GLOBAL ISSUES

International Bodies, Governability And ’s Multilateral Policy

Antonio Ortiz Mena López Negrete* t s a E

p i h C / s r e t u e R

here has been a lot of talk about the ing on the topic of international bodies’ govern - challenges of governability in countries ability for several years now, but academia’s Twhere the creation of a democracy has steps forward have not been strongly reflected sparked expectations and hopes but where this in these bodies’ functioning. 1 change in political regime did not translate into In this article, I deal with the tension be- a notable improvement in security and well- tween representativeness and efficiency inside being. Given this, some non-governmental and international bodies and propose some guide - po litical organizations see in international bod - lines for action that Mexico could consider when ies a possible incentive for achieving a better it decides on possible actions in the United performing democracy. Nations ( UN ) and the Organization of Amer - While international bodies may foster dem - ican States ( OAS ). ocratic governability, they themselves face serious challenges in their own governability. Robert O. Keohane, one of the world’s most REPRESENTATIVENESS AND EFFICIENCY outstanding internationalists, has been insist - The challenge for international bodies is very sim - * Director of the Center for Eco nomic Research and ilar to those that domestic political institu tions Teaching Division of International Studies. face: how to achieve a fair balance between rep -

18 GLOBAL ISSUES

have not been made, and therefore, the fu nctioning of many international bod - Recent OAS efforts have focused more ies leaves much to be desired. on rediscovering its raison d’être in the post-Cold War It may seem fair that every coun - period than on dealing directly with the challenges try has one vote in the WTO , but it could it face regarding its governability . als o be argued that it is extreme ly unfair . Why should the decisions of China, with its 1.3 billion people, or the , the world’s largest trade power , resentativeness and efficiency. 2 By rep - po les: some, like the Inter na tio nal Mon - have the same weight as those of the resentativeness I understand the degree etary Fund, are considered efficient, Marshall Islands (60,000 inhabitants) to which a political institution, whether but not very representative, while oth ers or St. Kitts and Nevis (40,000 inhab - domestic or international, faithfully re - are seen as forums for deliberation of itants)? Without a doubt, the actions of flects the diversity of interests of the limited usefulness, such as perhaps the China and the United States have a individuals, groups or countries that it OAS during the Cold War and the UN greater effect on international trade than represents or which must express their General Assembly. those of the Marshall Islands and St. points of view inside it. Some UN issues are more easily re - Kitts and Nevis, and more Americans I use the concept of efficiency in two solved when they leave the floor of the and C hi nese are affected by develop - senses: as the degree of difficulty with General Assembly and pass to the Sec - ments in international trade than the which a political institution (in this case, urity Council, but even there difficul ties 100,000 inhabitants of the two island international bodies) can come to agree - persist because each of its five per manent countries. ments and carry them out, and as the me mbers has veto power. In this cas e On a national level, usually the lower ease in identifying those resp onsible f or we are faced with an anom aly that repre - chamber is proportionately represen - coming to a decision or not and imple - sents the worst of both worlds: it is tative of the population, which would be menting it. simultaneously unrepresentative and the equivalent of a weighted vote if we A challenge for institutional design inefficient. take into account the number of legis - is precisely how to resolve the trade- off Other very important bodies, like lat ors from each state. The upper cham - betwe en representativeness and efficien - the World Trade Organization ( WTO ), ber is representative of the states or prov - cy: a very representative body in which are also formally representative, but inces, which usu ally means that each all voices have a place and unanimity is have problems with efficiency. Each one has the sam e number of votes, re - needed to come to an agreement will be of its 149 member countries has only one gardless of their population. There are very representative but not very effi cient. vote and the decisions are often made by also different types of majorities, de- On the other hand, a body in which only consensus, or, depending on the issue, pending on the issue under discus sion, a few make the decisions or a simple and by a two-thirds majority. This has meant bu t seldom is consensus or unanimity re - not a two-thirds majority is needed for tha t, as the number of members and con - quired to come to a decision. That would making agreements will be more effi cient, sequently opposing interests have in - usually lead to paralysis. but at the cost of representativeness. creased, the rounds of multilateral trade Internationally, de jure representative - Many international bodies are rep - negotiations last longer and longer: six ness is not always respected in prac tice. resentative but there is no weighted years for the Tokyo Round, eight years for It is not unusual for powerful coun tries voting and decisions are usually made the Uruguay Round, and the five years to exert political pressure and coer cion by consensus or two-thirds majorities. that we have been immersed in the Doha on weaker ones to try to force them to Other bodies have weighted voting, Program for Development, which was vote a certain way. which makes for greater efficiency but slated to end in January 2005. The five permanent members of the less representativeness. The most difficult decisions for rec og - UN Security Council were chosen at The popular perception about inter - nizing and facing this inherent ten sion the end of World War II. We should national bodies ranges between these between representativeness and effi ciency ask ourselves whether, even taking into

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account the need to achieve a minimum of efficiency in this very re pre sentative ’s geo-political situation institution, it is fair that the internation al offers interesting opportunities: it is wrong to read the current situation balance of forces has rem ained frozen as a dichotomy, with governments of the left and the right. for half a century so that the United There are many “lefts“ and they are extremely varied, Kingdom and France are per manent as is the possibility of interests coinciding. members of the council, but two eco - nomic powers like Japan and Germany, the two great losers of World War II, are not. resentativeness. If the debate about na - nec essary, but insufficient to improve Despite several attempts to ref orm tional institutions is complex, like in the the UN and the OAS ’s efficiency and rep - the UN and the Security Council in par - case of Mexico, it may be even more resentativeness. ticular, very little headway has been so in the international sphere. Ban Ki-moon, UN Secretary-General made and problems of both represen - What can be done given this pa no - since January 2007, will face the great tativeness and efficiency persist. In the rama? It would be healthy to begin with challenge of furthering its operational case of the OAS , recent efforts have fo - three things. In the first place, we should agenda, and he will not be able to con - cused more on rediscovering its raison recognize that there is a tension between centrate only on the substantive issues. d’être in the post-Cold War period than representativeness and efficiency and José Miguel Insulza, who heads up the on dealing directly with the chal lenges that it is very difficult to achieve both at OAS , enjoys great prestige and moral it faces regarding its governabil ity. the same time. It is a good idea to situ - authority both personally, as a political The WTO , for its part, may be great - ate from this viewpoint the strengths exile who defended democracy in his ly weakened if a way is not found to and weaknesses of the body you are country, and professionally, due to his make it more efficient and it continues going to act in, whether to propose outstanding work at the head of differ- to be expected to resolve the conflicts of changes to it or to find the best way to ent ministries in . If he so desires, he interests of so many coun tries with its foster Mexico’s interests without chang - could foster improvements in OAS func - current design. What is not achieved in ing the rules. tioning, which would result in advances negotiations will be channeled through In the second place, fortunately, lead - in priority substantive tasks like demo - the institution’s conflict resolution mech - e rship is important. It is true that the sec - ratic governability in Latin America. anism, creating an over load of conflicts retaries-general of the UN and the OAS In the third place, it must be rec - and the impossibility of resolving them are mainly administrators and not at all ognized that problems of democratic appropriately. the heads of the member states. These governability are often more rooted in Beyond efficiency and representa - are not supranational bodies, but inter - the internal than the external sphere, tiveness, clear, adequate accountabil ity governmental ones. But lead ership has and it is easier to deal with them in that of international officials and govern - an enormous importan ce that must not way instead of blaming the function - ment representatives to different bod ies be underestimated: the secretaries- ing of international bodies for what are is also not the norm. This com plicates gen eral can try to establish clear prior - really internal deficiencies. In this efforts to improve internation al bod ies, ities, a discussion agenda and the par - sense, it is important to ask ourselves but it is the reality Mexico must deal ticular focus for looking at problems. if the legislative branch has the power with and act with in. They can favor the establishment of to veto the nomination of government Internally, Mexico seems to have certain alliances and coalitions in order representatives to international bod - passed from efficiency with low rep - to foster specific actions. ies and to supervise their performance, resentativeness during the golden age Leadership, legitimacy, moral author - and whether those representatives are of the Institutional Revolutionary Pa rty ity and persuasion are key in this sense. clearly accountable to the executive and (PRI ) to inefficiency with low rep re sen - It is a matter of the capability for po - the legislature. If these abilities exist tativeness during recent dec a des. Today litical action of those who head these but are not exercised appropriately, then we are suffering from ineffi ci ent rep - important institutions. Leadership is an important facet of the problem of

20 GLOBAL ISSUES

rep resentativeness resides in the nation - al sphere. Latin America’s geo-political situation offers interesting opportunities: it is wrong to read the current situation as a dichotomy, with governments of the left and the right. MEXICO IN THE UN AND THE OAS There are many “lefts“ and they are extremely varied, as is the possibility of interests coinciding. Regardless of the intrinsic difficulties of acting in inefficient international bod ies, one limit on Mexico’s effective action is th e lack of a committed maj or ity on a do - ever, a part of the population is in favor it is wrong to read the current situa tion mestic level. Without a polit ically backed of it doing so: in 2006, more Mexicans as a dichotomy, with governments of agreement on key issues of security, supported our country’s participation the left and the right. There are many democracy and devel opment dealt with in peacekeeping operations than those “lefts” and they are extremely varied, in the UN and the OAS , it will be diffi - who opposed it (49 percent versus 43 as is the possibility of interests coinci d - cult for Mexico to have a presence in ac - percent). 3 ing and Mexico carrying out concert - cordance with its economic, demograph - From my perspective, Mexico’s par - ed actions with other Latin American ic and political weight. ticipation in peacekeeping operations countries. For example, in Mexico’s recent pres - could lend greater weight to Mexican Mexico’s relations with Chile’s “Con - idential campaign, the candidate of positions in the debates about UN re - ciliation” administrations were v ery the Coalition for the Good of All, Andrés form. Brazil has done its homework in good, but in 2005 they were unnec - Manuel López Obrador, stated that the this sense: it participates in peacekee p - essarily damaged precisely because best foreign policy was a good domes - ing operations and is a hefty player in of the fight to head up the OAS . They tic policy, and that the country should the UN . Mexico is also, but it would be have improved in recent months, but sustain very cautious, measured activ - even heftier if it participated in peace - similar episodes should be avoided. ity on the international stage. For others keeping operations and not only through Chile is economically and politically —myself included— the best foreign its financial contributions. stab le, a trustworthy partner; and Mex - policy is foreign policy: one that exercis - There are also those who think that ico should take extreme care in this es leadership, does not let itself get trap - the fight against terrorism is of inter - relationship. ped by local, short-term interests and es t only to the United States, but 71 per - The Mercosur is redefining itself which puts forward and develops a long- cent of Mexicans think that the Secu - with the entry of and the se - term strategic vision. This undoubtedly rity Council should authorize the use rious conflicts between and also implies running certain risks. of force to prevent any country from Uruguay about the establishment of While the ideal is to achieve broad supporting terrorists, and 71 percent of tw o paper processing plants on the Uru - consensuses and “state policies” on Mexico’s elites strongly or mod erately guayan side of the Uruguay River. In issues like international relations, in de - agree that Mexico should once again addition, Brazil’s policy toward Latin mocracies it is only natural for there seek a seat as a non-permanent mem - America has been severely limited, to be different points of view. If consen - ber of the Security Council. 4 above all regarding energy cooperation sus cannot be reached, action must be Another key issue both in the UN with Bolivia, which national ized impor - based on what the majority decides. and the OAS is alliances. Mexico’s par - tant Petrobras invest ments, and, in my The impression exists that Mexico ticipation in the OAS could be much im - opin ion, Venezuela’s entry into the Mer - is divided, but on some issues there are proved, both regarding the hemispher - cosur, which will be more costly than pluralities (though small) and majori ties ic rules of the game and substantive beneficial for Brazil in the medium and that offer spaces and can orient Mex - issues, if it handled its all iances care - long term. ico’s action in the UN and the OAS . fully and intelligently. Lula’s new government could favor For example, Mexico does not parti - Latin America’s geo-political situ - an ideology-driven, merely reactive pol- cipate in peacekeeping operations. How - ation offers interesting opportunities: icy toward Mexico and ally with cer -

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tain “left-wing” countries, 5 or adopt a economic rival or threat for Mexico, NOTES ne w pragmatism that would make clos - while only 4 percent see Brazil in this 1 Robert O. Keohane, “International Institu - 7 er relations with Mexico possible. The way. tions: Can Interdependence Work?” Foreign conditions exist in Mexico, at least Concerted action by Brazil and Mex - Policy 110 (spring 1998), pp. 82-96. amongst the public, for this to hap pen: ico in the UN , the OAS and the WTO 2 See Mathew S. Shugart and John M.Carey, 59 percent of Mexicans prefer for Mex - would greatly increase what each one Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (New York: Cambridg e ico to participate with other Latin Amer - could do alone since together they make University Press, 1992). ican coun tries in resolving the region’s up more than half of Latin America’s 3 The survey México y el mundo 2006: opinión problems without trying to be the leader economy and population. pública y política exterior en México (Mexico compared to 22 percent who think Mex - When common action and negoti - City: CIDE -Comexi, 2006). ico should try to be the leader of Latin ation are achieved, efficiency some - 4 Ibid. America and 13 percent who think it times comes about de facto with the 5 should stay out of Latin Amer ican efforts action of global or regional powers and This foreign policy orientation for Brazil is well represented in Samuel Pinheiro Guim - 6 and problems altogether. without changing the formal rules. rães, Desafios Brasileiros na era dos Gigantes (Rio In the same vein, while 83 percent Without that concerted action, Mexico de Janeiro: Contraponto Editores, 2006). of Mexicans see Brazil as a friend or would have great difficulty in advanc - 6 México y el mundo 2006: opinión pública y partner, only 69 percent put Venezuela ing in the substantive issues or favor - política exterior en México (: CIDE - Comexi, 2006). in the same category, and 14 percent of ing democratic governability in inter - those surveyed think Venezuela is an national bodies. 7 Ibid.

Revista 63 Enero-abril de 2007

Fernando Cortés, Israel Banegas Tabaré Fernández y Minor Mora Perfiles de la pobreza en Chiapas

Alejandro Agudo Sanchíz Legados históricos en movimiento. Colonización agraria indígena y conflicto en Tila, zona norte en Chiapas

Anna María Garza Caligaris Conflicto, etnicidad y género en la política interna de San Pedro Chenalhó, Chiapas

María del Carmen Legorreta Díaz Organización y cambio en haciendas y comunidades de los valles y cañadas de Ocosingo, Chiapas, de 1930 a 1994

José Luis Escalona Victoria Cambio social y actores políticos en el medio rural. Una experiencia en Las Margaritas, Chiapas

Marco Estrada Saavedra Los conflictos internos del zapatismo en las cañadas tojolabales de la Selva Lacandona (1994-2003)

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