Murdered Together with Two of His Sons
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Sage Is , Based Pressure E Final Out- Rned by , : Hearts, Could Persuade
Xerxes' War 137 136 Herodotus Book 7 a match for three Greeks. The same is true of my fellow Spartans. fallen to the naval power of the invader. So the Spartans would have They are the equal of any men when they fight alone; fighting to stood alone, and in their lone stand they would have performed gether, they surpass all other men. For they are free, but not entirely mighty deeds and died nobly. Either that or, seeing the other Greeks free: They obey a master called Law, and they fear this master much going over to the Persians, they would have come to terms with more than your men fear you. They do whatever it commands them Xerxes. Thus, in either case, Greece would have been subjugated by the Persians, for I cannot see what possible use it would have been to to do, and its commands are always the same: Not to retreat from the fortify the Isthmus if the king had had mastery over the sea. battlefield even when badly outnumbered; to stay in formation and either conquer or die. So if anyone were to say that the Athenians were saviors of "If this talk seems like nonsense to you, then let me stay silent Greece, he would not be far off the truth. For it was the Athenians who held the scales in balance; whichever side they espoused would henceforth; I spoke only under compulsion as it is. In any case, sire, I be sure to prevail. It was they who, choosing to maintain the freedom hope all turns out as you wish." of Greece, roused the rest of the Greeks who had not submitted, and [7.105] That was Demaratus' response. -
Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece
Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Ancient Greek Philosophy but didn’t Know Who to Ask Edited by Patricia F. O’Grady MEET THE PHILOSOPHERS OF ANCIENT GREECE Dedicated to the memory of Panagiotis, a humble man, who found pleasure when reading about the philosophers of Ancient Greece Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece Everything you always wanted to know about Ancient Greek philosophy but didn’t know who to ask Edited by PATRICIA F. O’GRADY Flinders University of South Australia © Patricia F. O’Grady 2005 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Patricia F. O’Grady has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identi.ed as the editor of this work. Published by Ashgate Publishing Limited Ashgate Publishing Company Wey Court East Suite 420 Union Road 101 Cherry Street Farnham Burlington Surrey, GU9 7PT VT 05401-4405 England USA Ashgate website: http://www.ashgate.com British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Meet the philosophers of ancient Greece: everything you always wanted to know about ancient Greek philosophy but didn’t know who to ask 1. Philosophy, Ancient 2. Philosophers – Greece 3. Greece – Intellectual life – To 146 B.C. I. O’Grady, Patricia F. 180 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Meet the philosophers of ancient Greece: everything you always wanted to know about ancient Greek philosophy but didn’t know who to ask / Patricia F. -
Copyrighted Material
9781405129992_6_ind.qxd 16/06/2009 12:11 Page 203 Index Acanthus, 130 Aetolian League, 162, 163, 166, Acarnanians, 137 178, 179 Achaea/Achaean(s), 31–2, 79, 123, Agamemnon, 51 160, 177 Agasicles (king of Sparta), 95 Achaean League: Agis IV and, agathoergoi, 174 166; as ally of Rome, 178–9; Age grades: see names of individual Cleomenes III and, 175; invasion grades of Laconia by, 177; Nabis and, Agesilaus (ephor), 166 178; as protector of perioecic Agesilaus II (king of Sparta), cities, 179; Sparta’s membership 135–47; at battle of Mantinea in, 15, 111, 179, 181–2 (362 B.C.E.), 146; campaign of, in Achaean War, 182 Asia Minor, 132–3, 136; capture acropolis, 130, 187–8, 192, 193, of Phlius by, 138; citizen training 194; see also Athena Chalcioecus, system and, 135; conspiracies sanctuary of after battle of Leuctra and, 144–5, Acrotatus (king of Sparta), 163, 158; conspiracy of Cinadon 164 and, 135–6; death of, 147; Acrotatus, 161 Epaminondas and, 142–3; Actium, battle of, 184 execution of women by, 168; Aegaleus, Mount, 65 foreign policy of, 132, 139–40, Aegiae (Laconian), 91 146–7; gift of, 101; helots and, Aegimius, 22 84; in Boeotia, 141; in Thessaly, Aegina (island)/Aeginetans: Delian 136; influence of, at Sparta, 142; League and,COPYRIGHTED 117; Lysander and, lameness MATERIAL of, 135; lance of, 189; 127, 129; pro-Persian party on, Life of, by Plutarch, 17; Lysander 59, 60; refugees from, 89 and, 12, 132–3; as mercenary, Aegospotami, battle of, 128, 130 146, 147; Phoebidas affair and, Aeimnestos, 69 102, 139; Spartan politics and, Aeolians, -
Bearing Razors and Swords: Paracomedy in Euripides’ Orestes
%HDULQJ5D]RUVDQG6ZRUGV3DUDFRPHG\LQ(XULSLGHV· 2UHVWHV &UDLJ-HQG]D $PHULFDQ-RXUQDORI3KLORORJ\9ROXPH1XPEHU :KROH1XPEHU )DOOSS $UWLFOH 3XEOLVKHGE\-RKQV+RSNLQV8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV '2, KWWSVGRLRUJDMS )RUDGGLWLRQDOLQIRUPDWLRQDERXWWKLVDUWLFOH KWWSVPXVHMKXHGXDUWLFOH Access provided by University of Kansas Libraries (5 Dec 2016 18:13 GMT) BEARING RAZORS AND SWORDS: PARACOMEDY IN EURIPIDES’ ORESTES CRAIG JENDZA Abstract. In this article, I trace a nuanced interchange between Euripides’ Helen, Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazusae, and Euripides’ Orestes that contains a previ- ously overlooked example of Aristophanic paratragedy and Euripides’ paracomic response. I argue that the escape plot from Helen, in which Menelaus and Helen flee with “sword-bearing” men ξιφηφόρος( ), was co-opted in Thesmophoriazusae, when Aristophanes staged Euripides escaping with a man described as “being a razor-bearer” (ξυροφορέω). Furthermore, I suggest that Euripides re-appropriates this parody by escalating the quantity of sword-bearing men in Orestes, suggest- ing a dynamic poetic rivalry between Aristophanes and Euripides. Additionally, I delineate a methodology for evaluating instances of paracomedy. PARATRAGEDY, COMEDY’S AppROPRIATION OF LINES, SCENES, AND DRAMATURGY FROM TRAGEDY, constitutes a source of the genre’s authority (Foley 1988; Platter 2007), a source of the genre’s identity as a literary underdog in comparison to tragedy (Rosen 2005), and a source of its humor either through subverting or ridiculing tragedy (Silk 1993; Robson 2009, 108–13) or through audience detection and identification of quotations (Wright 2012, 145–50).1 The converse relationship between 1 Rau 1967 marks the beginning of serious investigation into paratragedy by analyz- ing numerous comic scenes that are modeled on tragic ones and providing a database, with hundreds of examples, of tragic lines that Aristophanes parodies. -
4. Barsine, Daughter of Artabazus
Alexander’s Lovers by Andrew Chugg 4. Barsine, Daughter of Artabazus Barsine was by birth a minor princess of the Achaemenid Empire of the Persians, for her father, Artabazus, was the son of a Great King’s daughter.197 It is known that his father was Pharnabazus, who had married Apame, the daughter of Artaxerxes II, some time between 392 - 387BC.198 Artabazus was a senior Persian Satrap and courtier and was latterly renowned for his loyalty first to Darius, then to Alexander. Perhaps this was the outcome of a bad experience of the consequences of disloyalty earlier in his long career. In 358BC Artaxerxes III Ochus had upon his accession ordered the western Satraps to disband their mercenary armies, but this edict had eventually edged Artabazus into an unsuccessful revolt. He spent some years in exile at Philip’s court during Alexander’s childhood, starting in about 352BC and extending until around 349BC,199 at which time he became reconciled with the Great King. It is likely that his daughter Barsine and the rest of his immediate family accompanied him in his exile, so it is feasible that Barsine knew Alexander when they were both still children. Plutarch relates that she had received a “Greek upbringing”, though in point of fact this education could just as well have been delivered in Artabazus’ Satrapy of Hellespontine Phrygia, where the population was predominantly ethnically Greek. As a young girl, Barsine appears to have married Mentor,200 a Greek mercenary general from Rhodes. Artabazus had previously married the sister of this Rhodian, so Barsine may have been Mentor’s niece. -
First Printing: January 2009 Copyright © 2009 By
First printing: January 2009 Copyright © 2009 by Larry and Marion Pierce. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or re- produced in any manner whatsoever without written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations in articles and reviews. For information write: Master Books®, P.O. Box 726, Green Forest, AR 72638. ISBN-13: 978-0-89051-556-3 ISBN-10: 0-89051-556-5 Library of Congress Number: 2008940813 Cover by Diana Bogardus Printed in the United States of America Please visit our website for other great titles: www.masterbooks.net For information regarding author interviews, please contact the publicity department at (870) 438-5288. The Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms Amended. Prefixed by A Short Chronicle from the Earliest History of Europe, to the Conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great. By Sir Isaac Newton. London: Printed for J. Tonson in the Strand, and J. Osborn and T. Longman in Pater-noster Row. MDCCXXVIII. Revised Edition by Larry and Marion Pierce, 2008. ® Table of Contents Preface to the Queen .....................................................................................................................................5 Notice to the Reader .....................................................................................................................................7 Introduction to the Short Chronology ........................................................................................................11 A Short Chronology from Earliest European History to Alexander the -
The Case of Voltaire's Mérope and Scipione Maffei's Merope
TranscUlturAl, vol.4.1 (2011), 15-22. http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/TC The Cultural Politics of Translation: The Case of Voltaire’s Mérope and Scipione Maffei’s Merope Stefano Muneroni University of Alberta Translation and adaptation enact two distinct modes of relationship with the original source material, establish different degrees of dependency and freedom from it, and express dissimilar concerns about the intercultural and linguistic transpositions they respectively exact. They also ascertain different cultural hierarchies and distinctive jingoistic anxieties. While translation appears more bound to the source text by its literary and linguistic context, adaptation may depart from it in genre and artistic medium. As illustrated by Gérard Genette’s Palimpsest: Literature in the Second Degree, adaptation can draw on excision, expansion, condensation, amplification, and proximization as viable adaptive strategies in the creation of the target text. Translation retains the Latin significance of the word translatio, ‘carrying across’, but the Latin etymological root of the word ‘adapt’, adaptare, means “to make fit,” thus implicitly stressing change, transmutation, and innovation (Sanders 46). This apparent freedom is reflected in how the publishing industry recognizes adaptors as authors and holds translators in a subordinate position, evident in their frequent exclusion from the book cover. More importantly, in their different aims and methodologies, translation and adaptation suggest quite different artistic choices as well as a dissimilar notion of extra-cultural transferability and readability. However, the ‘carrying across’ and ‘fitting’ of cultural content is not the only factor shaping the choice of translation over adaptation, or vice versa. There are socio-cultural and hierarchical concerns implicit in this choice that may play a crucial role in whether a literary text is either translated or adapted. -
Greek Religious Thought from Homer to the Age of Alexander
'The Library of Greek Thought GREEK RELIGIOUS THOUGHT FROM HOMER TO THE AGE OF ALEXANDER Edited by ERNEST BARKER, M.A., D.Litt., LL.D. Principal of King's College, University of London tl<s } prop Lt=. GREEK RELIGIOUS THOUGHT FROM HOMER TO THE AGE OF ALEXANDER BY F. M. CORNFORD, M.A. Fellow and Lecturer of Trinity College, Cambridge MCMXXIII LONDON AND TORONTO J. M. DENT & SONS LTD. NEW YORK: E. P. DUTTON tf CO. HOTTO (E f- k> ) loUr\ P. DOTTO/U TALKS ) f^op Lt=. 7 yt All rights reserved f PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN TO WALTER DE LA MARE INTRODUCTION The purpose of this book is to let the English reader see for himself what the Greeks, from Homer to Aristotle, thought about the world, the gods and their relations to man, the nature and destiny of the soul, and the significance of human life. The form of presentation is prescribed by the plan of the series. The book is to be a compilation of extracts from the Greek authors, selected, so far as possible, without prejudice and translated with such honesty as a translation may have. This plan has the merit of isolating the actual thought of the Greeks in this period from all the constructions put upon it by later ages, except in so far as the choice of extracts must be governed by some scheme in the compiler's mind, which is itself determined by the limits of his knowledge and by other personal factors. In the book itself it is clearly his business to reduce the influence of these factors to the lowest point; but in the introduction it is no less his business to forewarn the reader against some of the consequences. -
Plutarch on Why Eating Animals Is Repulsive
Plutarch on why eating animals is repulsive Plutarch on why eating animals is repulsive - tr. Baxter v. 09.13, www.philaletheians.co.uk, 25 December 2017 Page 1 of 11 DOWN TO EARTH SERIES WHY EATING ANIMALS IS REPULSIVE? Train of thoughts The very idea of eating the carcasses of slain animals is repulsive. Who could have begun the practice, but from the direst necessity? Men must have been driven to the deed of slaying animals for food, because the supply of food from the vegetable world had utterly failed. We have no such necessity. Man is not by nature a carnivorous animal. Our conduct in slaying animals and then preparing them for food is wholly against nature. Animal food is injurious: it clogs and confuses the mind and renders it stupid. It operates unfavourably on character. If we must eat flesh, let it be with sorrow and pity; not tormenting and abusing the poor animal before taking its life. Passing the bounds of nature in our feeding, intemperate appetites and shameful lusts are gratified. Cruelty to mankind is induced. Animals have senses; they have faculties for seeing, hearing, understanding: is it right to extinguish these faculties? Who knows but the bodies of animals may contain the souls of deceased men; of a father, brother, son or other friend? Plutarch on why eating animals is repulsive - tr. Baxter v. 09.13, www.philaletheians.co.uk, 25 December 2017 Page 2 of 11 DOWN TO EARTH SERIES WHY EATING ANIMALS IS REPULSIVE? First published under the title “Of eating of flesh” In: Plutarch’s Morals. -
STUDIES in the DEVELOPMENT of ROYAL AUTHORITY in ARGEAD MACEDONIA WILLIAM STEVEN GREENWALT Annandale, Virginia B.A., University
STUDIES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ROYAL AUTHORITY IN ARGEAD MACEDONIA WILLIAM STEVEN GREENWALT Annandale, Virginia B.A., University of Virginia, 1975 M.A., University of Virginia, 1978 A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Corcoran Department of History University of Virginia May, ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the elements which defined Argead kingship from the mid-seventh until the late fourth centuries B.C. It begins by reviewing the Argead king list where it is argued that the official reckoning of the dynasty's past was exploited in order to secure the throne against rivals, including those who were Argeads. Chapter Two analyzes the principles of Argead succession and concludes that the current theories on the subject are unsatisfactory in face of the e v id enc e. Ra the r, the sources suggest that Argead succession was a function of status where many ingredients were considered before a candidate 1 eg it ima te 1 y ass urned the throne. Among the factors influencing the selection were, the status of a potential heir's mother, age, competence, order of birth, and in lieu of father to son succession, relation to the late monarch. Chapter Three outlines the development of the king's military, judicial, economic, and social responsibilities from the personal monarchy of the early period to the increa~ingly centralized realm of the fourth century. Chapter Four concentrates on the religious aspects of Argead kingship, reviewing the monarch's religious duties· and interpreting a widespread foundation myth as an attempt to distinguish Argead status by its divine origin and its specific cult responsibilities. -
PROBLEMS in the ARGOS NARRATIVE, §§76–84 Date
APPENDIX 15 PROBLEMS IN THE ARGOS NARRATIVE, §§76–84 Date of the campaign and its motivation 1 Paus 3.4.1, perhaps drawing on Lakonika, says that Cleomenes attacked Argos immediately (aÈt¤ka) on becoming king, i.e. c520. The best argument in favour of this is that he took on a difficult task in a bravura attempt to show that he was worthy to hold the kingship, despite the rival claim of Dorieus (note to §§49.2–55 paras 4, 8). But most historians reject this late Spartan tradition1 and place it in the mid 490s,2 for several reasons: (a) it helps make sense of the double oracle, the Milesian part of which prima facie anticipates the fall of Miletus in 494.3 (b) It is easier to make sense of subse- quent events: the “slaves” taking and then losing power, §83; per- haps the Argives using their defeat as the reason (or excuse) for not officially sending troops to Aegina, §92.2; and the use of nevst¤, “recently”, attributed to them in 481–0 when they spoke of those losses (7.148) when refusing to help against Persia (for the word, see Appx 10 n. 6). (c) At §92.1 the Argives fine Sicyon and Aegina for supplying the Spartans with ships: and that reads more easily if it 1 Writers of Spartan history were late, and the value of what they recorded is pro tanto suspect. Huxley (1962) 19 suggests that Pausanias may have used Sosibios (FGrH 595, perhaps late second century). The story in Socrates of Argos that Demaratos was also there (para 6) is not persuasive, at least on the dates proposed by Forrest (1980) 21: Cleomenes succeeded c520, when Demaratos’ father Ariston was still king; Demaratos did not succeed until c515; cf on ÉAr¤stvni, §61.1. -
An Introduction to Greek Theatre
An Introduction to Greek Theatre A Source-book for Classics 103 E. E. Garvin editor © 2014 2 Aeschylus Aeschylus is the first of the three great Athenian playwrights (which include Euripides and Sophocles). He was born at Eleusis in 525 and died in Gela, Sicily, in 456 BC. Aeschylus served as a soldier in the Battle of Marathon in 490 BC, at Artemisium and Salamis in 480 and at Plataea in 479. Even before these landmark battles, Aeschylus was a successful playwright: He produced his first play in 499 and, in 476/5, was invited to Sicily, by Hieron of Syracuse, where he produced The Women of Aitna. The following are the first few pages of the introduction to the 1922 Loeb edition, by the translator, Herbert Weir Smyth. While it constitutes a very nice essay on the life and works of Aeschylus, we must read in consideration of the time it was written: It tells us as much about attitudes towards Classical Greece in 1922 as it does about Aeschylus, and it shows us, as is its purpose, the almost religious devotion to, and admiration for, Athenian dramatic literature that was typical of a classical scholar of the time. Smyth is showing off: he has written an encomium, a genre of literature typical in the ancient world in which the author sings the praises of his subject while flaunting his own skills. [p. vii of the original]1 Of the periods of the world's history signalized by national aspiration and achievement, and at the same time fraught with a spiritual significance reflected in the mind of a master poet, the age of Aeschylus holds a foremost place together with the age of Shakespeare.