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Mexico in the Wto Debate Antonio Ortiz Mena MEXICO IN THE WTO DEBATE ANTONIO ORTIZ MENA tends to go in tandem with trade flows. Accor- Within a context of severe macroeconomic imbal- dingly, the most salient concern is by far econo- ances, Mexico opened its market through unilat- mic relations with the United States. Other deve- eral trade liberalization in the 1980s, joined the lopments, such as multilateral trade relations and General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) even hemispheric ones, are usually regarded as in 1986, and negotiated a series of regional trade being of relatively little consequence. Nonethe less, agreements throughout the 1990s, foremost there are growing concerns about the effects of among them the North American Free Trade Chinese exports into the Mexican market, and Agreement (NAFTA), and an Association Agree- competition with Chinese exports in third ment with the European Union. Today, Mexico is th markets. the world’s 9 largest trader and by far the most important one in Latin America. It participates The most recent surveys on the attitudes of Mexi- actively in multilateral trade negotiations, and is cans toward free trade show the following: a still one of the most dynamic participants in majority of Mexicans support free trade and be- regional trade agreements. lieve that joining NAFTA was a correct decision; they support the protection of “strategic” indus- This report provides a concise overview of th tries; they support the Free Trade Area of the Mexico’s position in the run-up to the 5 WTO Americas but reject the need for democracy as a Ministerial in Cancun. It is divided into four secti- requirement to join that free trade area; and they ons. Section I covers public attitudes towards the prefer the United States as Mexico’s major trade WTO; section II states the costs and benefits of partner over any other country in the Americas. Mexico’s WTO membership; section III deals with Mexico’s positions in the Doha Development Business groups Agenda; section IV explains Mexico’s stance to- ward regionalism and multilateralism; and section Business interests involved in trade issues are V concludes with Mexico’s likely negotiation tac- organized under the Foreign Trade Organizations tics in Cancun. Coordinating Council (COECE), and have ex- tremely close links with negotiators. In 2000, 1 Public attitudes towards the WTO business representatives from five sectors (electric and electronics, automobiles, capital goods, texti- In Mexico, public opinion on trade policy matters Antonio Ortiz Mena Mexico and the WTO FES BRIEFING PAPERS May 2003 Seite 2 les and apparel, and foodstuffs), accounting for tion, an increase in tariffs and non-tariff barriers, approximately three quarters of Mexico’s trade, and greater financial support. had the following opinions on the Uruguay Round results and their relationship with the go- NGOs and SMEs vernment on trade policy issues. Even though In 2000, as in the present, the most vociferous these date from 2000, they still apply to Mexico’s criticism of Mexico’s trade policies comes from current debate on the WTO. Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs). The CANIETI, the National Chamber of the Electronics, Mexican Trade Action Network (RMALC), Telecommunications and Computer Industries, established in 1991 at the outset of the NAFTA representing the electric and electronics sector, negotiations, functions as an “umbrella” regarded the Uruguay Round as positive. It organization representing the interests of a di- concurred with the government in not subscri- verse array of groups involved in issues such as bing to the Ministerial Declaration on Trade in human rights, labor rights, democracy, the Information Technology Products (ITA). External environment, and Small Medium Enterprises tariffs of all NAFTA countries in electric and (SMEs). electronic goods have since been radically RMALC questions the efficiency of the market reduced. mechanism in allocating resources and proposes CANAME, the National Chamber of Electric a greater role for the state in ensuring an equita- Manufactures, representing a sizable share of the ble allocation. Its proposals include reinforcing capital goods sector, considered the Uruguay special and differential, substantially modifying Round as irrelevant. Its view was that, since the investor-state dispute settlement procedures, and largest share of trade in the sector is with the ensuring intellectual property rights (IPR) commit- United States, most of the relevant liberalization ments do not stand in the way of public health was agreed upon under NAFTA. needs. So far, its impact on Mexico’s trade policy has been minimal, in no small measure a result of Likewise, the National Industrial Transformation extreme positions held by some of its members Chamber (CANACINTRA) saw the Uruguay (such as doing away with the Most-Favored-Na- Round Agreements as largely irrelevant for Mex- tion clause in multilateral trade agreements), ico, given the intensity of trade with the United which makes dialogue with trade authorities diffi- States and the depth of commitments under cult. NAFTA. The National Association of the Transformation The textiles and apparel sector, represented by a Industry (ANIT), is a breakaway group of specialized office in the National Confederation CANACINTRA established at the time of Mexico’s of Industrial Chambers (CONCAMIN), was con- GATT accession. It is a RMALC member and cerned about a possible flood of garments from repre sents the interests of some 3,000 SMEs. China into the Mexican market, once it joined the ANIT seeks a share in the procurement market, WTO. Mexico was the last WTO member to vote financing at competitive rates without burden- in favor of China’s accession. It negotiated the some guarantee requirements, and a greater say faculty to use its full arsenal of unfair trade poli- in trade policy formulation. As was the case of cies against Chinese exports for an extended pe - business group opinions, most of ANIT’s concerns riod, but has not been able to allay these fears. can be answered at the domestic political. The general opinion was that government-busi- Some NGO discussions of economic development ness relations regarding trade policy were positive, strategies have been of low analytic content. The and the majority of concerns expressed were WTO is sometimes brought up in these discussi- linked to domestic economic policy issues. A par- ons without specific references to the Uruguay tial exception are agricultural producers, foremost Round Agreements or the Doha Development those of grains and poultry. They blame their Agenda. It is seen as an archetype of organizati- plight on trade liberalization, and seek protection ons that, like the IMF and the World Bank, are from the government through a halt to liberaliza- supposedly behind the advance of globalization, which is in turn blamed for a vast array of Antonio Ortiz Mena Mexico and the WTO FES BRIEFING PAPERS May 2003 Seite 3 complaints such as low economic growth, Mexico sought a leading role in the Doha environmental degradation, poverty, and unequal Development Agenda and secured the Fifth WTO income distribution. They rarely present sound Ministerial for Cancun. Among the reasons why it and systematic evidence to substantiate their did so are the following. First, it is the world’s 9th claims. largest trader and believes that being at the fo- refront of trade policy discussions and negotiati- 2 Costs and benefits of the WTO ons will enable it maintain the privileged position membership it now has. Second, it sees itself as a trade “liberalizer” through its unilateral, regional, and When Mexico joined GATT in 1986, it reasoned multilateral initiatives and seeks to work at every that since market opening had started in earnest as part of macroeconomic stabilization efforts level. Finally, Mexico holds that it can be an important broker, bridging the gap between and structural reforms, it might as well get so- extreme positions, and serving as an informal mething in return instead of merely following a unilateral liberalization approach. Its unilateral mediator in North-South issues. policies, together with the spate of regional trade As a case in point, in the run-up to the Doha agreements it negotiated throughout the 1990s, Development Agenda Mexico was able to broker meant that GATT (and later WTO) membership a deal on intellectual property rights (IPR) suitable was relatively costless. to both developed countries and developing countries’ interests by securing access to certain The situation with the Doha Development Agenda is different, given that for the first time medicines at a reasonable cost. Mexico believes that the implementation of market access multilateral commitments may require additional commitments in agriculture and textiles has not liberalization concessions from Mexico. It has a paramount defensive interest in avoiding an ero- translated into improved access for developing country exports, and that special and differential sion of its trade preferences resulting from regio- treatment for developing countries has also not nal trade agreements, and also some offensive interests, which are mentioned in the next materialized in practice. At the Cancun Ministe - rial, Mexico will try to play the role of facilitator section. role in order to reach some basic agreements on 3 Mexico and the Doha Development these issues. Agenda In addition, there are issues of intrinsic Mexican interest that cannot be dealt with at the regional The Doha Development Agenda or even hemispheric level, so Mexico has specific Mexico participated in the Fourth WTO Ministe - “offensive” interests in the Doha Agenda, as is rial Conference after an extremely successful de - the case with agricultural subsidies and unfair cade in terms of trade policy aims and achieve- trade practices. These issues are detailed below. ments. In October 2001 it coordinated the wor- king group on agriculture during the informal Agriculture meeting of trade ministers in Singapore. Next Mexico seeks the elimination of agricultural subsi- September, Mexico will host the Fifth Ministerial dies, both export subsidies and trade-distorting WTO Conference, which will take place in domestic support.
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