They are liness, self control, tolerance, good full of sing-song “thank-yous”, but naturedness, politeness and obedience. thank-yous can’t pay for rent, gro- *This article is part of a larger study of the employees of the two largest hotels catering to the tourist trade at Waikiki. (15) (16) Attitudes of Hotel Workeri ceries and ice. sees the latest in men’s wear as the “Being underpaid he has to make guests from the mainland come in the best of his job to earn his gra­ for dinner, or for lunch. When he goes tuity. If he gives you his best ser­ out on parties, he tries to imitate vice, (there are ordinary services) them. The entertainment of the aver­ he expects you to wax generous and age Filipino consists of going to the tip him well. That’s his main pur­ taxi dance halls, movies, and very pose. Tip is something you owe often to houses of prostitution. There though you are not obligated to pay is very little in the way of saving it. It’s a tradition. Some people ut­ done by a waiter. He appears to spend terly disregard this traditional re­ all his money on entertainment and muneration. clothing. He tends to live only for to­ “The waiter doesn’t care who you day. He wants to receive recognition are. You may be a bank preident, within the community and the method a screen celebrity, a prima donna, a of approach has been to dress in the novelist, or a magnate of some kind latest. He has to some extent receiv­ of business. It doesn’t make a bit of ed recognition in the Filipino com­ difference to him. You get as much munity by his dress and his rather attention as any man about town, “devil may care” attitude toward clerk or salesman. He is not interest­ money. Although he came to Hawaii ed in your social position. The tip is principally to earn enough to live all that matters. comfortably in the Philippines, he “The waiter has to put up with peo­ sends only a small part of his earn­ ple who are too hard to please. There’s ings back home to attain this goal. the customer who complains he has He is often promised to some girl waited one hour for his food when in back home and expects to get mar­ reality not ten minutes have elapsed. ried after making good in Hawaii, The best thing to tell him is that but the type of life led by the men food doesn’t come in can always. But frequently turns them away from no waiter will do that. The head wait­ their earlier goal. The gardener Fi­ er, like him, understands the situa­ lipino, who is looked on with scorn tion and since the customer is al­ by the waiters, presents a direct con­ ways right, he administers a few trast. He is the diligent saver. His tongue lashes. The waiter understands goal is to get enough money to re­ him, but he doesn’t take the repri­ turn to t^ie Philippines and settle mand to heart. It’s all fake, you down. He does not “go” for these en­ know. tertainments nor does he dress in the latest. “No waiter will admit that his job is a rosy one. On the contrary he is THE BELL BOYS apt to say dirty things about it.” The bell boys are chiefly unmar­ Perhaps the outlook on life or the ried, Hawaiian-born Japanese, rang­ attitude of the Filipinos can be best ing in age from 16 to 30. Only two illustrated by the type of life they out of a total of 38 are married, and live. The average Filipino waiter is both have non-Japanese wives. The a very good dresser and spends a average person in this community re­ large proportion of his money on gards bell hopping as an inferior type clothes. The waiter knows how to of work. Here is the bell hop’s slant dress due to the contacts he makes at on his job. This opinion was express­ the hotel. However, some of them go ed by one who has been in the “game” to the extreme and try to wear some­ for the past seven years and is one thing dazzling so that they can be of the more sensible and observing the center of attraction. The waiter boys. He is a grammar school gradu­ Attitudes of Hotel Workers (17) ate. “Bell hopping is a good job for when we first come here dress poor­ any young man before starting out in ly and after a few years stress so business. It trains you to meet peo­ much on clothes. ple and to study them. However, I “It is very important that all good feel that the average boy doesn’t do bellmen have a keen sense of judg­ this. When I first worked here seven ment of people. A smart bellman first years ago I did not know anything. notices his appearance—his clothing I couldn’t meet people, I did not know and the reply he gets from greeting anything about American ways and the guest, the type of baggage he has, how to act among the many types of and the conversation he carries on people. I learned all these things and with the room clerk. A poor tipper in addition to speak. I found myself always tells where he has traveled able to meet different situations with and where he stayed, etc. Expensive a cool head and I get along with peo­ room does not mean that the occu­ ple better. pants are good tippers. Usually the “It is surprising that so many of people that occupy medium rate rooms the Orientals in the city consider this are the best. In this type of hotel job a low one socially. This job is people that have lots of stickers past­ looked down upon, but it is a lucra­ ed on their bags are usually found to tive job. The average good bellman be poor tippers. They only want to makes more money than an average show on their bags that they have good clerk. Since there is money in traveled. Real persons do not show this game and there is no future out­ off. Bellmen can often instinctively side, I feel that there are more chances tell or judge the character of the per­ for success as a bellman. One may son by the facial expression. save money and later invest in out­ “Often a bellman judges the guest side business. I have been here seven by the location from where they years and supported a family during come. people and those that period. that come from the surrounding “The majority of the bellmen are country are usually the best tippers. very low on the moral side, no doubt, Northwest comes second. Southern because most of the boys who come to people are poor— fair, middle work here make so much easy money west poorer than Chicago. New York­ and they are not used to easy money. ers are either extra bad or extra good They see people having a “hot” time excluding the Jews. Usually prom­ and they want to imitate this type of inent and nationally known figures life. For entertainment almost every are poor tippers. Actors and actress­ boy goes to the dance halls, shows es are about the poorest. and places where you can contact and Southern people are women. Most of them are drawn to poor, movie executives and directors this type of life by association with are much better than actors and ac­ old hands. Very few take part in ath­ tresses, but Jewish officials are very letics due to the working hours. There poor. Worst of them all are the Eu­ is too much strain if one takes part ropeans, particularly the English­ in athletics and works up to mid-night man. Australians are much better, of the same night. He works twelve but New Zealanders are better than hours one day and six the next. The mind of most of the boys dwells on both. Local people are considered pleasure and good time with no good tippers. Politicians are poor, thought of the future. Their good doctors and lawyers good, bankers times mean association with women are poor and stock brokers good tip­ of the lowest degree. Most of us pers. (18) Attitudes of Hotel Workers

“The bell boy’s constitution, creed “Does the bellman smile when he and ten commandments is “to see ev­ sees you come across the lobby the erything, hear everything, and say morning after the party? The smart nothing. How does a bell boy know bellman does not. He says, “Good a “regular fellow?” First of all, he morning, Mr. X.” He is pleasant, but notices the clothes; second, baggage, he never has a sly look in his eyes to and thirdly, just a hunch. He spots remind the guest of any indiscretion the guest coming thru the door, starts the night before. Mr. X’s cigarette to meet him and knows whether he is may need lighting and the bellman OK before he gets his hand on his lug­ steps forward with a lighter. “Light gage. The new traveler is reluctant to sir”, says he, but never will he even give his bag and mutters “I’ll take it; suggest by word or looks that he has it’s not heavy.” The “hick” travelers ever seen Mr. X anywhere at any­ are never comfortable in the hotel time. It pays in the long run. lobby, they can’t sit still, fidget “There are a number of things around, go to their room, leave the which the bellman does for which he hotel and come back. The old hand does not expect a tip. It’s simply a gets his paper, lights a cigar, picks matter of good business or what is an easy chair in the lounge and he’s known as “hoomalimali” or getting at home. It doesn’t take long to spot in with a guest. Lighting a cigarette, the good tipper. As a rule he is an helping a guest on or off with his experienced traveler. He is neatly coat, or taking his letters to the' mail dressed, clean and has good luggage. box after he has seen the guest pur­ He may ask for a medium priced chase stamps. room and find that they are all gone. “After working here the boy’s re­ The clerk tells him the rate of the lation with the home is often torn be­ others and if he doesn’t “crab” it’s cause of the irregularity of hours. almost a cinch that he’s not stingy After working a few years the visit with his tips. to their homes becomes less and less “When a bellman enters a party frequent. Most of the boys are good room he sees all, just take a bellhop’s supporters and regularly send money word for that. He may not look as to make up for staying away. though he notices each little detail— “This game is a very hard game to a careless glove under the telephone get away from after a couple of book on the dresser, a lei carelessly years. There is a fascination in the thrown on the dresser when the oc­ game and the worfc is interesting be­ cupant did not have one on entrance cause we see new faces and meet all into the hotel. If anyone but the man­ kinds of people. After working a ager asked him who and what he saw few weeks you find it easy. One who he would reply, “Nothing.” But take works in the office gets the same a tip from the bellman, he saw. type of work day after day, but in “Parties often offer opportunities the hotel you see new faces and there for a boy to short change the guest is always something interesting go­ either by shorting a large bill or in ing on. Actresses, etc. mean nothing, many other ways—but he doesn’t. The but ordinary persons. A few months reason is that he runs a risk which and the boys are not impressed by is possibly not worth it. Even a bell­ the reputation of the people and treat man can’t tell when a person is so them just as any guest and “seeking intoxicated that he won’t remember the autograph idea” gets out of his tomorrow. The regular bellman is brains.” honest because he knows it pays. The bell boys are given a low rat­ Attitudes iOf Hotel Workers (19) ing both socially and morally. This is is however, fairly indicative of what in part a consequence of the attitudes American education has done to the developed by the bell boy on the job oriental mind of this generation, that and his daily habits. The average bell is, made him an entirely bewildered boy is a lover of good time. He is the individual, who neither understands frequenter of taxi dance halls, bars, the culture of one country or the oth­ show-houses, etc. The fact that the er. two married boys have selected wives “The dining room has presented outside their own group indicates grave problems, since the opening of that the parental mores have largely the hotel, and in all likelihood will lost their influence. The boys very continue to do so. Caucasian waiters seldom visit their parents and there have been tried with little success; seems to be a widening gap in the re­ Japanese are apt to unionize and lations of the parents to the son as there are not enough eligible Chinese time goes on. Possibly the parents are to fill the positions. The untrustwor­ satisfied if their son sends some mon­ thy Filipino can be gotten in any ey every month and they do not rec­ number; the work appeals to his ognize the loss of their parental childish vanity. It is very seldom, in control on other matters. The attitude Hawaii, that a born waiter can be of the average boy is to live for today. found suited for this type of work. Tomorrow will be just another day. . . . It has been the practice to mix This qomment perhaps illustrates his the three nationalities, thus allowing philosophy. “Why worry about sav­ a degree of assurance against strikes. ing. I know I can earn some money “Under the supervision of the hotel tomorrow.” He spends money freely are the Hawaiian beach boys, who knowing that he can earn more to­ play an important part in the enter­ morrow. Very few bell boys have any tainment of the guests . . . and sup­ definite objective in life. plying the only direct touch the Attitudes of the Caucasian work­ tourist gets with the Hawaiians. ers are reflected in the following “The only discrimination is based statement of a man who has been on innate intelligence, which would employed in various departments of be found in any other city. Castle is the hotel. “Few men arriving in the guarded, naturally, but tends to be islands realize that there is little ra­ financial rather than racial. All of cial antagonism here and usually are the many national and racial mix­ not mentally prepared for the equal­ tures that have been grouped to­ ity that the Japanese have been gether in this organization are amica­ taught to expect. ble in their relations, proving that it “The type of boy attracted by is possible, on a working basis, to employment in the Bell department utilize racial peculiarities to further cannot always be taken as a fair ex­ good service.” ample of Hawaiian born Japanese. He Some Filipino Traits Transplanted By ROMAN CARIAGA

The important differences of man­ States^ Today there are 54,668 Fili­ kind which give rise to group con­ pinos in the territory, and they form sciousness and group prejudice are the second largest racial element in not so much biological or racial as the varied population. The great bulk they are cultural. After primary con­ of them, about 40,000 laborers, are tact it is the varying social usages— concentrated in the sugar and pine­ mores, customs, etiquette,—which set apple plantations which form the bul­ apart the different groups and tend wark of the economic structure of to cause misunderstanding and fric­ the islands; about 6,000 are located tion among them. in the city of Honolulu supplying do­ Transplanted from the simple life, mestic, hotel and hospital help and of the Philippine country barrio* with cannery workers; and perhaps 4,000 its small individual farms, intricate others may be found in Hilo and the kinship ties and unfailing community smaller towns in miscellaneous posi­ spirit into the complex regimented tions. The size of the Filipino group life of Hawaii’s agricultural industry as a whole, and the concentration of with its mechanized competitive sys­ its members in distinct areas general­ tem, the Filipino faces many bewil­ ly. apart from other nationalities has dering problems which his training, made possible the propagation of many based on the old Malay community of the homeland habits, customs, philosophy superimposed with Spanish culture traits and forms,of etiquette etiquette and American idealism, has -—the Vgaling Filipino. , not prepared him to solve. Of the Some of these Philippine customs many Philippine traits transplanted have been considerably altered by cer­ to Hawaiian soil, some have wither­ tain factors aside from the usual in­ ed away under the rigors of the fluence of a new environment. Sev- strange environment, some have been v eral of the different Filipino dialect crowded out by their hardier and bet­ groups are represented in Hawaii, ter adapted American counterparts, - chiefly the Ilocano and the Visayan, and some are still '■< flourishing a'hd., With sm aller numbers of the Ta- may perhaps even spread'their* b|oom *. galog, Pampangan, Pangasinan, in the new land. »' •, 1 ey cetera; each of which has some­ The first group of Filipinos arrived what different customs or variations in Hawaii three decades ago, in Dec­ of the same custom. In Hawaii these ember 1906; and immigration con­ customs may fuse; those of the small­ tinued in rapidly increasing numbers er groups may be absorbed or over­ until the recent depression. More shadowed by those of the larger than 100,000 Filipinos have sojourn­ group; or they may be rejected in ed in Hawaii, most of them returning favor of a corresponding American to the homeland after completing custom, or abandoned entirely. Amer­ their labor agreements on the sugar ican influence, which has been gain­ plantations, and a few of them going ing momentum and scope in the Phil­ on to the mainland of the United ippines steadily since, 1898, predis- *The Philippine barrio is a village. Towns are composed of groups of barrios. The great bulk of the Filipino population is distributed among the barrios, and there are few cities of consequence outside of Manila. (20) Some Filipino Traits Transplanted (21) poses the Filipinos to adopt and adapt compress wrung out of herbal water to American ways. is placed on the abdomen of the child The vast majority of the Filipinos several times a day irrespective of the immigrating to Hawaii have been sin­ temperature or the condition of the gle men or men whose families have child. remained in the Philippines. The adult In the Philippines where the coun­ sex ratio is about 5 to 1 in fa­ try houses are built of bamboo and vor of the men. The lack of women nipa, and there are wide interstices and the scarcity of families among between the bamboo rods which form the Filipinos in Hawaii explain to the wall, and those of the floor, ven­ some degree the constant shifting of tilation is assured even when the win­ the population which tends to disor­ dows are closed to prevent drafts. ganize and weaken the force of the But in the wooden plantation houses old mores. There are, however, in the of Hawaii, whose small glass windows neighborhood of two thousand fami­ offer the only source of air, the lies, and among them many of the old mother and child invariably suffer traditions are followed, especially from over heating and lack of oxygen those relating to the crises of life. when the old customs are followed; Ancient customs relating to child­ and the high infant mortality among birth still survive and are rigorously the Filipinos may in many cases be at­ practiced by the more superstitious. tributed to them. Those who have come from the more Survival of the child under these remote rural districts of the Philip­ circumstances seems a blessing of the pines, and who have not yet succumb­ gods, and is in fact so celebrated. An ed to modern American influences due elaborate christening party is given, to prolonged isolation among their usually a lechon (barbecued pig), an own people in the rural areas of Ha­ all day affair in true Philippine style waii, are following the customs of to which all friends are welcome. So­ by-gone generations, which hark back cial prestige as well as religious ob­ beyond the Spanish era to the days servance is a motive, and also the old of Malay supremacy. Malay idea of introducing the child The prospective mother must be to the village and assuring communi­ protected from the anitos, or evil spi­ ty interest in his welfare. The bap­ rits, which beset her, particularly at tism occurs at the church the morn­ the time of delivery. All doors ‘ and ing or evening before the party in windows are tightly closed to prevent most cases. Filipinos are largely the entrance of anitos; the woman is Catholic, Catholicism having been in­ placed on an improvised bed which troduced in the 16th century, and the stands about three feet above the Philippines is the one Christian na­ floor and is inclined so that the head tion of the East. After the religious is somewhat higher than the feet; a ceremony is finished the occasion be­ small stove is kept by the bed con­ comes one of gaiety and abundance, stantly burning charcoal, regardless with feasting, speeches, music and of climate or room temperature, and dancing. One or two orchestras may made to emit smoke by pouring in­ be employed. The expense is very cense on it which is supposed to drive great, and a unique method has been away any anitos who may have crept evolved to meet the high prices in Ha­ in. This procedure is continued for a waii where chickens and pigs are week or more. The infant is bathed well nigh as much per pound as they and rubbed with a concoction of Phi­ are per head in the homeland, and lippine herbs, and certain boiled herbs where one must buy at the market in­ are given the mother to drink. A hot stead of depending on generous (22) Some Filipino Traits Transplanted gifts of the neighbors’ produce and manner. livestock. In the Philippines two spon­ Some odd marital situations arise sors are invited to stand with the from the keen competition of the many child at the christening, a godfather bachelors for wives, and from the and a godmother. In Hawaii this num­ conflict between American born and ber has been increased to as many American educated daughters and as two hundred, and averages per­ their strict parents who wish to ar­ haps thirty per christening. These range their marriages for them ac­ numerous godparents of course share cording to the Philippine tradition. in the expense and labor involved in The family with an eligible daughter the feast. or two is on its way to prosperity in At a recent christening party at Hawaii. Presents of all kinds from Ewa plantation attended by the writ­ hopeful suitors pour in: everything er, there were sixty sponsors, fifty- from grocery supplies to automobiles, four men, and six women. Participa­ and of course jewelry and personal tion in christenings seems to offer gifts for the girl. Money is loaned and an opportunity for establishing the favors and requests cheerfully carried home and kindred ties so precious in out by the suitors, and everything the Philippines, and provides a vica­ goes swimmingly unless the daughter rious parenthood for the large num­ suddenly dives off into the sea of ma­ bers of single men that form the bulk trimony on her own initiative. Sev­ of the Filipino population in Hawaii. eral such cases have been observed After the dinner and program the by the writer, one of them with amaz­ sponsors gather around the mother of ing results. the baby and place money, or enve­ A leading family at X plantation lopes filled with money, in the tray had three daughters, each remarkably on her lap. Two dollars is the ap­ bright, attractive, and determined. proved amount, although the sum va­ They were very popular and had ries from fifty cents to as many many suitors. Everything progressed dollars on the part of particularly well up to a certain point. As long generous or close friends. The priest as it was merely a matter of receiv­ also reaps a harvest for his church, ing presents and entertaining callers the usual requirement being fifty in the parlour under mother’s cha- cents from each sponsor. Some of the peronage according to Philippine tra­ Filipino protestant churches on the dition, the girls were amiable. But plantations have found it profitable when marriage came in view and they to adopt the same custom. were ordered to accept prosperous Marriage rites are celebrated with but middle aged and uneducated, un­ similar festivities. The service and prepossessing husbands, they rebelled. bridal costumes are usually Ameri­ The eldest, a promising student in can, but the celebration is in Phil­ her sophomore year at an American ippine style with feasting, dancing, state university, eloped with a waiter speeches, and music. An interesting rather than marry her mother’s folkway still frequently practiced is choice. The youngest daughter refus­ the solo dance of the bride and groom, ed to wed a рос-marked bank roll and who tread their way among the guests left home, despite threats, to go to to the tune of applause, music, and work as a maid. The other sister, an the clink of coins tossed at their feet. exceptionally beautiful girl remained A plate is placed near the center of the sole hope of her parents. She was the floor, and bills as well as change kept under rigid surveillance, not al­ collect there. A couple may receive lowed to go out alone, and above all from forty to fifty dollars in this never permitted to see or hear from Some Filipino Traits Transplanted (23) the young man of her own choice. hold services which will evince their She was pledged perforce to a suitor respect and affection and assure the to whom her family was heavily in­ departed a safe journey. The deceased debted, and the date set for the wed­ is still accorded a vital role in the ding. The evening before she escaped family functions, especially if he was and married her young man, and has an elder member. He is considered as now been living happily with him for a member in absentia, his last wishes some five years. The situation for her are executed to the letter, and the mor­ scheming mother was not so happy. al ties between him and the surviv­ The unfortunate suitor, cheated of ors are sometimes stronger than re­ his last wifely prospect, lost his pa­ lationships between the living. Cere­ tience and his head and threatened to monial rites after death are strictly kill himself and the mother for not observed by the Filipinos of Hawaii keeping her promise. As the only so­ and are among the most marked of lution the mother divorced her hus­ the culture traits transplanted. band and married the boy, some 20 Nine-day prayer meetings are held years her junior, herself. They now and relatives and friends assemble to have one child. do honor to the dead and comfort the Marriage is regarded as sacred in living. Meals are served, and on the the Philippines and among the old ninth day a great fiesta is given. school Filipinos in Hawaii, and there Some groups prepare special dishes is no divorce, because, according to for the returning soul on the night of the eld proverb: “Marriage cannot be the eighth day. The dishes are placed compared to a morsel of rice which cn a special table in the room last one can spit out when hot!” In Ha­ occupied by the deceased, and may waii where the unbalanced sex ratio not be touched until the following day gives the woman undue advantage when the final feast takes place. and where the foreign milieu under­ Among some groups another feast is mines Philippine mores, there is con­ given in honor of the dead on the siderable shifting of husbands, and fortieth day, preceded by nine more making of matches without legal for­ evenings of prayer. At the end of the malities. One middle aged couple at year a huge feast terminates the Y plantation with a 21 year old son, mourning period. An exceptionally re­ invited the writer to their house one ligious family may continue to give Saturday night to attend a wedding. an anniversary feast thereafter, us- Upon arrival at the home with the sually for not more than three years. customary gifts of food, and congra­ Among the older people these fu­ tulations for the son, the latter was neral traditions are revered and fol­ nowhere to be seen. The group pro­ lowed strictly. But the young people ceeded to the church and lo and be­ enjoy the feast, and, forgetting the hold it was the solemn parents, dress­ solemnity of the occasion, make mer­ ed in their Sunday best, who had cho­ ry and even dance instead of mourn­ sen this particular time to he mar­ ing. To the elders this behavior, ried themselves, as a courteous ges­ which they attribute to American ture, no doubt, to their five children. freedom and individuality, is immor­ A christening or a wedding does al and sacrilegious. But it is simply not measure up to Filipino standards one of many illustrations of the unless there is a lavish celebration. changing attitudes and customs The same is true of their funerals, through which the Filipinos of the and the family and friends of the de­ younger generation are responding ceased often go deeply into debt to to their new environment. Fifty Aged Puerto Ricans

By KUMPVI LAI

High indices of social disorganiza­ The Porto Ricans by then a hybrid tion among the Puerto Ricans* (1) race consisting of Borinquens, In­ in Honolulu may be accounted for by dians, Negroes, Spanish, and other historical and cultural forces. Social Europeans were chiefly peasants till­ welfare workers, juvenile probation ing the soil, and working on sugar officers, and police officials have al­ cane, and banana plantations, coffee ways found these immigrants to con­ fields, and their own farms. Over four stitute a disproportionate share of centuries they had been under the do­ their cases. Ever since the arrival of mination of the Spanish whose harsh the main group of immigrants in treatment especially by the mounted 1901, they have been in conflict with police is still talked about by the aged the mores and folkways of the Ameri­ Puerto Ricans when they reminisce can community and have suffered the about their experiences in the home­ legal penalties and discipline of the land. courts.* (2) At present the Puerto Ri­ On August 8, 1899 one of the most cans rate highest per thousand of the disastrous hurricanes took a toll of population 18 years of age or over 3,369 lives and caused property dam­ in the annual number of convictions age amounting to millions of dollars. for murder, manslaughter, robbery, An epidemic of the smallpox came burglary, and sex crimes,* (3) and about the same time, killing many, consequently increase the case load of and brought the population to ex­ social agencies. In this preliminary treme poverty and starvation. With study the writer will deal only with homes broken, families separated and the aged in the Social Service Bu­ their farms destroyed, these immi­ reau. grants gladly accepted the timely of­ fers to make their fortunes on the MIGRATION plantations of Hawaii and to return Several factors were responsible in a few years after a reconstruction for the migration of these former period in their country. Spanish subjects who traveled over From December 23, 1900 to Octo­ 5,000 miles from their homeland to ber 19, 1901, the Porto Ricans mi­ sign contracts for plantation work grated to Hawaii in eleven expedi­ in a foreign environment. Porto Ri­ tions. About 5,000 immigrants arriv­ co, densely populated (3,435 sq. m. ed; 2,930 were men and the remain­ for 953,243 peo. or about 277 persons der women and children.* (4) The fol­ per sq. mi.) in the late eighties and lowing excerpts from case studies nineties, was far from a “rich port”. mention the causes for migration to *(1) By an act of Congress approved on May 17, 1932 the name Peerto Rico was changed to Puerto Rico. *(2) See Governor Letters, Executive Book 5, p. 34 for A. M. Brown’s (High Sheriff) Analysis of Tables of Arrests and Offenses of Porto Ricans, 1901-1902. *(3) Romanzo Adams, The Peoples of Hawaii 1933 pp. 48-57, and A n ­ nual Report, Police Department, City and County of Honolulu, 1934. *(4) Report of the Commissioner of Labor on Hawaii, 1902, pp. 25-33. (24) Fifty Aged Puerto Ricans (25) a totally strange land: cheap in Hawaii. He would be able “R. is a fair Puerto Rican, resem­ to purchase a pair of shoes for bling a Frenchman in appearance. fifty cents, a pair of trousers for He was born in San German, Por­ twenty-five cents, and shirts for to Rico, Oct. 1864. His father was fifteen cents a piece. In 3 years F. L., his mother C. R. Man uses time he would be able to return to his mother’s family name. There Porto Rico rich from his labor.” were two brothers and three sis­ ters in the family who all died in SOCIAL CONFLICTS Porto Rico in a smallpox epidemic which swept the island. When he The Puerto Ricans were isolated was 10 years of age his parents socially from most of the other eth­ died and he went to live with an nic groups in Hawaii by cultural and uncle. When twelve, he started to language barriers. They found that work in the coffee and sugar plan­ their conception of common-law mar­ tations as a laborer. riages was not accepted in the Amer­ “He married C.M. in Porto Rico ican moral order. Their matronymic and had three children. The wife system whereby children take the and children died before he left mother’s name confused other racial for Hawaii. He was told that if he groups accustomed to the patronymic would come to Hawaii he could classification. The traditional habit work for 3 years, earning $15 a of carrying a weapon for protection month the first year, $16 the sec­ also was at variance with the Ameri­ ond year, and $17 the third year. can civil laws. Excerpts from sev­ He thought this would improve his eral case histories of the old Puerto financial condition as Porto Rico Ricans point to the above conflicts: was witnessing a period of hard “When asked ahout the marriage times just after the Spanish-Amer- customs in Puerto Rico, B. G. re­ ican War and the disastrous hur­ marked that it cost seven dollars ricane in 1899.” in his days to procure a civil li­ “N. was compelled to work as a cense and extra money to be mar­ sailor as he did not cultivate ried by a priest also. The peasants enough crops from his garden and lived together thru mutual con­ fields in his native land. He occa­ sent.” sionally worked on Spanish plan­ tations which paid him only fifty “B. P. when asked about his com­ cents a day. He stated that there mon law relationship with a Ha­ were banana and coffee fields, su­ waiian woman replied in his bro­ gar, and rice plantations. However, ken English: ‘I no get money for treatment by the Spaniards was marry license. Too much Porto Ri­ not very encouraging. As there cans same house stop, they no mar­ were hurricanes and great winds ry. Before all same in Porto Ri­ which destroyed most of the crops co.’ ” man decided to throw his lot with “J. R. justified taking over his the group coming to Hawaii.” mother’s family name as follows: “A.S., who had charge of a small ‘Before me small time, my father group of laborers on a plantation another lady like. My mother, she at Ponce, earned seventy-five cents get too much angry. Long time I a day. He was attracted to the Ha­ no see my father I shame get his waiian Islands as labor agents name so I follow- my. mother’s spread the news that things were name.” - .... • (26) Fifty Aged Puerto Ricans

“J. C. stated that in Porto R ;co it 14 per cent, among whom are the was the custom to carry a small more senile and sick, find solace and knife for protection. Revolutions security in private boarding homes. were frequent and stabbings oc­ Several Spanish and Puerto Rican curred often during election days. women who have extra rooms in their They were encouraged by some homes receive monthly board and Spanish to conceal weapons for room allowances from the Social Ser­ self-defense.” vice Bureau for the indigents. Twelve or 24 per cent lodge with families AID AND ADJUSTMENT whom they contacted since their ar­ OF THE AGED rival in Hawaii. In addition to having regular meals these men find compan­ Thirty-five years after their arriv­ ionship in others placed in the same al, these immigrants, now aged, are home and also with the children of largely dependent upon the financial the boarding mothers. The other 31 support of social agencies. The writ­ or 62 per cent prefer to live alone in er, as a social case worker, had oc­ rooming houses. They usually pay casion to interview and to know in­ from $5.00 to $6.50 for a furnished timately about fifty aged Puerto Ri­ room. Areas of high concentration in­ cans and 25 more casually in the clude Kauluwela Lane, Palama, and course of the work. The age distribu­ the Kukui and Liliha districts. tion for the 50 is as follows: The family or marital status of Frequency these cases reveals a “familyless” 40-44 years 3 group, and a loose family relation­ 45-49 11 2 ship. Twenty-eight or 56 per Cent 50-54 11 7 were recorded as single men;* elev­ 55-59 11 9 en or 22 per cent, separated from 60-64 11 8 their wives; five or 10 per cent, wi­ 65-69 11 12 dowers; three or 6 per cent, married; 70-74 11 3 and three or 6 per cent, divorced. 75 & over 6 In contrast to the aged Oriental, This means that the majority came who prefers to die in his ancestral in their prime of life. Although 55 village, the Puerto Rican has rarely is the arbitrary year for classifica­ expressed any desire to spend his re­ tion of the aged, there are several maining years in Puerto Rico. Some­ who are disabled in their forties and times he idealizes it, although he left fifties. There were in 1930 only 134 Puerto Rico in a period of social dis­ Puerto Rican men over the age of 50 organization and has had no contacts in the City of Honolulu and it is not with the home country during the in­ likely that the number has since in­ tervening years. creased very much. Thirty-eight Puer­ “A.A. states, ‘Porto Rico before to Rican men over the age of 55, or good place. Sometime big wind but approximately 28 per cent of all fruits too much sweet. Porto Ri­ those in Honolulu proper, were receiv­ cans no fight like here. All good ing aid from the Social Service Bu­ people. The kids over here get too reau in January, 1936. easy time. After school they go These fifty old men are found in swimming and play ball all after­ three types of residence. Seven or noon. In Porto Rico they worked *Several of these men had wives for a few years about 25 to 30 years ago, but are now classified as single men as they have had no family contacts during the intervening time. Fifty Aged Puerto Ricans (27)

on the farms and helped their pa­ lose. Sometime we go out with all rents. The young girls, they obey kind of wahine (women). Too bad their mother. They no marry ear­ now, no can help ourself.” ly as here. I like go back for visit To summarize, the high ratio of the but too far to go. No money.’ ” aged Puerto Ricans dependent on so­ He is less apologetic in receiving ciety in 1936 may be explained by the relief. In explaining his application migration of these immigrants from A. B. who had worked over 25 years their home country at a time when on the various plantations remarked: historical, cultural, and natural forc­ “Every time pay day come we use es helped to create social habits and to spend too much. We get no fam­ attitudes unfavorable to order and ily and nothing to do and no wor­ organization. ry. So sometime we gamble and

ARTICLES IN PRECEDING ISSUE OF SOCIAL PROCESS IN HAWAII

1. Diagnosing Social Processes in Hawaii ...... Kum Pui Lai 2. Voting in Hawaii ...... Andrew W. Lind 3. The Racial Future of Caucasian-Hawaiians: A Genealogical Study ...... M argaret M. Lam 4. The Chinese-Hawaiian Mixture ...... Richard Chow 5. Attitudes Toward Intermarriage ...... Leatrice and Marion Wong 6. The Marginal Man in Hawaii ...... Everett V. Stonequist 7. Occupational Succession on the Plantation Clarence C. Robinson 8. The Life History of a Portuguese Immigrant ...... Hideko Sasaki 9. Types of Japanese Marriages in Hawaii ...... Amy Akinaka 10. Japanese Etiquette in Hawaii ...... James Kashiwahara 11. Some Violations of Japanese Etiquette by Social Groups in Hawaii ...... Observations by Introductory Sociology Students 12. Some Forms of Chinese Etiquette in Hawaii ...... Alice K. Y. Lee 13. The Natural History of the Chinese Language School Kum Pui Lai 14. Current Vital Statistics ...... Andrew W. Lind 15. Sociological Research at the Univ. of Hawaii ...... Andrew W. Lind

Copies of the preceding issue may be obtained thru the department of so­ ciology, University of Hawaii. The price is fifty cents. Residential Dispersion of Urban Chinese

By CLARENCE GLICK

The student of race relations ex­ These observations lead to some pects to find in any large city of common questions: What has hap­ the United States rather clearly de­ pened to Chinatown? Where are the fined areas in which non-white re­ Chinese living, if not in Chinatown? sidents are segregated. In Eastern Were the Chinese ever really concen­ cities he looks for “Harlems” and trated in a Chinatown in Honolulu “Black Belts”; in the South and anyhow? While these questions can­ Southwest he expects a “Nigger- not be adequately answered within town” or a “Mexican quarter;” in the limits of this paper, at least the West he seeks the “Chinatowns” some facts bearing upon them can be and “Little Tokyos”. The code of presented. The last question, a his­ race relations which carries with it torical one, may be dealt with first. a general segregation pattern is so The first Chinese to live in Hono­ widespread that it is not surprising lulu appears to have been a trader that white Americans commonly ac­ who arrived with his stock of goods cept the pattern as natural and in­ in 1823. The census of 1853 reported evitable. All too easily they reverse 124 Chinese men—no Chinese women matters and use the evidence of se­ —living in Honolulu, but gave no gregation as justification for their information concerning their distri­ own attitudes toward members of bution within the city. By 1866 the other races. Chinese residents had increased to The American who sails to Hawaii 370, in a city of 13,521—a popula­ from San Francisco, site of the tion made up of 10,681 native Ha- largest and most famous Chinatown waiians, 619 “half-castes,” and 1,851 in the United States, looks for a “other foreigners” (mostly whites), similar community in Honolulu, es­ in addition to the 370 Chinese. Of pecially after he learns that there these Chinese, 201, or 54 per cent, are 3,000 more people of Chinese were concentrated in what is now ancestry in Honolulu than in San known as the “downtown section,” Francisco. But he is surprised to including the lower-lying land north see that the so-called “Chinatown” of the present business district, an is not an exclusively Chinese quar­ area which came to be known as the ter, but a district in which among “Chinese quarter” or “Chinatown.” the Chinese are interspersed numer­ Forty-one, or 11 per cent, lived di­ ous Japanese firms, with here and rectly south of the above mentioned there a business operated by Koreans, area, nearer the mouth of the Ho­ Filipinos and white-Americans (ha- nolulu harbor in a section which then oles). On the streets he may see not was also a part of the general busi­ only Cantonese faces, but faces of ness district. One hundred others, every racial group living in the Is­ most of the remaining Chinese resi­ lands. From the second-story win­ dents, were reported as living in dows and balconies look down rep­ those parts of Honolulu which were resentatives of all the groups which the chief residential areas of the make up Honolulu’s polyglot com­ httiole inhabitants; undoubtedly, near­ munity. ly all of these were domestic ser­ Residential Dispersion of Urban Chinese (29)

vants in haole homes. A comparative­ rather than becoming a part of the ly small number were on the out­ general community. A news item on skirts of the city, engaged in farm­ January 8, 1886 remarked that “new ing, or trading with the Hawaiians, buildings go up at a fabulous rate of who made up the main group in speed on the Chinese end of King these districts. Street.” Later in the year there oc­ The earliest available business di­ curred what the newspapers called rectory of Honolulu was published “the Chinatown fire.” Over thirty in 1869; in this directory 69 Chinese acres of buildings in the “congested business sites were reported. Accord­ Chinese quarter” burned down with ing to a preliminary analysis, it ap­ a loss to the Chinese estimated at pears that each one of these business­ $1,500,000. A subsequent item, how­ es was located within the area which ever, reported that “a few days later, is customarily called “Chinatown.” the Chinese merchants began to re­ The main body of Chinese migrants build the stores, and the whole Chi­ came to Hawaii between the early natown resumed its original state 1870’s and 1900, when, with the An­ within a year.” nexation, the American “Exclusion While there was a large concen­ Act” became effective in the Terri­ tration in one section of the city at tory of Hawaii. Thousands of Chi­ this time, the Chinese were by no nese were' imported to work on the means located entirely in Chinatown. sugar plantations, others to work on A sample of 687 Chinese individuals the Chinese-managed rice planta­ taken from the directory of Honolulu tions. The gradual urbanization of residents for 1884 (as they appeared Chinese whose first Hawaiian resi­ in alphabetical order) showed that dence was in the rural districts, an 449, or 65 per cent resided in that increased migration from China di­ area; 68 others, a tenth of the sam­ rectly to Honolulu, and the natural ple, were living in the central busi­ increase of the Chinese group sub­ ness district of Honolulu; 122, more sequent to the establishment of Chi­ than a sixth of the group, resided in nese families in the city, resulted in the areas which were largely haole the rapid rise in the number of Chi­ residential districts, nearly all of nese in Honolulu. (See Table I). this number being reported as do­ From a mere 3 per cent of the Hono­ mestic servants in haole homes. There lulu population in 1866, the Chinese must be considered, also, the fact group, by 1884, came to make up 26" that within the district which from per cent of the city’s population. At census to census has been referred this period the anti-Chinese agita­ to as “Honolulu” there have always tion in Honolulu was at its height. been several hundred acres of land This was the time, also, when Chi­ used for farming. In the eighties nese residents were most definitely most of this land was farmed by thought of as being concentrated in Chinese. The 1884 Census reported a “Chinatown.” One of the claims 1,060 Chinese farmers within the frequently repeated by those antago­ “city” of Honolulu, out of a total nistic toward the Chinese was that Chinese male population of 4,712. * the Chinese lived among his own kind In 1884, then, the general distri- *Since 1884 part of this land has been subdivided for residential uses; part of it has been taken over by farmers of other racial groups, especially Japanese. The number of Honolulu Chinese whose occupations in 1930 were returned as farmers or farm laborers was only 275. (30) Residential Dispersion of Urban Chinese

TABLE 1 GROWTH OF TOTAL POPULATION AND CHINESE POPULATION OF HONOLULU 1866-1930

Date Total Honolulu Chinese Population Per Cent Population in Honolulu 1866 13,529 370* 3 1872 14,852 632* 4 1878 14,114 1,299* 9 1884 20,487 5,225* 26 1890 22,907 4,407* 19 1896 29,920 7,693 26 1900 39,306 9,061 23 1910 52,183 9,574 19 1920 83,327 13,383 16 1930 137,582 19,334 14 * Foreign-born only. bution pattern of the Honolulu Chi­ total of 9,061 Chinese in Honolulu, nese appears as follows: a “China­ but in the enumeration district which town section” containing the great­ included the “old Chinatown” section, est number of Chinese men, together as well as most of the rest of the with most of the Chinese women and central business district, there were children; the “Haole districts” hold­ only 633 Chinese, 108 Japanese, 44 ing many male Chinese servants; a Part-Hawaiians, and 4 Hawaiians to­ few isolated Chinese firms in the gether with 331 of other groups. In non-Chinese areas; and a large non- a few years the “old Chinatown” sec­ urban group within the nominal tion was rebuilt; the Chinese remain­ “city limits.” ed the dominant population group But what has happened to “China­ with other races interspersed among town”? First, however, it must be them. In 1920, the next year for pointed out that even the Chinatown habitants. Of these, 1358 were Chi­ of the eighties was never composed natown” area had a total of 2,525 in­ exclusively of Chinese. Writers dur­ habitants. Of these, 1358 were Chi­ ing that period frequently referred nese and 971 were Japanese. These to the large numbers of natives who two groups comprised over 92 per lived in the “Chinese quarter.” Many cent of the total, but there were also Hawaiians and some “half-castes” a number of Hawaiians, Part-Hawaii­ were left homeless by the 1886 fire. ans, Filipinos, and members of other The second “Chinatown fire,” in 1900, racial groups. (See Table II). With affected not only Chinese and Ha­ the encroachment of the central busi­ waiians but large numbers of Japa­ ness district, Chinatown was in 1930 nese and many Portuguese. declining as a place of habitation. The territorial distribution of ra­ The Chinese group, however, declin­ cial groups in Honolulu is provided ed even more rapidly than the popu­ in the 1900 Census. Unfortunately, lation of the area as a whole and, for our purposes, this Census was although still the dominant group, taken about three months after the made up only 47 per cent, of the to­ second Chinatown fire. It showed a tal number. The visitor in Honolulu’s Residential Dispersion of Urban Chinese (31)

TABLE II RACIAL DISTRIBUTION IN “CHINATOWN” AND AREA ADJACENT TO “C H IN ATO W N ”**

RACE “C h i n a t o w n ”A r e a A d j a c e n t t o “C h i n a t o w n ”

1920 % 1930 % 1900 % 1920 % 1930 %

ALL RACES 2525 100.0 1806 100.0 4011 100.0 9961 100.0 9846 100.0 Chinese 1358 53.8 851 47.0 1774 44.2 3487 35.0 3225 . 32.7 Japanese 971 38.4 662 36.5 937 23.4 3728 37.5 4162 42.3 Korean 3 0.1 28 1.6 410 4.1 396 4.0 Filipino 34 1.3 60 3.4 494 5.0 656 6.7 Hawaiian 80 3.2 119 6.6 476 11.9 759 7.6 582 5.9

о CO CO

Caucasian-Hawaiian 14 0.6 6 0.3 —b 8.2 222 2.2 114 1.2 Asiatic-Hawaiian 26 1.1 28 1.6 401 4.0 315 3.2 Portuguese 14 0.6 5 0.3 132 1.3 92 0.9 Spanish 1 2 0.1 38 .4 7 0.1 “Other Caucasian” 21 0.8 41 2.3 479* 11.9 130 1.3 70 0.7 Porto Rican 2 0.1 3 0.2 118 1.2 206 2.1 Other Races 1 1 0.1 15 0.4 42 .4 21 0.2 ♦“Caucasians”; f “Part-Hawaiians”. **Based upon U. S. Census data in files of the Department of So­ ciology, University of Hawaii.

“Chinatown,” therefore, finds that purposes but principally for resi­ more than half of its inhabitants are dence. (It came later to include the Japanese, Hawaiians, Filipinos, Ha- largest and worst “tenement district” oles, Koreans, or of other races. of the city.) The 1900 Census showed Even before the migration to Ha­ that in this section there were 1774 waii of many of these racial groups Chinese. Although the most numer­ (Koreans, Porto Ricans, Spanish, Fi­ ous group, still they made up only lipinos, and to a certain extent the 44 percent of the total. (See Table Japanese) who now have large rep­ II). Like the “old Chinatown” sec­ resentations in Honolulu, the first tion itself, this “area of second set­ generation Chinese were beginning tlement” showed an increase of Chi­ to spread into the area northward nese population in 1920, but by 1930 from the “old Chinatown” away from the number of Chinese was declining, the central business district. This ' slightly more rapidly than the area consisted of low-lying land, sub­ population of the area as a whole. ject to damage from flooods, and was Within the district were to be found, least desirable of the residential in 1930, over 4,000 Japanese, as well areas located close to the central as several hundred Hawaiians and business district. At first the Ha­ Part-Hawaiians, Koreans, Filipinos, waiians and Part-Hawaiians were Porto Ricans, and a few Caucasians.* the chief non-Chinese groups living The fact that the number of Chi­ in that part of Honolulu. The area, nese in the so-called “Chinatown” as about one-fifth of a square mile in well as in the area adjacent to it de­ size, was used partly for commercial clined between 1920 and 1930, even

*The reader should see Lind, A. W., “The Ghetto and the Slum,” Social Forces, Vol. IX (December, 1930,) pp. 206-215. Cont’d. on next page (32) Residential Dispersion of Urban Chinese. though the Chinese population in in 1920, 6,247 Chinese, constituting Honolulu increased from 13,383 to about 47 per cent of the total Chi­ 19,334—nearly 6,000—leads to a con­ nese population of the city. By 1930 sideration of the more recent trends the percentage of Chinese living in in the pattern of distribution of the this area had dropped to 31. The ac­ Honolulu Chinese group as a whole. tual number reported for the area in A study of these trends must make 1930 was 5,959, a decline of only 288 use of data collected for the U. S. since 1920, but during that ten year Decennial Census, and in Honolulu, period the Chinese population of Ho­ as in most other cities, the bounda­ nolulu had increased by 5,951, (an ries of the census enumeration dis­ increase of 43 per cent) over the 1920 tricts have been set arbitrarily, often total.* (2) Contrary to the situation in without regard to “natural areas” or American cities, where the majority local communities. In addition, many of the Chinese customarily live within of the boundaries have been changed these two more central and less de­ from decade to decade, making it sirable zones of the city, in Honolulu impossible to compare area by area less than half of the Chinese were for the entire city. Nevertheless, it residing in these zones in 1920, less will be worthwhile to point out some than one-third in 1930, and the dis­ conclusions which can be drawn from persion of the Chinese inhabitants the data. from these zones has continued since The census district boundaries are the last census date. such that one may fairly well sepa­ Where, then, are the Chinese liv­ rate from the rest of the city what ing, if not in or near a Chinatown? the sociologists call Zone I (central The census enumeration districts for business district) and Zone II (the 1920 and 1930 have been grouped so zone in transition—“slum” and “ghet­ as to divide the city of Honolulu in­ to” section.) * (1) Within the area to areas corresponding as closely as which contained, approximately, these possible with the various local com­ two zones of Honolulu, there resided, munities of the city,*(3) the first most

*Within local communities, such as the one considered, which on the surface seem to be highly and indiscriminately polyglot and cosmopolitan, one finds small enclaves of members of a single racial group, racial “ghettos” of one or a few tenement buildings, rarely as large as a single block, which maintain a surprising degree of social isolation from representatives of other racial groups living in the same general neighborhood. *(1) See Burgess. E. W., “Residential Segregation in American Cities,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, CXXX (November, 1928,) pp. 105-115. *(2) The difference between 1920 and 1930 would have appeared still greater but for the fact that within the boundaries of the area spoken of here, there are included a few blocks at one point along the periphery which cannot properly be classed as an integral part of “Zone II,” and many Chi­ nese moving from the less desirable Chinese sections between 1920 and 1930 moved in со these particular blocks; which are more typical of the “zone of working-men’s homes.” *(3) The total area of the residential part of Honolulu is approximately 24 square miles. The size of the 24 areas used here varies considerably. A few of them, chiefly those in the more densely populated districts, are as small as one-third to one-half square mile. Residential Dispersion of Urban Chinese (33)

obvious fact which appears is that politan, lower middle-class character, in neither 1920 nor 1930 was there the Chinese made up only 31 per cent a local community in which there of the total inhabitants. were no Chinese residents. In both Our picture, then, of the “residen­ census periods all but two of the tial history” of the Chinese in Ho­ areas contained at least 100 Chinese. nolulu is not one similar to the cus­ While it is true that a few of the tomary “segregation pattern” of most areas show heavy concentrations, the American cities. There was a time person who is accustomed to finding when there was some justification1 for groups like the Chinese or Mexicans speaking of a Chinatown in Honolulu, or Negroes highly segregated within but even at the “peak” of China­ the city will at once observe that the town’s career from one-fourth to distribution of the Chinese in Hono­ one-half of Honolulu’s Chinese were lulu tends toward a pattern of dis­ living outside Chinatown. In the last persion. Moreover, a comparison of sixty years, along with the growth the 1930 data with the 1920 data and decline of the first-generation shows that the dispersion had in­ Chinese, and the growth of the sec­ creased considerably during the ten ond- and third-generation groups, has year period, both in terms of abso­ taken place the rise and gradual de­ lute numbers and percentages. Thir­ cline of Chinatown as a place of re­ teen areas in 1920 reported the pre­ sidence. Subsequently there have sence of at least 200 Chinese indivi­ occurred the growth and less gradual duals; in 1930, 21 (all but 3 of the decline of a Chinese “area of second 24). Two-thirds of the areas report­ settlement,” the growth of less solid­ ed at least 300 Chinese, one-half of ly Chinese sections in the lower mid­ them at least 500. It is generally rec­ dle-class residential parts of the city ognized in Honolulu that in three and, on a wider scale in recent years, or four of the newer residential dis­ a greater and greater dispersion of tricts there are larger numbers of the Chinese residentially, concurrent­ Chinese families than in other good ly with the improved economic residential sections, but none of these status and greater acculturation can in any way be thought of as a of the Chinese group. While not “Chinese area.” Neighbors of the to be taken as typical of the whole Chinese are as likely as not to be Chinese group as yet, nevertheless Japanese, Hawaiian, Part-Hawaiian, the following comments of a third Portuguese, or Haole. Even within generation Chinese girl whose family the seven areas in which, in 1930, the moved a few years ago into a middle- Haole group was the largest single class residential area, are significant group represented, 3,115 of the 32,- for thosa who tend to accept the 766 residents were Chinese** In on­ “segregation pattern” of the races as ly one of the 1930 areas were the Chi­ inevitable: nese the most numerous racial group, “With our neighbors, we are and in this community, of a cosmo­ friendly with those surrounding

"True enough, the haoles, together with the Japanese, have remain­ ed fairly exclusive from the other racial groups in their residence. Within five of the seven communities just mentioned, aside from servants, there are sections which are solidly of haole residents; resistance to the entrance of other racial groups as homeowners or residents is strong in these sections. On the other hand, in 1930, there were at least a few haoles found in each of the local communities of the city. (34) Residential Dispersiooi of Urban Chinese

us, with certain ones we are in­ mother. Father and brother are timate. Mother is the one who friendly too, riding to work with has most to do with the women one or two different neighbors in neighbors. They visit with each the morning, while mother takes other most anytime, chat for their wives around during the hours, and often pass dishes of day. Two of these neighbors are food back and forth or carry Japanese, one is Portuguese with plants home. With them I am a Filipino husband, and another friendly, but not as intimate as is Caucasian.”

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ON THE SOCIOLOGY OF RACE RELATIONS IN HAWAII Adams, Romanzo “The Japanese in Hawaii; a Statistical Study Bearing on the Future Number and Voting Strength and on the Economic and Social Character of the Hawaiian Japanese." N. Y. National Committee on American Japanese Relations, (1924). “Some Statistics on the Japanese in Hawaii”, F oreign A ffa irs, II (1923), 310-18. “The Peoples of Hawaii”, Institute of Pacific Rela­ tions, (Honolulu, 1925, 1933). “English in the Public Schools,” Hawaiian Educational R eview , VIII (Honolulu, 1925), 100-102. “Functions of the Language Schools in Hawaii”, The Friend, XCVI (Honolulu, 1925), 178, 179. “Hawaii as a Racial Melting Pot”, The Mid-Pacific M agazine, XXXII (Honolulu, 1926), 213-216. “The Education of the Boys of Hawaii and Their Eco­ nomic Outlook." University of Hawaii Research Pub­ lication, No. 4 (Honolulu, 1928). “The Meaning of Chinese Experience in Hawaii”, The Chinese in Hawaii. I (Honolulu, 1929), 10-12. “Further Developments of Race Contacts in Hawaii,” Institute of Pacific Relations, Data Paper. (Honolulu, 1929) “Laughing at the Wi;ong Place”, Pacific Affairs, VII (1929), 415-417. “Juvenile Delinquency in Honolulu”, Report of the Governor’s Advisory Committee on Crime, (Honolulu, 1931), pp. 161-177. “Studies in the Trends of the Population of Hawaii”, Exhibit D. Hearing before U. S. Senate Committee on Territories, 72nd Congress, (Washington, 1933) pp. 99-110. “The Unorthodox Character of the Race Doctrine in H aw aii,” Race and Culture Contacts, Edited by E. B. Reuter (M cGraw-Hill Co. 1934). Continued on Page 38 The Chinese Store as a Social Institution

By BUNG CHONG LEE

The Chinese merchandise business written. The immigrants were charg­ and the rice industry in Hawaii have ed a small fee for every letter sent been closely inter-related during the to China. In former years the fee greater part of their history. During was as low as forty cents for sending its peak, the rice industry employed a ten-dollar gold piece. This was the over 5,600 Chinese laborers, and it only way by which the immigrants was largely operated and controlled could send their money and letters to by Chinese proprietors. The rice the village. In the first place, there planters depended on the merchants was no postal system service between for the supply of capital, merchandise, the villages. If money was sent and equipment, while the stores look­ through the banks to Hongkong, the ed largely to the rice plantation villagers could not afford to take a workers for the purchase of their trip to the city to receive it. goods. The store served also as a In many instances the stores serv­ market for the produce of the plan­ ed as depositories. The immigrants ters. In 1896 there were in Honolulu because of their inability to use Eng­ 118 Chinese general merchandise es­ lish and their unfamiliarity with the tablishments and 35 retail grocers, American banking institution often of which 72 were located in China­ deposited their earnings without in­ town and presumably catered chiefly terest with the store-keepers and to Chinese. Gradually, however, the frequently borrowed money from rice industry has declined, the Chi­ them. The store-keepers were persons nese population have largely concen­ who had status and commanded the trated in Honolulu,* a Hawaiian respect of the immigrants. born generation have supplanted the The stores became social centers immigrants, and the Chinese stores whenever a boat came to Honolulu have changed and slowly lost their from China. Hundreds of letters once unique functions. would be disposed of within a few The foremost function of the Chi­ hours after their arrival. The store­ nese stores was to serve as a bank. keepers did not deliver the letters Chinese immigrants had been largely but the immigrants came in for them. of the illiterate class. Very often Each receiver contributed what gen­ letters were written and read for eral news there was in the letter for them by the store keepers. A postal the information and discussion1 of system was developed by the stores the many immigrants. The letters whereby large sums of money and brought joy as well as sorrow. They bundles of letters were sent to agen­ revived cherished memories from cies in Hongkong, relayed to inland home. The life of the village was re­ cities and then distributed to the lived in Hawaii. The reputations of designated parties in the villages. On villagers were discussed and their each envelope the amount to be re­ morals were gossiped about. mitted, the district, the village, the The appearance at the store of an names of the sender and receiver were immigrant who had been home to

*Nearly 75 percent of all the Chinese in Hawaii, resided in Honolulu in 1930. (35) (36) The Chinese Store as a S-ocial Institution

China for a visit was as important as stood and his conversation appreciat­ a personal letter. He also brought ed. He could talk at length and be news and family tidings from the listened to. He could boast of his village to the immigrants in Hono­ catching the largest cricket on a cer­ lulu. He could relate events with a tain hill and of seeing the largest personal touch and could give his snake in a certain rice field in China. views on village gossip. Sometimes He talked of his achievements; he he brought small bags of herbs, shared his sentiments, his experiences, beans, or yam flour, or sweets* from his memories with his fellow-villag- the wives, parents, mother-in-laws, or ers. Every little nook, hill, and lane, god-parents to the immigrants. The the temple, the goddesses, and the returned immigrant also helped to re­ many village legends were reviewed fresh memories of the village as in intimate detail. Through gossip shown by the following conversation in the stores, the village mores were heard in a store: reenforced, and the immigrant’s life Immigrant: E—heel (as he enters was organized. the stores and sees the returned im­ When the immigrant from the ru­ migrant). So soon come back? You ral district went to Honolulu he went how long? sought out the store of his fellow R. Immigrant: I used up the few villagers. He could have a meal or bits (money); have to come back. two, and could find lodging for the Went home for thirteen months. night without paying a fee to the Immigrant: Have son born? store-keepers. This hospitality ac­ R. Immigrant: Picked a daughter. counted for the absence of hotel life Immigrant: Also good. Have preg­ of the Chinese in Honolulu. The nancy when you come? store-keepers were always hospitable R. Immigrant: Don’t know. Your to their fellow villagers. Newcomers family everyone peaceful. Ah Wah or returned immigrants from China (the immigrant’s son) very nice. always found the stores a place where Studies at the village school. Your they could stay till they were accom­ wife asked you send a little more modated elsewhere. The store-keepers home—not enough to spend. also gave a hand in finding employ­ Immigrant: I make not enough! ment for them. For a time, no work. Village peace­ In most cases the employees of the ful? stores were made up of fellow-villag- R. Immigrant: Very peaceful—but ers or relatives of the partners or some small burglaries. Last month owners. It was not uncommon to find Ah Sai Pak lost a coop of seven that all of the personnel of the store chickens. Somebody said Ah ------were immigrants from the same vil­ stole them. Don’t know. Now in the lage. Through their personnel the village many young men have noth­ stores were often known as the stores ing to do. Very bad. They do what­ of certain villagers. The Chinese in ever bad. Much gambling and eating searching for a countryman of a opium. certain village could always go to the The store was a club where the particular store where there were immigrant had status. His words fellow-villagers of the person sought. found meaning; he could be under­ Besides the economic and social *These articles have small intrinsic value, but they symbolize the unbroken home ties. The herbs, beans, or yam flour are used for curing or preventing minor illness such as cold, headache, or fever and as purgatives. The Chinese Store as a Social Institution (37) functions, the Chinese stores served of Chinese foods daily and used many as meeting places for the oversea vil­ things which were imported, such lage clubs. Though the Chinese have as salted eggs, preserved ducks, and organized district societies, benevo­ sausages.* (3) But the first gen­ lent societies, family tongs, guilds, eration immigrants have either re­ unions and a few village clubs with turned to China or are fast dis­ their society halls, many village appearing in Hawaii. In 1930 only clubs did not own any halls. The 7,468 or 27.5 per cent of the total stores also acted as agencies for Chinese population in Hawaii were Chinese community subscription of foreign-born. The second and third various sorts. The stores rotated in generations are losing taste for Chi­ taking charge of the memorial ser­ nese food and use American products vices of the Chinese cemeteries.* (1) more and more. They enjoy their They gave large shares to welfare toast, cereals, and milk, chocolate, or work, helped to support the Chinese coffee in place of Chinese sausage* (4) schools and responded to subscription or Chinese canned goods and rice in campaigns for local and homeland the morning. The consumption of causes. In some cases the stores had Chinese goods tends to be less and served as headquarters for the Chi­ less as the number of young Chinese nese political revolutionary move­ in Honolulu increases, and the num­ ment.* (2) ber of first generation decreases. The Chinese stores in Honolulu are Food products to the value of $353,- gradually losing their economic and 688 were imported from China from social functions in the community. July, 1930 to June, 1931. This is an As long as the Chinese community average import value of only §12.97 consisted chiefly of the first genera­ per Chinese resident of Hawaii. tion, the economic basis of the Chi­ Chinatown during the Chinese New nese store was secure. Year enjoys a period of business fer­ The Chinese took their three meals vor when the old and young do their

*(1) For 1936 the memorial service or “Ching ming” which fell on April 5 was handled by Kwong Wah Chong Co., and М. C. Lum Co., both being merchandise stores. *(2) Kwong Chong Lung Co. which was closed a few years ago had been a store of this type. Among the notables who found abode in. it for a time were Mayor Wu T’ieh-Ch’eng of Shanghai and President Lin Sen of China. *(3) Chinese food can be classified into two classes, one being delicacies and the other ordinary goods. Under delicacies there are two kinds, sea delicacies (hoi-mee) and dried delicacies (larb-mee). Sea delicacies include shark’s fin, bird’s nest, abalone, mushroom, sea-“cucumber,” fish-bladder, fish-intestine, sea moss, dried oyster, dried cuttlefish. Dried delicacies (dur­ ing winter season) include dried ducks, dried chicken, sliced duck meat, dried pork, dried chicken liver, dried rice sparrow. These delicacies are used largely for banquets and feasts. For ordinary purposes, the Chinese use salted fish, salted cabbage, salted eggs, vermicelli, dried cuttle fish, bean curd, bean stick, shrimp sauce, yams, canned fish, bamboo shoots, (canned or dried). Occasionally such delicacies as mushroom, oysters, dried pork, sliced duck are used in ordinary diet. *(4) Chinese sausages are now imported chiefly from Vancouver, В. C. and not from China. (38) The Chinese Store as a Social Institution shopping of Chinese delicacies but developed where the Chinese can de­ this prosperity is brief. Many of posit their earnings and some even the traditional festivals have lost deposit with banks in Hongkong. their flavor and the consumption of Many buy insurance policies, bonds, Chinese goods has suffered in pro­ stocks and other investments. The portion. earnings of the Chinese are no longer The decline of the rice industry deposited with the store-keepers. has severed one of the principal mar­ However, the postal system of send­ ket channels for Chinese goods. Sur­ ing letters and money still remains, plus goods can no longer be dumped for no responsible system has emerg­ into the rice plantations. Today there ed in its place. are five ranking importers of Chinese The Chinese store of today is only goods in Honolulu but a large part a shadow of the once unique institu­ of their business is with non-Chinese. tion. Its original economic support Seven smaller stores deal chiefly with has largely disappeared and many of the Chinese population and in an­ the stores have changed their char­ other decade this number may be acter to meet the demands of a further reduced. More and more the non-Chinese clientele. A very few of Chinese merchants, of whom there the stores remain where the old were 160 in Honolulu in 1934, are Chinese men still gather in the fa­ catering to Americanized and Ha- miliar atmosphere to relive memories waiianized tastes. of the past. In addition, Chinese banks have

Continued from Page. 3U

Bergen, Margaret "A Study of Juvenile Delinquency”, Report of Gover­ nor’s Advisory Committee on Crime, (Honolulu, 1931), pp. 147-149. Lai, Kum Pui “Chinese and Language Schools in Hawaii,” Sociology and Social Research, XX (December, 1935.) ” (editor) Social Process in Hawaii, I, Honolulu, May 1935. Lam, М. M. “Interm arriage in H aw aii,” Sociology and Social Re­ search, XVII (1932), 159-166. ” ” “Baseball & Racial Harmony in Hawaii”, Sociology and Social Research, XVIII (1933), 58-66. Lam, М. M. Racial Myth and Family Tradition - Worship Among the Part-Hawaiians, Social Forces, XIV, (Mar., 1936), 405-409. Lind, A.W. “Occupational Trends Among Immigrant Groups in H aw aii”, Social Forces, VII (Dec. 1928), 290-299. ” ” “Occupational Attitudes of Orientals in Hawaii”, So­ ciology and Social Research, XIII (Jan. 1929), 245- 255. Continued on Page Leaves from the Life History of a Chinese Immigrant By ELIZABETH WONG

LIFE IN A CHINESE VILLAGE take a handful. She would then sit “Lucky come Hawaii? Sure, lucky on them until the working men went come Hawaii,” said Mrs. Teng, push­ home. As soon as they go we ran ing back her black hair with her home. She clean and cook the rice for hands which showed signs of hard us two. We had only salt and water labor. “Before I come to Hawaii I to eat with the rice. Today when I suffer much. Only two kinds of people hear my children grumble about the in China, the too poor and the too food I wish they could experience rich. I never can forget my days in what I went through and what the China,” said she, her mouth falling children in China are doing to relieve into a smile revealing a pretty good their hunger. set of teeth. She is proportionally “Father was suffering from dys­ built for her five feet four. entery so my mother went out to “In a small crowded village, a few look for herbs. My father told me to miles from Hong Kong, fifty-four take the baby out to play and not to years ago I was born. There were come back until late. Being always four in our family, my mother, my afraid of him I gladly took the baby father, my sister, and me. We lived out. We were three houses away in a two room house. One was our watching a man kill a chicken. Pretty sleeping room and the other served soon a man came to call me to go as parlor, kitchen, and dining room. home for my father is dead. I ran We were not rich enough to keep pigs with my brother on my back and or fowls, otherwise, our small house stopped at the door of our house. I would have been more than over­ took one look at my father dangling crowded.' from the ceiling and started to run “How can we live on six baskets to where I don’t know . . . of rice which were paid twice a year “Poor people are buried in mats for my father’s duty as a night but mother bought a coffin for my watchman? Sometimes the peasants father. She had asked the carpenter have a poor crop then we go hungry. to give her a few weeks to pay for During the day my father would do the coffin and the man agreed. My other small jobs for the peasants or mother called me to her and put me carpenters. My mother worked hard on her lap. too for she went every day to the “Do you want me to remarry or forest to gather wood for our stove... will you be a good girl and go to “Sometimes we went hungry for stay with a certain lady,” she said. days. My mother and me would go I told her that I do not want her to over the harvested rice fields of the remarry but I will go with the lady peasants to pick the grains they so that she will have money to pay dropped. Once in a while my mother for my father’s coffin. If she did would go near a big pile of grain and marry again I would have a hard * (I am using a fictitious name for the lady who has given me her life account. She has used broken English and Chinese. I shall translate her Chinese accordingly and shall try not to change her style.) (39)

-\ (40) Leaves from the Life History of a Chinese Immigrant

time looking for her when I came master held me. He gave me a silver big. I leaned my head against her spoon, a jade bowl, sweets, and cakes breast and if I knew that was the —all that I always longed for. I was last time I would be so near to her glad to stay forever. Next time when I would have let my brother cry my mother came I did not care to go alone. with her. I was so poor for a long “I heard my mother tell this go- time that those sweet and pretty between lady that she wants me put things took a great hold on me. in the hands of a lady or man who “A lady in that house told me that would come to Hawaii because she Hawaii had big, fat, very sweet sugar has heard Hawaii is a land of good cane—it was better than honey. I fortune. All the other people who crazy for cane that I just waited for went to Hawaii sent money home the day to come to Hawaii. She also every time. (“My mother has never told me that there was hardly any­ told me that I was being sold as a thing to do but after I came I found slave until I came to Hawaii my mis­ out that this was not true. tress called me names.”) LEAVING THE ANCESTRAL “My mother took off my mourning VILLAGE robes, dressed me in a colored dress with a red string on my hair. I went “In 1891 my master and me sailed on with this lady to the big house of the “Billy Jack” to go to my new mis­ Mr. Chin, two miles from our village. tress in Hawaii. We slept on canvass He was to look me over and I seem to cots and had cheap meat and cabbage be his choice for he took out ninety for every meal. We could not land in dollars to give to my mother. Every Honolulu because there was small pox year in my age was worth ten dol­ on board ship. We went directly to lars. I wished I were older than nine San Francisco and stayed there for so that my mother could get more two months. I never saw the shape money. of the land for I was below the ship. “Before" the actual parting I was When we came back to Hawaii I was happy and glad to go because I knew I locked in the immigration office for was helping mother. When my moth­ three weeks. How happy I was when er and me went out of the house my boss came to me. I went to meet I took one look behind and did not my mistress who was never pleasant want to go. I cried and begged and to me. asked to stay at home. For once I “The first thing I asked my master had the sympathy of the neighbors. was a piece of sugar cane. He said They cried and told me that I must that there is none around the place be a good girl and go so that my where we live. How sad I was for I mother can get the money to pay the expected cane to be all around. coffin. I quickly wiped my eyes and “Mr. Chin was the owner of a went with my mother. When we got large carpenter shop on Nuuanu to this place we went to give our street. He had many workers. They offerings to the temple god. It was cooked our meals and they ate in eleven o’clock when we came to the the shop. I always took the meals gate of Mr. Chin’s house. We stayed home for the family. We lived behind outside until it was twelve. It is said the shop. I had to wash clothes, clean that it is bad luck to enter a master’s the house and the basin. I also waited house when the time is odd, it must on the table and when the family was be even time. Again the parting was served then I took my bowl to my hard. I ran after my mother but my master for food. I always ate sepa­ Leaves from the Life History of a Chinese Immigrant (41)

rately from the family table. When­ “I used to go to a shoe maker’s ever I go back for a second helping and take needles from him for my my mistress would glare at me. Be­ mistress refused' to let me use her ing afraid I used to press the rice needles. Behind her back I learned in my bowl so that I had my fill and how to sew. When I was sixteen she avoided her glare. Although she called went to China for four months. I me a “slave girl,” a good for nothing made sure I learned how to sew dress­ girl, and beat me unmercifully es for myself. Every ten cents that I was happy to be in Hawaii. At least I earned for sewing button holes for I had food in my stomach and ate the neighboring tailor I saved to with a silver spoon. buy materials. When my mistress re­ turned from China she wanted me ON THE ROUGH ROAD TO to sew for her. I wasn’t very eager WESTERNIZA TION because she, herself, wanted to stop me from learning. “Being a “China Jack” I was “The following year the plague in­ tempted by the good taste of the vaded Honolulu. Chinatown was first cookie my mistress gave me. I burned down. All I can remember saw her hang the can on the kitchen is that we went to live at Kalihi wall. As soon as she left the house then to Vineyard. We had little to I helped myself to a cookie and a do. cup of tea. In my little party she caught me. She took the ruler and MARRIAGE — A RELEASE beat my fingers to and fro, to and FROM RESTRAINTS fro. They were all black and blue and she kept on until the ruler broke. “I believe the turning point of “One day after I had swept the my life came when I was eighteen. house, washed the clothes I went out One morning I overheard my master to play with the neighborhood chil­ scold my mistress for wanting to dren who wanted to have some fun marry me off to a man not of my with the “China Jack.” I was having same group. He said that long ago a good time when my mistress yelled my mother made him promise that “slave girl” at me. I went into the I be married to someone of my own house expecting and prepared for group—Pun Dee. He said that it is the outcome. Afraid that the chil­ only fair to present the recent case dren outside would hear she stuffed to me. I hurried away from the door my mouth with a dirty rag and beat and waited to be called any minute. me with a bamboo rod. I struggled I went before them. My master who but of no use. After her anger or was always nice to me said that my jealousy was satisfied she made me mother would be happy to know that clean the house again. I am married and on my own. He said “Before I was real dumb. I was that merchant, a Mr. Teng, from afraid to go to school on account of Wailuku, Maui, is looking for a my mistress not giving me money to bride. He is well-to-do but is forty buy tablets and pencils. I didn’t know years old. You are only eighteen. I how to explain to the teacher that leave the matter up to you. If he my mistress would not give me told me that the man was sixty I money for books. I used to hide from would have gladly said “yes.” Here the teacher. My mistress said that a was my chance to escape from the “China Jack” like me need not go to harsh words of my mistress. Better school. I sorry I no go before. than suffer some more I accepted. (42) Leaves from the Life History of a Chinese Immigrant

How he looks like I did not know but afraid that I might put germs on with that thought of freedom in him. When I have a slight cold I mind I slept peacefully for the first can not go near him. How can I put time. germs on him? If he is healthy he “As a fee for my master’s success­ gets no germs. The small children in ful match making my future husband China don’t have enough to eat and sent him one hundred fifty dollars, no clothing and yet they don’t die. a roast pig, five hundred cakes, a The children in Hawaii have all the half dozen bottles of wine, and a good food and clothing so why should half dozen chickens. All day I was they get sick.” buying things to take up to my new With a wistful smile she went on home. A lady took me down to the commenting about her mistress. She boat and when I landed at Kahului said that no matter how rich you are I was met by my brother-in-law who or how much better you are than the took me home to my husband. I be­ other person never look down upon came Mrs. Teng. My husband was him because some day you may be almost bald but he was very nice in that person’s position. “Today, my to me. mistress lives in a one room house on Vineyard street. Her husband, CONTACTS WITH THE HOME three sons, and two daughters are VILLAGE dead leaving a son-in-law who told her to get out of his home. Now she “Right after my marriage I asked know what poor means. She gladly my husband to write back to my vil­ calls me her “daughter” and even if lage in search of my mother. Lucky she was mean to me I let that be he asked my former boss for help. I forgotten. When I see her in town I told him of my hard times and how give her a dollar or two. If she was I came to Hawaii. He sent my mother nice to me maybe I would have been fifty dollars along with that first let­ a little more glad to help her. ter. I was very happy that I cried “My children call me a “jew” be­ when I received my mother’s letter cause I do not spend for clothes or telling me that my brother is eleven other unnecessary luxuries. It is not and is watching cows. I wrote home that, I shrudder at the thought of and sent her money to send my being poor. I was poor for a long brother to school. I only longed to see while, that much suffering is enough my mother again. I think I would for me. I can not spend here and there fall in her arms and cry for days because someday I want to buy a but I never had that chance. She new refrigerator, pay for doctor’s died a year after my husband’s bills, and pay for any emergency. I death in 1921. must save so that I may have money on hand. BETWEEN TWO CULTURES BUT “I am proud of my children. They ADJUSTED PHILOSOPHICALLY are very good children and have helped me lots. I am looking forward “The young people of today to the day when I will have my sons, are very much changed. I can­ daughters, and in-laws, and grand­ not understand my daughter-in- children with me. At present they law who never trusts me with her are scattered on Maui, Kauai, and son. I am his grandmother. She is so Oahu. I lucky come Hawaii.” Familial Survivals in Rural Hawaii

By SHIKU OGURA

Kona, Hawaii, is an isolated coffee services; second, the boy, who has farming district with a population of reached a marriageable age, may about 5,000 Japanese. The geographic ask a close friend of the girl’s fam­ isolation with Mauna Loa mountain ily, preferably of the same prefec­ on the east, the Pacific Ocean on the ture ; and third, the boy’s parents west, and the wide stretches of “pa- may ask a close friend or neighbor hoehoe” and “a-a” lava on the north of the girl’s family. The last named and south extremes, precludes active is the common practice. One middle­ contacts with the outside and makes man said, “Out of fourteen couples possible the preservation of certain whom I have matched, the boys’ pa­ familial practices. Kona is sometimes rents have asked me to act as go- referred to as “Little Nippon” in between in three fourths of the cases;” and another middleman said, Hawaii. Marriages, funerals, celebra­ tions, religious observances are prac­ “I have already matched two couples, and in both cases the boys’ parents ticed similarly to those in Japan came to see me to act as a middle­ thirty or forty years ago. man. I have done it as a personal fa­ Marriage is still arranged with the vor.” usual formalities. The middleman or The parents ordinarily prefer early nakodo, is an important figure in the marriages for their children. Married Kona community, for without him, young people are usually more steady any marriage is considered an elope­ than those without family responsi­ ment, and the couple’s parents lose bilities of their own. Furthermore, a caste in the community. The roman­ daughter-in-law in the house is a tic conception of marriage, idealized great help with the daily chores. But in the American community, some­ the youngsters today prefer to delay times leads the second generation to their marriage until they have saved make their own arrangements, but some money. One middleman said, to save the family’s “face” in the “Nowadays, the youngsters prefer to community, a middleman steps in as marry late. Occasionally, the parents a matter of form. An expert middle­ get worried over their sons and ask man of Kona spoke of the situation me to encourage them to get mar­ as follows: “Sometimes the boy and ried.” A young man of twenty-two girl marry without the parents’ con­ years said, “My father wants me to sent, or without getting a middleman, marry soon. He tells me that he mar­ but I step in as a matter of formal­ ried when he was thirty-five years ity. In some cases, the boy’s parents old and now he is having a difficult ask me and sometimes I offer my time financially. He wants to retire services. Otherwise, the couple would early and to depend upon me. But be criticized by the people in the I don’t want to marry yet. I want to community and would be disowned by see more of life. I won’t marry until the parents. Thus the family rela­ I’m thirty or thirty-five years old. tionship is lost.” My father tells me that if I don’t There are three ways of securing a get married soon, I’ll fool around middleman in Kona. First, the best girls and drink. I want to show him friend of the family may offer his that I can wait a little longer and (44) Familial Survivals in Rural Hawaii not get into trouble. I think he wants is required.” my wife to help the family, but The middleman carries on his work when I get married, I don’t expect with the greatest secrecy. Sometimes to live with him.” Another young it takes more than a dozen calls be­ man said, ‘‘I didn’t want to marry fore the parents’ approval is secured. so early; I was planning to continue One matchmaker made twenty-seven my education, but. my parents were calls before he secured consent. One not in a position to support me matchmaker was so disheartened af­ through school, so I remained at home ter making several unsuccessful calls and worked in the coffee field. My that he wanted to commit suicide. He mother wanted someone to stay at said, “Somehow an agreement could home and help her around the house not be reached, so I went to a cafe and the field. They found a middle­ with another middleman and got man and arranged for my wedding. terribly drunk. I came home and felt I had not seen the girl before.” like cutting my stomach.” This shows The task of a middleman is not how seriously a middleman regards an easy one. It requires time, tact, his obligation. and patience. Some friends consider Certain principles are observed in this to be a rare honor and despite matchmaking. First is a careful scru­ hard times and a busy coffee season, tiny of the lineage or “blood.” The willingly offer their services. The ma­ presence of leprosy or tuberculosis in jority accept it as a matter of obliga­ the family kin is a serious hindrance tion. When the time approaches for to marriage. The second is a high re­ matchmaking, the middleman takes gard for family social status in Ja­ the boy to the girl’s home under the pan. A prison record of a relative in pretense of buying some chickens or Japan is regarded as a serious obsta­ pigs in order to get a view of her cle to marriage. The third considera­ home and personality. Of course, this tion is the character and status of the is not necessary if the boy and the brothers, sisters, parents, and rela­ girl are alrqady in love or have seen tives in Hawaii. Due to the difficulty each other before. In some cases the in securing records from Japan and mother suspects the mission of the the fact that these matters can be middleman and the boy. She invites easily learned from fellow villagers them in and serves them tea and in Kona, investigation of the “koseki” cookies. No mother consents to give or family registry in the ancestral her daughter away at the first pro­ village is rareljr practised. In the posal. She tactfully refuses by say­ better families this investigation is ing that her daughter is needed at still made. “When I got married, my home for sometime. To give a daugh­ girl’s parents wrote to my relatives ter at the first call would lower the in Japan and in Kona to find out dignity of the family. Another mid­ everything about me. It took over dleman reveals his method of creat­ three months. They also wrote to ing the situation. “Sometimes there local people to find out about me,” are cases where the boy and the girl said a young man. have never seen each other. Then I Time and conditions have altered make an arrangement whereby the the qualifications for marriage. For­ boy can meet the girl on her shop­ merly it was thought important that ping trip to a store, at a picnic, a both bride and groom should come party, or a social gathering. If they from the same ‘ken’ or prefecture in like each other, the other tasks are Japan, but now little thought is given easy and only the parents’ approval to this factor. One middleman said, Familial Survivals in Rural Haivaii (45)

“People pay very little attention to that it is a wedding, otherwise, they the ‘ken’ nowadays. But the Okina­ think that something is missing. wans still marry within their own They like to eat and drink and make ‘ken’ and the ‘eta’ among their own merry. They make it an elaborate af­ class. Character and personality are fair in order to impress upon the far more important. We consider the couple that it is the most important boy’s character first and not the ‘ken.’ event in their lives. This puts them If a boy is hard-working, he has no under a moral obligation to make good difficulty in getting a wife.” Records and forgive each other’s petty griev­ in Kona show that from 1925 to ances.” Some families give such a August 1935, 46 per cent of the Jap­ great feast that it leads to bankrupt­ anese marriages were between persons cy. In the past the popularity of the of the same prefectural background, 43 groom’s parents was measured by per cent were between persons of the number of gift bags of rice piled other prefectures, and 11 per cent in front of the house, but this prac- were with persons of other races. This t:ce is slowly being modified. A small breakdown in custom is due to two sum of money is usually enclosed in reasons: first the young people of an envelope. Kitchen utensils or today favor romantic love; and sec­ household gifts are also sent. To ond, the parents are losing contact neglect to send a gift is a sign of with their relatives in Japan and are questionable friendship. A family that resigned to live in Kona permanently. sends out two hundred invitations is When the parents’ approval is se­ thought to have a huge wedding cured, the groom presents the bride party. As in most rural districts, the with a set of wedding gowns called “kumiai” (local neighborhood club) “montsuki”. This has a significance members play an important role in similar to that of the wedding ring the preparation and arrangement of in American marriages. Despite hard the wedding feast. times many people still measure the The middleman arranges all details social status of the couple in terms for the wedding. However, his obliga­ of the lavish display at the wedding, tion does not end with the culmina­ and huge wedding feasts costing tion of marriage. He is the perma­ hundreds of dollars are frequently nent advisor of the couple and will given. One middleman said, “These be called upon in case of a family folks must have a big feast to feel quarrel or a sign of divorce.

Continued from Page 38

Lind, A. W. “The Types & Trends of Delinquency & Crime in Ha­ w aii”, Preparatory Studies Annual Conference Social Workers of Hawaii, (Honolulu, July, 1929), pp. 3-12. if if “Some Ecological Patterns of Community Disorganiza­ tion in Honolulu,” American Journal of Sociology, XXXVI (Sept. 1930), 206-220. if if “The Ghetto and the Slum”, Social Forces, IX (Dec. 1930), 206-215. if if “Some Measurable Factors in Juvenile Delinquency in Honolulu”, Report of the Governor’s Advisory Com­ mittee on Crime, (Honolulu, 1931) pp. 183-192. Continued on Page i9 The Taxi Dance Hall in Honolulu

By VIRGINIA LORD and ALICE IV. LEE

THE TAXI DANCE HALLS displaying an amazing series of in­ tricate steps, slides, dips, twirls, and Clustered in a rectangle, two by backbends. Because they have to be eight city blocks in size, in the less able to follow anyone, they display elite business district, are Honolulu’s rare ability and grace. They are seven taxi-dance halls. “C.L.” is most marvelous dancers! popular with slumming parties, Even when a cop, happens to groups of people out to see the sights drop in, discovers a sailor pouring a of the “underworld,” and often stu­ little “oke” into a cup half-filled with dents, who like to feel they are doing coca-cola—to pass around to his something they should not. “C. L.” ca­ friends, and delivers a reprimand, ters almost exclusively to service trade, good-natured humor still prevails. its patronage being made up mostly of The air is more that of a private sailors. It prides itself in being a dance than that of a commercialized “high-class joint,” and excludes such institution, where feminine friendli­ people as Filipinos, on the grounds ness is for sale. that they are not properly dressed. Very similar to “C. L.” in atm os­ It is a hall upstairs, with a wide phere, but with a more varied trade, straight, well-lighted stairway con­ is the “C.” Here one buys his tickets necting it with the sidewalk. Around in a cubby-hole in the wall on the the entrance sit sellers of leis, cor­ level of the street. A clock is in plain sages, and boutonnieres. The ballroom sight on the wall; there is a balcony is just a large room, whose floors are from which one may view the sights heavily painted, varnished, and oiled, of an alley, or hide to sneak a sip and beginning to show signs of wear. from a flask, the lights are a little Lining the walls are benches where dimmer, the floor feels a little more the girls sit and wait for dances, or as if it had sand on it, there are no chat with the men. In one corner is garlands of crepe paper festooned a counter and an ice-box, where soda from the chandeliers to the wall, but pop is sold. A peek into the ice-box otherwise in general aspect—the “C.” reveals about a dozen leis and cor­ and the “C. L.” are very much alike. sages, presented to the girls by ad­ Dance halls that cater to Filipinos mirers. They are not worn because, in waste no money on overhead. The the stuffy smoky room, they wilt Filipinos have a need for feminine quickly, and because they offer too companionship, and accept it under much incumbrance to the hopping any conditions. They are offered around of the girls. On a raised plat­ partners, room to dance, and ex­ form, decorated with a gay, orange ceedingly “hot” music. These halls moon, tinsel, silhouettes, and palm are smaller, darker, more crowded, trees, the orchestra, numbering about and to a considerable degree, more seven, holds sway, blazing forth old odorous. and tried melodies, in a blatant and “D.”, is one of these—and across yet compelling fashion. When a lull the street, down a cobble-stoned al­ occurs, the customers are scarce, the ley, is the “L.”—patronized by Fili­ girls pair off, and rather than let the pinos only — and probably the most music go to waste, dance together, picturesque of the halls. The Taxi Dance Hall in Honolulu (47)

From within the walls of a rough­ is an array of metal implements—- ly built, and unpainted, one-story, brass knuckles, knives, and guns— wooden structure, behind the corner most of which were “lifted” from the stores of a busy intersection comes Filipinos of this particular district. bizzare music—American' jazz with a They even include a harmless cap Filipino accent. No other sound—no pistol and a queer wooden instrument laughing or shuffling of feet — as is arranged to eject a bamboo dart, heard from the streets around the powered by the winding of a heavy other dance halls—can be distinguish­ rubber band. Here is where most of ed. Located over a swamp—this, one the knifing affrays take place, with can easily discover for himself from lots of serious injuries. the peculiar odor—it has a series of Half way between these two ex­ hazardous steps, rickety, unpainted, tremes—the “C. L.” and the “L.” is gaping, and literally besprinkled with the “R.”—with its heterogenous pa­ sputum and tobacco juice, leading to tronage—composed of every class— the hall. Sitting on the benches a- from soldiers to Filipinos. It is on the gainst the walls, hanging out the win­ ground floor of a building having dows that extend all around the room, several chop sui houses and beer are the patrons—Filipinos who are “joints.” A narrow passageway leads smoking, idly scratching their heads, from the street to it, covered by a red or picking their noses. Four painted and yellow striped canvas. With its Filipino and Porto Rican girls, each lei sellers squatting in the passage­ one with dangling earrings, consti­ way, and its crowds of all nations— tute the dancers. In the background, Portuguese, “haoles,” Japanese, Ha­ four older women slouch—the mothers waiians, Porto Ricans, Koreans, Chi­ of the girls, who accompany their nese, Filipinos,—it has a sort of car­ daughters every night to their em­ nival air. Hanging from the ceiling ployment. Of the old school, they be­ is a large ball made of metal and lieve in chaperones and are wary brass which catches the light and and watchful. sparkles. The windows are always Even though the orchestra—on a lined with people, peering in from platform d eco ra ted with faded the alley that flanks one side of the streamers and bunting, and a picture building. of President Roosevelt—is banging The remaining two halls are the away most noisily, few pay much at­ “V.” and the “R.”, both very dirty tention—neither dancing, nor smiling, and crowded, both cater to all na­ nor speaking. The gloomy, sullen ex­ tionalities. pressions of the men, numbering about thirty, do not change even THE * (1) when the proprietor bellows “free dance.” There is a rush toward the The taxi-dancers are all much alike girls at this cry and the twenty-six in appearances. The average age is who have no partners dance with twenty-two years, with eighteen as the each other. There seems to be some­ lower limit and thirty-eight as the up­ thing sinister in the atmosphere—for per, most girls being around eighteen those blank, immobile expressions years. Out of about three hundred conceal strong emotions and fearful girls,* (2) forty are Portuguese, thir­ purposes. Down at the police station ty-one are Filipino, twenty-eight are *(1) The writers interviewed girls for this term project for the in- troductory course in Sociology. *(2) See table on page 50. (48) The Taxi Dance Hall in Honolulu

pure Hawaiian, twenty-seven are Ha- just a chance acquaintance or a waiian-Chinese, twenty-four are Jap­ friend of recent development, the girl anese, fifteen are Korean, and twelve gains her introduction to this voca­ are pure Chinese. No girl admits tion . . . More than one girl is work­ having either Negro or Jewish blood. ing to save enough money to go The older dancers are of the Cauca­ back to school. Several go to busi­ sian races, and the reason is an ob­ ness college during the day, and vious one. They come from the main­ work all night. Some young girls land where dance halls have been who marry into the service, to live a operating for years and they are old married life for a few years, find hards at the game, whereas in Ho­ themselves deserted when their hus­ nolulu, dance halls are a comparative­ bands are transferred. To support ly new development. There has not their children, they enter dance halls. been time for our native-born to Other girls have orphan brothers grow old in the business. Some pretty and sisters to support, and more than queer combinations appear in the one has a drunken parent On her mixtures of nationalities. For in­ hands. stance, there are several Japanese- One of the girls tells part of her Korean girls, a Hawaiian-Hindu ex­ story: “After my step-mother went traction, and a Portuguese-Russian... to the Orient, I ran away from my One distinguishing characteristic father because he treats me mean. He of the taxi-dancer is the inevitable blames me for the desertion of my step­ permanent wave. This, added to mother because she had always scold­ plenty of mascara and eye shadow, ed me. I always obeyed her and work­ rouge and lipstick, is supposed to ed hard—washed all the clothes, iron­ render her sexually attractive. She ed, swept and mopped the house, and usually chooses a dinner, or cocktail even cooked. All she did was to sew dress, of clinging form-revealing and very little at that. I worked in lines, and of medium length, worn a “haole” house for almost a year with sandals — for comfort and for until I met a girl who is a taxi- durability. dancer. She used to work as a house­ The girls enter taxi-dancing for maid before. Boy! the first night in many and various reasons. The ma­ the dance hall was a thrill. I danced jority of the taxi-dancers have lived every dance, I was not neglected as in the city and have homes in the at school dances where I was a wall­ city. Their family life is not usually flower most of the time. Besides ideal. As the girl reaches her adoles­ dancing every dance and enjoying it, cent period, she desires better clothes I got paid for it too. Well, I was at and since she cannot obtain these it for almost a year when I fell for a through her parents, she is forced to guy, a soldier. He was very nice to seek employment. Previous to be­ me and I liked him, but when I had coming a taxi-dancer, the girl works to get married, he would not do it. I in the pineapple cannery, in private know that he couldn’t cause his folks homes as a house maid, or in a res­ in the states doesn’t want him to. So taurant as a waitress. Monotony, I didn’t mind not getting married long hours and little pay are the cause he helped me pay for the hos­ rewards of these positions. However, pital and doctor bill and he still gives at this period, she still retains her me things. My baby boy is up Kai- neighborhood or childhood friends. muki in the Boys’ Salvation Army Through another taxi-dancer or a home. I go up to see him once in a patron of the dance hall, probably while. I still dance, but I don’t make The Taxi Dance Hall in Honolulu (49) as much money as before. But I get to cook lunch and return to work. My along all right if I dance with the neighbor who lives in the next two Filipinos. I hate to dance with them, partitions of our building worked at but I have to, cause you know, I nights in the dance hall. She saw how have to live.” hard it was for me to care for my Another girl states: “I was mar­ children and work in the cannery ried at thirteen years of age to my besides. So she told me about taxi- husband who is ten years older than dancing. She taught me how to dance I. I am eighteen years old now and and dressed me up with makeup and my oldest child is four years old. I a cheap evening gown. I learned how have two ether children. My husband to dance rhythmically. I earned more does not have a steady job. He works in one night than in three days work­ in the cannery when they need him, ing in the cannery. Besides that, I only during rush times. Since the can stay home all day and take care cannery is two blocks from my home, of my children.” I used to work there and hurry home

Continued from Page U5 Lind, A. W. “Voting in Hawaii,” Exhibit E. Hearing Before U. S. Senate Committee on Territories, 72nd Congress, (Washington, 1933), pp. 110-113.

“Some Modifications of Hawaiian Character Since the Advent of the White Man,” Race and Culture Contacts, Edited by E. B. Reuter, (McGraw-Hill, 1934)

Lorden, Doris “The Chinese-Hawaiian Family”, American Journal of Sociology, XL (1935), 453-463.

Masuoka, Jitsuichi “Race Preference in Hawaii.” American Journal of Sociology, LI (1936), 635-641.

Park, Robert E. “The University and the Community of Races”, P acific A ffa irs, V (1932), 695-703.

Reinecke, John E. “The English Dialect of Hawaii”, American Speech,

and Mrs. Aiko (February and April, 1934), pp. 48-58, pp. 122-

(Tokim asa) 132.

Reuter, E.B. “The Social Process, with Special Reference to the Patterns of Personality Among the Chinese in Ha­ w aii,” Publications of American Sociological Society, XXVI (1932), 86-93.

Smith, W.C. “Pidgin English in Hawaii”, American Speech, V II (1933), 15-19. “Changing Personality Traits of Second Generation Orientals in America”, American Journal of Sociology, XXXIII (1928), 922-29. Continued on Page 55 RACIAL ANCESTRY AND AGE OF HONOLULU’S TAXI DANCERS 1935 OTHERS (One Each) AGE

AGE 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 36 37 TOTAL Ger.-French 18 Chinese-Korean 18 Hawaiian 28 Ger.-Jap.-Eng. 18 Hawaiian-Chinese 27 Norwegian 19 Hawaiian-J apanese 2 Jap.-Spanish ■ 19 Hawaiian-American 5 Ger.-Haw’n 19 Hawaiian-Portuguese 4 Haw’n-Chi.-Port. 20 Hawaiian-Spanish 2 2 Haw’n-Indian 20 Portuguese 8 5 4 8 111 2 1 1 1 40 Port.-G-er.-French 21 Portuguese-English 1 4 Irish-Hawaiian 21 Portuguese-French 1 2 Belg.-American 21 Spanish 1 1 6 Chi.-Filipino 21 Spanish-Portuguese 1 1 1 8 Port.-Korean 21 Spanish-Mexican 1 1 2 Ger.-Haw’n-Chi. 21 "5 Spanish-American 1 1 2 Jap.-Port. 21 •2 Spanish-Filipino 1 2 Ger.-Dutch 22 Porto Rican 1 1 3 2 8 Chi.-German 22 American 2 6 Fil.-American 22 Irish 4 Haw’n-Jap.-Span. 22 English 1 2 Port.-Russian 23 Russian 1 2 Indian-Irish 23 English-German 1 2 Jap.-English 24 French-Italian 2 Italian 24 Haw’n.-Filipino Chinese 3 1 12 26 Cuban 26 Japanese 7 4 1 1 24 Port.-Italian 26 J apanese-Korean 1 2 Span.-Indian 27 Korean 4 1 15 Samoan 27 10 6 31 Filipino Swed.-Dutch 27 Others 3 4 30 13 12 11 Haw’n-Chi.-French 28 TOTAL 45 36 42 31 41 29 11 8 274* French-Norwegian 34 French 38 *Police Registration for Approximately 72 Girls (Dancers) is Incomplete. Complete Lists Total About 350.

if.' ■ I •> 'i - Population Trends In Hawaii

By ANDREW W. LIND

Hawaii’s population continues to this ratio, the vital index as Raymond grow rapidly thru the excess of Pearl calls it, is lower now for most births over deaths. During the year of the groups than it was ten years ending June 30, 1935 there were 9431 ago. Depending upon a variety of births and 3679 deaths, leaving a factors, including the age and sex net gain of 5752. The very high ratio structure of the population and the of 256 births per 100 deaths reflects length of residence in the Territory, a population which is youthful and births and deaths in each of the ra­ healthy. According to the 1930 cen­ cial groups tend toward equilibrium. sus, Hawaii is deficient in the older It is noteworthy that the Polyne­ age groups in which the proportion sian stocks are today in a more fa­ of deaths is normally high, and it is vorable position for biological growth moderately well supplied with women than they were ten years ago. During of child-bearing age. Death rates are the past five years the Hawaiian pop­ low in the age groups between 20 and ulation increased by 6924 thru the ex­ 45, which constituted 40 per cent of cess of births over deaths, or 2.5 per the total population of Hawaii in cent annually. The ratio of births to 1930. deaths has likewise increased among All of the various racial groups in the Filipinos. The period of maxi­ Hawaii are still biologically “healthy” mum natural increase of the immi­ in the sense that the number of births grant groups in Hawaii has not oc­ exceeds the number of deaths, but curred immediately after their entry

Table I Births, Deaths, and Vital Indices by Racial Groups, *(1) 1921-25 and 1931-35

Av. 5 yrs. ending ■4Э95 1 • T A TT OU,on le/oO1 QQK ІО-Ъ О ' > 4 Births/Deaths _ Births/Deaths Racial group Births Deaths X100 Births Deaths xioo Hawaiian and Part Hawaiian 1948 1063 183 2370 985 241 Caucasian 1601 611 262 1376 795 173 Puerto Rican 298 98 304 220 91 241 Chinese 781 313 250 581 297 195 Japanese 5639 1383 408 3890 1036 389 Korean 234 82 286 132 75 177 Filipino 1074 587 221 1366 509 268

Total *(2) 11596 4158 278 10036 3611 277

*(1) Birth registrations were 86 per cent accurate in 1920 and 93 per cent in 1930, when Hawaii was admitted to the Birth Registration Area. It has been in the Death Registration Area since 1917. * (2) All others included. (51) (52) Population Trends in Hawaii

to the Islands and it is probable that among the Chinese and Filipinos, the the vital index of the Filipinos will actual rate of increase was as indi­ continue to increase for some time cated in Table II. while that of the earlier immigrant In common with most portions of groups declines. The Japanese are continental United States, Hawaii’s still most favorably situated to add refined birth rates are falling. The to the population but with the pass­ biith rates of the immigrant groups, ing of the first generation mothers corrected for age and sex, corres­ and the changing age and sex struc­ pond rather closely with the average ture of the population, the rate of length of their residence in the Is­ natural increase will diminish. The lands, the Filipinos having the high­ average annual increase of popula­ est rates and the H aoles the lowest. tion thru the excess of births over The number of births per 1000 fe­ deaths during the years from July 1, males aged 15 to 44 in the total 1930 to June 30, 1935 was as fol­ population decreased from 185 in the lows: Hawaiian and Part Hawaiians, years 1928-1930 to 162 in the years 2.5 per cent; Caucasians, .7 per cent; 1933 to 1935. Although this rate is Chinese, 1.0 per cent; Japanese, 4.0 still high as compared with conti­ per cent; Koreans, .9 per cent; Fi­ nental United States, it may be ex­ lipinos, 1.3 per cent and total 1.7 per pected to approximate the mainland cent. Owing, however, to the excess of standard as assimilation continues. departures over arrivals, particularly An interesting correlate of the

Table II Population by Race in Hawaii, 1930 and 1935, and Average An­ nual Rate of Increase. Av. Annual Rate April 1, 1930 *(1) June 30, 1935 * (2) of Increase

Racial Groups *(3) Number Percent Number Percent 1930-35

Hawaiian 22,636 6.1 21,710 5.6 — 0.8 Caucasian Hawaiian 15,632 4.2 18,742 4.9 3.6 Asiatic Hawaiian 12,592 3.4 17,236 4.5 6.2 Portuguese 27,588 7.5 29,530 7.7 1.3 Spanish 1,219 0.3 1,267 0.3 0.8 Puerto Rican 6,671 1.8 7,368 1.9 2.0 Other Caucasian 44,895 12.2 50,258 13.1 2.4 Chinese 27,179 7.4 27,264 7.1 0.1 Japanese 139,631 37.9 148,972 38.8 1.3 Korean 6,461 1.8 6,668 1.7 0.6 Filipino 63,052 17.1 54,668 14.2 — 2.7 Others 780 0.3 754 0.2 — 0.6

Total 368,336 100.0 384,437 100.0 0.8

*(1) Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1930 *(2) Territorial Board of Health, Bureau of Vital Statistics *(3) Due to the arbitrary classification of mixed blood children, certain groups, notably the Other Caucasian, and the two part-Hawaiians, are artificially augmented. Population Trends in Hawaii (53)

Table III Number of Pupils Enrolled in Public and Private Schools of Hawaii According to Ancestry. Dec. 31, 1930 Dec. 31, 1935 Racial Groups Number Per Cent Number Per Cent

H awaiian 3,850 4.4 3,545 3.5 Part Hawaiian 10,309 11.7 13,107 13.1 Portuguese 7,878 9.0 7,840 7.8 Puerto Rican 1,278 1.5 1,719 1.7 Spanish 309 .4 360 .4 Other Caucasian 5,186 5.9 6,293 6.3 Chinese 7,959 9.1 8,611 8.6 Japanese 43,775 49.7 48,981 48.8 Korean 2,048 2.3 2,321 2.3 Filipino 4,126 4.7 5,784 5.8 Others 1,117 1.3 1,849 1.8

Total 87,835 100.0 100,410 100.0

declining birth rates has been the found in the population load of Ha­ fall in infant mortality. Hawaii’s rate waii’s public and private schools and of 64.53 per 1000 births in 1935 is in the corresponding costs ®f educa­ considerably lower than the rate in tion. The first grade population in other plantation regions for which both public and private schools reach­ data are available and it compares ed its peak in 1932-33 with 10,860 favorably with the 1934 rate of 59.9 students, and it has been steadily de­ in continental United States. Ha­ clining since. The total school popu­ waii’s infant mortality rate has de­ lation in the first six grades showed clined rapidly during the past 20 its first decline this year when the years, from 160 in 1916 to the pre­ enrollment dropped to 62,102 from sent rate of 64.5. This improvement the previous year’s peak of 62,150. has by no means been uniform in the several racial groups in Hawaii. The MISCEGENATION pure Hawaiians still suffer from a very high proportion of deaths Hawaii continues to live up among infants, owing in part to their to its reputation as a racial melt­ resistance to modern medical prac­ ing pot. In spite of rising na­ tice. The Puerto Ricans and the re­ tionalistic sentiments and more nor­ cent arrivals from the Philippines mal age and sex distributions in most have high rates of 124 and 111 re­ of the ethnic groups, the proportion spectively, while the groups with a of mixed racial marriages and of longer experience in Hawaii have births of mixed racial ancestry is in­ comparatively low rates. Less impres­ creasing in Hawaii. Of 10,938 mar­ sive changes have occurred in the riages in the four years ending June corrected death rates from some of 30, 1935, 3,098 or 28.3 per cent were the more important diseases, such as between members of different racial tuberculosis. groups, using the conventional eleven Reverberation of the shifting char­ fold classification of peoples in Ha­ acter of birth and death rates are waii. (Table IV) This ratio of (54) Population Trends in Hawaii

Table IV Marriages According to Race in the Territory of Hawaii for the 4 Years Ending June 30, 1935.*

RACE OF BRIDE

Race

of

Groom of Grooms % % of outmarriages Other Other Caucasian H awaiian Chinese Total Puerto Puerto Rican Korean Filipino Others Spanish Japanese Caucasian-Hawaiian Asiatic-Hawaiian Portuguese

Hawaiian 274 99 123 21 4 1 9 13 9 5 0 3 51.2 561 Caucasian- H awaiian 96 286 162 75 2 4 50 22 17 3 2 6 60.6 725 Asiatic- Hawaiian 74 143 134 37 3 2 13 62 14 2 3 4 72.7 491 1 H ■ S lf Portuguese 36 90 41 753 26 9 69 11 17 2 3 9 29.4 1066 Spanish 1 1 1 12 3 7 4 1 0 0 1 0 77.4 31 Other Caucasian 52 158 58 342 23 19 1344 25 35 14 4 20 35.8 2094 Puerto Rican 7 9 3 27 184 4 9 2 2 0 2 2 26.7 251 Chinese 20 27 68 14 3 3 7 514 26 6 2 3 25.8 693 Japanese 18 30 37 20 0 2 8 37 3317 7 1 0 4.6 3477 Korean 3474 10 05 3107 0 2 21.3 136

Filipino 98 41 79 86 50 6 24 10 48 10 CO О 00 7 33.6 1367 Others 3 9 7 6 1 1 5 2 0 0 1 11 76.1 46 % of out- 59.8 68.1 81.4 46.1 38.7 87.9 12.8 27.0 4.9 31.4 2.0 83.6 marriages of Brides

Total 682 897 720 1397 300 58 1542 704 3488 156 927 67 10938

*Based upon figures secured from Bureau of Vital Statistics, Terri­ torial Board of Health. Population Trends in Hawaii (55)

inter-marriages was 27.8 per cent in tional controls. the preceding five year period, while The proportion of mixed-blood chil­ in the five years 1912-1916, it was dren born is naturally not as large only 14.1 per cent. The classical role as the percentage of mixed marriages, of Hawaiian women as wives of the owing to the higher ratios of pure- womenless foreigners shows no sign blood marriages in the past, but dur­ of decline, and even the proportion of ing the year ending June 30, 1935, Hawaiian and part-Hawaiian men 2284 or 24.6 per cent of all the chil­ who outmarry is increasing. The dren born were of mixed ancestry. Oriental groups have undergone a In the year ending June 30, 1932, varied experience with regard to out­ this ratio was 21.3 per cent and the marriage depending upon their length following year it was 23.1 per cent. of residence, their age and sex ratios, In the population tables (II), how­ and their family mores and cultural ever, all of these mixed blood children values. The small but increasing pro­ excepting those of part-Hawaiian portion of outmarriage among the ancestry, are classified as pure bloods. Japanese, and a major part of the As a consequence the part-Hawaiian larger outmarriage among the Chi­ population appears to be increasing nese and Koreans represents a posi­ rapidly. tive movement away from the tradi­

Continued from Page U9 Smith, W. C. “The Hybrid in Hawaii as a Marginal Man,” Am erican Jiournal of Sociology, XXXIX (1934), 459-68. Stonequist, Everett “The Problem of the Marginal Man”, American Jour­ nal of Sociology, XLI (1935), 1-12. Thompson, Edgar T. “Population Expansion and the Plantation System”, American Journal of Sociology, XLI (1935), 314-26. Race Relations in Hawaii (A Summary Statement) By ROMANZO ADAMS

1. The race mores of Hawaii are, been an increase in the rate of or tend to be, the mores of racial out-marriage. 9. In the case of the Caucasian- equality. That is, the social ri­ Hawaiians and the Asiatic-Ha- tual symbolizes equality and the waiians, the development of doctrines correspond. group-morale tends to increase 2. Hawaii’s system of race relations the rate of in-marriage. seems to be a consequence of the 10. For a while the mixvd-blood special historical conditions that children of any particular type have existed in the islands. constitute merely a statistical, 3. The fact that the social ritual not a social, group. Socially they symbolizes equality is important are allied to one or the other as affecting the character of parent groups or to both. economic, political, educational 11. But when the mixed-blood become and general social opportunity sufficiently numerous they ac­ for all the peoples. quire a moderate sense of social 4. Interracial marriage is legal and solidarity. Common memories, there is no public opinion adverse common traditions and common thereto. (There is considerable interests serve as a basis for the adverse sentiment on the part of development of group morale. individuals, or, even of social 12. The mixed-bloods have an espe­ groups too small or too weak to cial role in relation to the further be considered as the public.) process of cultural assimilation 5. All racial groups are participat­ of the parent groups and in re­ ing in the general process of lation to further amalgamation. amalgamation through inter- This is because of their inter­ marriage, but not all at the mediate position. same rate. 13. The social status of mixed- 6. The proportion of out-marriages bloods is good and will remain for the various races seems to be correlated inversely with numeri­ so if local influences prevail. cal size and with group morale 14. Now that the period of impor­ and directly with abnormality tant immigration seems to be at of sex ratio. an end, the outlook is for a rap­ 7. In the past, differences in lan­ idly increasing population of guage, religion, family system mixed ancestry. Before the end and other culture traits have of the present century the mixed- been more important as affecting bloods may be expected to out­ the rate of out-marriage than number any other group and, differences in color or other bi­ after two hundred years, few ological traits have. will be able to give a correct 8. As there has been an approach statement as to their racial ori­ to a common culture there has gin.

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