University of Cincinnati
UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI
Date: 24-May-2010
I, Nicole M Fannin , hereby submit this original work as part of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Architecture in Architecture (Master of) It is entitled: bahay sa buhay [from house to life]: exploring architecture's role in informal
settlement in Payatas, Philippines
Student Signature: Nicole M Fannin
This work and its defense approved by: Committee Chair: Nnamdi Elleh, PhD Nnamdi Elleh, PhD
Elizabeth Riorden, MARCH Elizabeth Riorden, MARCH
Edson Cabalfin, MSArch Edson Cabalfin, MSArch
5/26/2010 713
bahay sa buhay [from house to life]: exploring architecture’s role in informal settlement in Payatas, Philippines
A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE
in the School of Architecture and Interior Design of the College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning June 2010 by
Nicole M. Fannin
B.A. University of Cincinnati, 2008 Committee Chair: Nnamdi Elleh, Ph.D.
Supporting Chairs: Liz Riorden, Edson Cabalfin
i PROJECT Abstract
In a world where every one out of six people Nowhere are the implications of squatting more is considered a squatter,1 Metro Manila, Philippines is evident in Manila, than in the Payatas area of Quezon City. not alone. There, poverty is characterized by 85,000 Located in the northeastern part of Metro Manila, Payatas families across the city, who build provisional homes and is characterized by the 40 meter (130 ft) garbage dump that communities for themselves on public and private land its residents live and work on, earning about 100 pesos that they do not own. Even though squatting is undeniably ($2) a day if they are lucky. The need for proper housing industrious, the informal settlements cause not only land- for this community, struggling to live in an environment that use problems for the city, but also uncontrolled public is a breeding ground for disease and flooding, where flies waste, water contamination, flooding, disease, and traffic swarm constantly, and the rancid smell of rotting waste and obstruction, among others. Standard government and sound of dump trucks never cease, is dire and palpable. private sector responses are insufficient methods for Therefore, the main question that this thesis seeks replacement housing, even the most successful approach to explore is: Due to the fact that standard urban housing to date, Gawad Kalinga. A common denominator of past models do not respond well to the particular needs of site and current programs is a lack of socio-culturally sensitive and culture, learning from the deficiencies of Gawad Kalinga housing design that can meet the needs of the diverse as an example, can a new urban housing vocabulary be populations who inhabit the settlements. The classic developed using Christopher Alexander’s Pattern Language theory of Christopher Alexander’s A Pattern Language will as a framework for design, and the Payatas squatter provide insight into a design vocabulary that responds more community in Quezon City, Philippines as a case study? appropriately to the needs and desires of its residents, and is applicable at all scales. 1 Neuwirth, Robert. Shadow Cities: A Billion Squatters, A New Urban World (New York: Routledge, 2004), p. 9. KEYWORDS: Philippines / Urban Poor / Housing / Social Anthropology / Community Design ii iii
To all of the beautiful children, happily playing in the streets, surrounding me with smiles and adoration; to all of the mothers, fathers, construction workers, street vendors, etc, whose stories and conversations continue to inspire me daily; to all of those who offered me rice when they barely had enough for their family’s next meal...I hope that this thesis is in some way a tribute to their incredible work ethic and enduring spirit. Maraming salamat po - kayong lahat ang tunay na puso ng pananaliksik na ito!
Thanks to my friends, family, and advisors for all of their love, support, and encouragement throughout this process. A special thanks to my friends back in Manila, and my coworkers at Aidea for their continued support and help as well. Most importantly, I thank God for the passion He has given me on this topic, along with the determination to do something about it. iv v TABLE OF TABLE Contents
Chapter 1 - A Select Study of Urban Housing Improvement 1 Chapter 4 – Learning from foreign examples of urban 87 Approaches improvement projects
I: Informal Settlement Upgrade Programs in Manila 2 I. Theoretical projects at the Neighborhood scale 90 II: Critique of Gawad Kalinga 6 II. Isolating the Housing Unit 110
Chapter 2 - The Squatter Problem in Payatas, Quezon City, 17 Chapter 5 – A Select Study of the Evolution of the Filipino 119 Philippines house across time 128 I. History of Payatas: from Dumpsite to ‘Home’ 20 I. Stilts 130 II. Current Conditions: physical and social aspects to 30 II. Roof Structure consider III. Space Adjacencies 132 III. Political, Environmental, Social, and Infrastructure 52 Ramifications IV. Façade Openings 134 136 IV. Analysis of opportunities and threats of the Payatas 66 V. Ornament, Color, and Texture site
Chapter 6 - A Housing and Neighborhood design scheme for 147 Chapter 3 - Methodology: translation of a select theory to 69 Payatas specificity of place I. Architectural Synthesis in Design 148 I. Christopher Alexander’s Pattern Language 72 II. Client 156 II. Personal Observations on Field Trip 80 III. Payatas Neighborhood Masterplan 162
IV. Payatas Housing Provisions 176
V. Conclusion 204 vi vii LIST OF LIST Images
Chapter 1 2.19 Source:
Yet, this thesis recognizes many other limitations and challenges to confronting such a widespread and This thesis focuses on improving housing conditioins overwhelming international concern. One of the main in Quezon City, Manila, Philippines. Regardless of the obstacles to contend with is the sheer scale of the project; specific unique circumstances that have contributed to the how to distill such a large and complex topic to a specific and problem in Manila, the issue of housing the urban poor realistic design proposition. Developing a strong design for population is a worldwide predicament that is relevant to neighborhood, including public community and interaction past, present, and future concerns traversing economic, space, as well as three different housing conditions in political, environmental, and social realms of impact. the timeframe allotted for the thesis has been extremely difficult. There is also the inherent disadvantage ofme There are so many facets that are indispensable to coming to the Philippines as a foreigner, and attempting to solving the squatter problem, and it is clear that the design gain and reflect an understanding of their culture and spirit field encompasses only very few of the necessary conditions accurately through housing, along with the possibility of for making any sort of impact. However, this thesis assumes subconsciously imposing western ideals of improvement these stipulations beyond the realm of architecture, such onto their society. There is a certain Filipino dynamic to as land ownership or project funding, to be taken care of living that I may never be able to fully understand. through some outside source. Thus, the project is quite hypothetical in nature. This predicament is not anything Solely based upon the research I had conducted, I new, and there have been multiple attempts over the past assumed that the above restraints would be the main issues decades to uncover some sort of solution. Even within the to contend with in this thesis. However, through design design field, there are myriad directions that this exploration iteration, I encountered a new series of opposing factors could take such as sustainability, cost-efficient materials, that left architecture’s role in informal settlement upgrade kit-of-parts housing, etc. However, I am choosing to focus even more in question. A predicament that I have grappled on the socio-cultural aspect of urban poor housing design, with throughout the project is establishing a balance and believe that there exists a rich opportunity within this between meeting the society’s current needs and situation, xii xiii while simultaneously allowing for their desires and future opportunities for cultural and material advancement to be met. I am also being made more and more aware of how my limited time on site and geographic distance from not only the site, but pertinent research materials as well, is restricting the development of a really appropriate design scheme. Finally, representing the research and findings in a meaningful way that reflects my on-site experience, as well as illustrating the multi-functionality of existing and Quezon designed spaces has been a challenge for me. City
Challenges and limitations aside, this study to determine architecture’s role in informal settlement must begin with a broad familiarization of the ‘squatter problem’ facing the Philippines. The Philippines shares a similar urban poor story, general to many countries in the less developed world, such as Brazil, South Africa, India, and Kenya, among others. The urban poor make up more than 70% of Metro Manila’s population, as each year roughly 300,000 provincial Filipinos migrate to the capital city, where around 405 thousand people already live in squatter communities.2 Quezon City, the region composing the largest facet of Metro Manila both in land and population, is the quintessence of the myriad problems that pervade the Filipino urban poor situation, which is why it is an ideal project site for the case study portion of this thesis. Metro Manila N 2 Balgos, Cecile C.A. “Manila’s poor live in fatal filth.” Manila Figure x.1: map of the capital city of the Philippines, Metro Manila, Standard. Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, 03 June 1996, showing the location of the project site Payatas, within the larger http://news.google.com/newspapers (accessed 26 Oct. 2009). Quezon City district in the northeastern part of the city xiv xv The total population of Quezon City totaled 2,679,450 Objective of the Thesis: in 2007, and at that time, the squatter population registered The core aim of this thesis will be to propose a at approximately 154,000 families, or somewhere around community and housing development plan to improve the 950,000 individuals.3 Considering that the urban poor conditions of residents squatting around this dumpsite in population is extremely hard to track due to their nomadic Payatas. The intent is to study and understand how housing nature, this means that squatters currently comprise roughly is done in the neighborhood - the technology, resources 35% of Quezon City’s population, and probably more. It is available, and above all, the spatial needs of the people. The not that the rest of Metro Manila is exempt from the severity goal of this exploration is to lend itself to a comprehension of difficulties that informal settlements place on cities; but of housing and neighborhood improvements that are made rather that Quezon City as a region is particularly notorious without drastically altering the vibrant ambiance of the for its dense squatter population. Philippine Daily Inquirer existing settings. reporter Neal Cruz claims that Quezon City is known as the ‘squatter capital of the Philippines,’ having the highest population of squatters and the largest squatter colonies.”4 This is in a large part due to the inclusion of the mass of informal settlers surrounding the Payatas garbage dump in northern Quezon City, directly adjacent to the La Mesa Dam, which supplies all of Metro Manila’s drinking water.
3 “QC looking around for relocation site for squatters.” Manila Bulletin, 03 Sept. 2007. 4 Cruz, Neal. “QC councilors are squatter coddlers.” Philippine Daily Inquirer, 02 Feb. 2009, http://www.inquirer.net (accessed 15 Feb. 2009).
xvi xvii 1CHAPTER A Study of Select Urban Housing Improvement Approaches
In order to understand the entirety of the problem, it is essential to become aware of improvement techniques already applied to the city of Manila, both historically and those underway. The hope is to learn from the mistakes of the past, as well as instances of triumph, to apply the knowledge to a better housing product. Central to this is a critique of one such improvement program, Gawad Kalinga, perhaps the most influential and far-reaching attempt in the Philippines to date. The program’s footprint and rate of development is astounding, but there are also key elements being overlooked. I will address the component of a design vocabulary for housing that responds appropriately to the social, cultural, historic, and spiritual forces inherent to particular project sites in the Philippines.
1 1.1 Informal Settlement Upgrade Programs in Manila entire communities at a time, relocation; sending residents to subsidized housing that is removed from their livelihood The Philippine government has not been oblivious and culture, or finally, offering unsupported governmental to the myriad of political, environmental, and social money to illegal settlers in order that they return home to problems inherent with informal settlements. There have their provinces (balik probinsya program). For example, been a number of urban housing programs introduced in under general manager Robert Nacianceno, the MMDA has Manila both past and present, that have achieved little to a target removal rate of 17,000 families per year, working moderate success, along with a few that have stood out as under the policy that if settlers do not leave voluntarily after achieving real improvement. The reasoning behind why three eviction notices, “we tear down their structures.”5 some programs worked, and some failed, is an imperative Evicted squatters basically have two choices: to move to factor to investigate, before attempting to design anew another squatter settlement nearby, or return to their community for Payatas squatters. province. Just as the informal housing sector is an inadequate As these tactics create more problems than they milieu for healthy living, the majority of improvement solve, the call for a new, socially sensitive solution is evident. techniques, enacted previously as well as ongoing, are in However, it is notable to realize that these requirements no way an adequate solution to the problem. Approaches for widespread policy change, and collaboration across such as eviction and relocation offered by the Filipino numerous municipalities are alterations far beyond the government have only exacerbated the problem in the past. capacity of an architect. A valuable start in the architecture This recurring relationship supports a phenomenon where realm would be to learn from the mistakes and achievements temporary settlers actually secure more clout in defining of various programs in the Philippines; both past and the image of their city than architects, urban planners, or current. This thesis will study only a small selection: the government officials. Community Mortgage program, a past organization that There are myriad examples of Filipino governmental found minimal success, but was not able to retain real policies geared toward decreasing the squatters’ impact that improvement, and Gawad Kalinga, the most influential and have been panicked and poorly implemented, consequently successful organization to date, that is currently reaching failing to resolve anything. Specifically, acts of the Metro out to the poor Filipino population. Manila Development of Authority (MMDA) at the national level have tended to include either, eviction; wiping out 5 Araja, Rio N. “No squatters in 3 years, agency vows.” Ma- nila Standard Today, 19 July 2007, http://www.manilastandardtoday. 2 com/?page=police1_july19_2007 (accessed 02 Mar. 2009), p. 1. 3 Community Mortgage Program choice seems like a no brainer, and proved so, when squatters The Community Mortgage Program (CMP) was a would acquire a land title to a legal site elsewhere, but then simple housing finance program started in 1988, designed refuse to move, using the loan money to develop their to enable the landless urban poor, particularly squatters, existing structures. Secondly and more significantly, CMP’s to acquire land, facilitate the provision of services, and effectiveness was hindered by the lack of long-term funding construct or improve existing houses. CMP sought to sources and most importantly, the sustained increase in legalize and upgrade informal settlements, by encouraging urban land prices. It is for this reason that CMP loans were residents to develop homes on a legal site elsewhere. It was not even able to apply to land within Metro Manila9 where a fairly responsive and cost-effective government initiative, squatter settlement upgrade has been (and still is) most assisting 106,273 families between 1991-2001, to secure vital. Because of this key constraint, and inability to assist housing and land tenure in 854 communities. Logistically, Metro Manila squatters, the CMP has now basically become under the CMP, squatters could obtain loans of up to 30,000 obsolete. pesos ($642) for an undeveloped lot, 45,000 pesos ($963) for a developed lot, and 80,000 pesos ($1,712) for a house 9 Ibid p. 59 and lot, although the average is generally only 21,000 pesos ($450)6 per family. All loans come with a 25-year term and 6% annual interest rate, and are to be used for house construction and improvement only after securing land titles.7 However, there existed two considerable glitches in the Community Mortgage Program structure. Number one, relocation was voluntary under CMP, which gave squatters the option of moving away from their livelihood, or remaining where they were already established.8 This 6 Exchange rate of 0.02185 US Dollar per Philippine Peso as of January 2010 as given by MSN stock report, http://moneycentral.msn. com/detail/stock_quote?Symbol=/PHPUS 7 Mitlan, Dianna and David Satterthwaite, eds. Empowering squatter citizen: local government, civil society, and urban poverty reduction (London: Earthscan, 2004), p. 54-57. 8 Ibid p. 57 4 5 1.2 Critique of Gawad Kalinga nation, through a simple strategy of providing land for the landless, homes for the homeless, food for the hungry and One exception to a long line of mediocre to as a result, dignity and peace for every Filipino. In 2003, completely unsuccessful programs is Gawad Kalinga (GK), GK launched its GK777 campaign for transforming poverty- which has been prosperously working to alleviate poverty stricken areas, with the goal of building 700,000 homes in in the Philippines for the last decade. Founded in 2000 7,000 communities in 7 years (2003-2010). This objective out of the existing Couples for Christ ministry, and officially has since proved too ambitious, and in June of 2009, the with the Security and Exchange Commission in 2003, target was lengthened to a 21-year timeframe (2003-2024,) under executive director Jose Luis Oquiñena, GK translates but with the additional aim of reaching 1st World status by literally ‘to give care.’ It is a seven-step improvement plan 2024.11 advertising provisions of [1] infrastructure, [2] confidence- building events, [3] child development, [4] productivity The way the program operates in theory is as follows: and livelihood training, [5] healthcare, [6] sustainability, beneficiaries agree to undergo a 13-week values formation and [7] homeowners’ leadership programs. Funding is all course and provide sweat-equity by building their own homes donor-based, and involves partnerships with many of the and the homes of their neighbors and abide by the rules Philippines’ top companies, such as Globe Telecoms, PLDT of the “Kapitbahayan” (Community Association) that they (Philippines Long Distance Telephone Company), and Shell. establish in their village. As a community association they They are also supported by local and regional governmental are expected to maintain the cleanliness, peace and order, grants.10 and upkeep of their GK village. Every village has a Caretaker Team, which commits a minimum of 3 years of stewardship The Gawad Kalinga initiative is similar to Habitat to the village. They assist in resolving conflicts, ensuring for Humanity in the United States and abroad, only with that construction proceeds properly, and maintaining the a larger scope of erecting entire communities at a time. prescribed GK standards until the community association is Beyond shelter, GK attempts to reach out to Filipino citizens self-sustaining. Physically, GK neighborhoods are advertised in the areas of healthcare, education for children, and to contain 50-100 brightly painted, extremely clean homes beautiful public recreation spaces for all. Their vision is with flowers, plants, and pleasant walkways, plus a school, for the Philippines to become a slum-free, squatter-free a livelihood center, and a multipurpose hall. Additionally,
10 UP-SEDG. GK1World – Gawad Kalinga (GK)’s Community Por- 11 Ibid tal – Home. http://www.gk1world.net/, accessed 16 Feb. 2010. 6 7 there is supposed to be a shared community garden where each homeowner is given a plot.12 Yet even with the substantial success that this organization has found, there are still a number of failures, or rather limitations that are intrinsic to GK’s standardized program design. A critique of where this program is lacking can only benefit its evolution and expand its scope of relief to the Filipino people further. The aspect of GK that will be the focus of this thesis exploration is the housing component, and its response in particular to the people’s social and cultural needs. These structures are the most visually significant forms of aid – brightly painted in rainbow Figure 1.1: typical GK neighborhood layout fashion; they are physical evidence of new living standards, and the antithesis of the squatters’ previous wooden shacks. However, while GK’s supplementary infrastructure does indeed begin to resolve a number of the associated issues accompanying informal settlements, there are aspects of the Filipino culture, history, and social tendencies that may be overlooked in GK’s housing scheme. Initially, there is concern that these communities are not really accomplishing all they intend to be. For example, there are multiple villages that do not contain any sort of school, livelihood center, or multipurpose hall, as proposed in the infrastructure segment of the 7-step program, let alone any signs of the remaining six segments. This means that only a small portion of the problem is being tackled. Figure 1.2: standard brightly painted row houses 12 Ibid
8 9 Secondly, yet to be addressed is the infrastructure’s public waste and dangerous electrical wire configurations, resistance to natural disaster. Most recently, typhoons and as well as serving to ease traffic obstruction. Finally, on a extreme flooding have ravaged through GK villages – the social standpoint, clean beautiful homes give the people, new homes unable to withstand the water. This deserves a who often have endured so many struggles in their lifetime, great deal of attention! Plus, while the new homes contend a much-needed sense of pride and hope for the future of with some issues of sustainability such as shared space, their family.13 use of local material/labor, virtually no mechanical energy While all of the successes and failures mentioned spent on construction, and natural ventilation techniques, above are essential to understanding the context of Gawad there is still room for improvement. A passive solar design Kalinga’s work in the Philippines, many do not necessarily is essential for this climate region, and water collection fall into the architectural realm. A reservation surfaces and reuse techniques would be a significant benefit. There regarding whether the standard ‘rainbow houses’ that could also be a great opportunity for sustainable design by Gawad Kalinga is erecting across the country could really reusing some of the found items in the garbage dump, such meet the needs and desires of a community of people as as windshields, tires, glass bottles, aluminum cans, or even distinctive as the residents of Payatas. Furthermore, is plastic bags, for building materials. the configuration of these homes, along with the streets These are just a few suggestions for areas that and public spaces really conducive to the living style and Gawad Kalinga could improve upon in time, but the number livelihood of Payatas squatters? of areas that GK is already successfully easing the strain Additionally, there is anecdotal evidence that the of squatter-induced problems for Manila should also be project architect for a number of GK village housing designs is recognized. For instance, in some GK villages, land-use French.14 With this in mind, there are several characteristics conflicts can be reduced as the inhabitants may be required of the design that point to a French Bourgeoisie perspective to pay a small amount of taxes to the local or municipal being imposed on the Filipino culture. First, there is the government. Plus, because of the planned configuration general expression of self-sufficiency exhibited by the unit of the neighborhood, overcrowding is greatly decreased. vocabulary. Each unit can be self-contained, suggesting Additionally, new streets start to clean up uncontrolled a more European attitude toward living, rather than the
13 Ibid 14 Information supplied candidly to author by in-person dis- cussion with project foreman at the Sittio Pao village site in Munoz, northern Quezon City. 10 11 Filipino custom of sharing spaces and amenities. Secondly, emanating from this self-contained attitude, the design highlights the units as central to the atmosphere of the neighborhood, rather than the commercial, communal, or public interaction spaces, which are the key to thriving Filipino communities. Finally, the design vocabulary applied to the units expresses only a modest amount of individuality, suggested by the assortment of paint colors available, yet the overarching architectural statement is reasonably conformist. In social theory, the term ‘bourgeoisie’ is associated with opposition to the proletariat, or in other Figure 1.3: evidence to the rather words hostility toward the lower, or working class. It conformist Bourgeoisie architecture; flat and also implies philistinism (an attitude of smug ignorance symmetrical, and how does this lighthouse (right) on the top of each house at all and conventionalism, especially toward artistic and represent Filipino culture?? cultural values,) materialism, and a striving concern for respectability.15 This is exactly the opposite language that should be reflected in urban poor neighborhood upgrade! Overall, there are three major areas lacking a socio- cultural consideration in Gawad Kalinga neighborhood developments. For one, the GK housing design does not at all address historic methods of building and shelter in the Philippines. Aspects of the historic house such as the stilts structure, flexible façade treatment, and the Filipino aesthetic have been lost. Secondly, local materials, patterns, textures, and site-specific design are not being taken advantage of, and there is no room for the owner to
15 Le Guin, Charles A. “French Bourgeois Culture” International Figure 1.4: this before and after image really captures the depth, Journal of Comparative Sociology, Michigan: Gale Group. 01 June 1997. variation, and individuality that is lost from the standardized housing 12 13 display their individuality in their house. Third, residents’ desires regarding public versus private living spaces are not being met. Currently, everything is public; they have no place to retreat to. Finally, there is not enough flexibility for different family sizes. The standard housing module prepared by Gawad Kalinga does not fit every family, which can range anywhere from 2-15 people, across two or more generations. These are the main points that I will address in my design for the redevelopment of Lupang Pangako, focusing on how the house can better serve the needs and desires of its residents.
Figure 1.5: while cement IS one of the regions resources, other vernacular materials and aesthetics are not being taken advantage of, and the method of construction and form of the house does not represent traditional Filipino architecture
14 15 2CHAPTER The Squatter Problem in Payatas, Quezon City, Philippines
In this section, the case study will be set up, and the challenges of informal settlements particular to the Payatas project site will be determined. An overview of the site’s history is necessary to a cohesive perception – where did the residents migrate from, when did they settle in Payatas, and why haven’t they left? These are important questions in the search for an understanding of the people. Recognizing the current conditions of the Payatas site is also imperative, as physical implications will certainly affect any design proposal. While this thesis focuses on a neighborhood and housing design model, it nevertheless acknowledges the myriad problems associated with the residents’ lives and their occupation of the site. For instance, Payatas dwellers are constantly confronted with the difficulty of plot ownership, fear of eviction, overcrowding, disease, and safety issues related to high crime. There are also a number of environmental considerations, including land use, water accessibility and contamination, flooding, air pollution, and uncontrolled public waste, which further spreads disease
16 17 among residents.16 of these 35,000 families, a shocking 28,813 are categorized as below the poverty line, which gives Payatas the highest The Payatas region in northern Quezon City is widely urban poor population in Metro Manila.20 Barangay Payatas known for the enormous mound of garbage occupying 20 is divided up into three sections; Payatas A, Payatas B, and hectares of its land area, and its great multitude of informal Lupang Pangako.21 These sections are then subdivided settlers. More specifically, the project site for this thesis further into neighborhood districts. Lupang Pangako for will concentrate on a select area of Payatas known as example, is actually segmented into four parts referred Urban Lupang Pangako, which literally translates to mean to as Phases. Lupang Pangako is notorious for being the “the promised land.”17 Payatas is actually a Barangay,18 poorest section of Payatas, and is home to approximately approximately 500 hectares in size19 with a population of 5,000 families.22 The majority of this profile will be general approximately 117,000 people, or 10% of Quezon City’s to Payatas, because most features remain constant across population. This equates to roughly 35,000 households. Out the Barangay, however when any information is particular
16 Supporting this claim is a 1995 report from the Philippine to the project site of Lupang Pangako, it will be specified as NGO Urban Poor Associates, which accounts that infant mortality rates such. among Manila’s squatter communities are three times that of the rest of the city. Additionally, the incidence of Tuberculosis per 1,000 20 DeCastro, Mark Roeland A. “Land Use Planning as a tool to residents is 9 times higher in urban poor settlements, and diarrhea shape the urban form and structure of Philippine cities.” (Unpublished twice as common than in the rest of the city. Master’s Diss., University of the Philippines, School of Urban Planning, Balgos, Cecile C.A. “Manila’s poor live in fatal filth.” Manila Standard. 2007), p. 34 Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, 03 June 1996, http:// *DeCastro also notes that Barangay Payatas is one of the most rapidly news.google.com/newspapers (accessed 26 Oct. 2009). growing populations in Manila. Therefore, this statistic taken from the 17 Translation provided by Edson Cabalfin, professor, University 2006 Quezon City census is most likely an underestimate of the current of Cincinnati population. 18 A Barangay is the smallest administrative division in Filipino 21 Ibid p. 41 towns and cities, and is the native Filipino term, existing even before 22 Ibid p. 33 the era of Spanish colonization, that referred to a village, district or ward. As of December 31, 2006 there were a total of 41,995 barangays throughout the Philippines; 142 in Quezon City alone. Each Barangay is governed by a set of local officials; 7 councilors and a chairman. National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB). Issue Brief. Philippine Standard Geographic Code Summary, “Number of Provinces, Cities, Municipalities, and Barangays, by Region” (31 Dec. 2006,) http://www. nscb.gov.ph/ (accessed 18 Jan. 2010). 19 Author’s approximation using google earth
18 19 2.1 History of Payatas: from Dumpsite to ‘Home’
In her book Unlawful Occupation (2004), Marie Huchzermeyer outlines four processes of informal settlement formation. One is GRADUAL, when individuals spontaneously seek shelter by gradually invading land and avoiding confrontation. The second, COMMUNAL, is described as an act of invasion that is coordinated and Payatas collective. Third, MOBILIZED, denotes a type of settlement course that is initiated by political parties or other agents as a means of social mobilization. Finally, GENERATED settlement patterns are those endorsed officially or unofficially by the government.23 In the case of Payatas, the informal settlement can be categorized as gradual, and traces its roots back to the Spanish era, followed by the historical conception of Quezon City. Originally, what is known today as the Barangay of Payatas was part of an enormous Spanish estate (Payatas Estate,) covering an area of more than 5,000 hectares.24 It was relinquished from Spanish ownership when the Americans defeated the Spanish in 1898,25 but has kept this
23 Huchzermeyer, Marie. Unlawful Occupation: Informal Settlements and Urban Policy in South Africa and Brazil (Trenton, NJ: Afria World, Inc., 2004,) p. 38. Figure 2.1: 1946 plan of Quezon City, as the proposed capital for the 24 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. p. 61 Philippines; Payatas is shown in relation to the proposed government 25 The Spanish ruled the Philippines for 333 years; from 1565 center and the La Mesa Damn to May 1, 1898 when the United States Army defeated the Spanish, taking political control of the Philippines. The country remained under US rule until 1946. Agoncillo, Teodoro and Milagros Guerrero. History of the Filipino People (Malaya Books 1970). 20 21 original name to this day. In 1940, while the country was still under American rule, the President of the Philippines, Manuel Luis Quezon, began construction for a development just north of old Manila. Later dubbed Quezon City in his namesake, President Quezon envisioned it to be a ‘worker’s paradise’ that was particularly focused on affordably housing the mass of incoming workers. Even in the earliest years of its development, President Quezon had already began buying Spanish-owned lands for the city, and redistributing them to landless Filipinos, as part of a land reform initiative started during the time of American colonialism.26 Construction for the new capital was put on hold when the Philippines became involved in World War II,27 but when construction started again in 1946, Quezon City was divided up into 4 districts. The east quadrant was set aside for the government center, commercial area, and central business district, while the north, south, and west quadrants were to be mainly reserved for residential.28 President Quezon’s vision for this region was for the common people of Manila to be able to come to Quezon City to acquire their own home; a feat that proved much more difficult to accomplish in other parts of Metro Manila. During the 1950’s and 60’s, Figure 2.2: Quezon City district plan; illustrating Payatas’ location in Quezon was furthering this plan by building even more new district 2 as being the largest district, which is was to be mostly residential 26 Rosario Mendoza Cortes, ed., Philippine Presidents: 100 Years (Quezon City: Philippine Historical Association and New Day Publishers, 1999), pp. 120-121. 27 As an ally of the United States by default, the Philippines were attacked by Japan in 1941 because of the many important US military bases located on several islands of the Philippines. See Agoncillo Guerrero (1970) op. cit. 28 See Rosario (1999) op. cit. p. 10 22 23 housing settlements throughout the north, south, and west neighborhood districts, taking advantage of the prosperity that grew after the war.29 It was during this post war period that squatters began to migrate in large numbers to Payatas and other parts of Quezon City from provinces in search of all of the new jobs and opportunities that the new capital city had LUPANG to offer, and attracted by the vacant land that was quickly PANGAKO being developed. In 1976, Payatas became Barangay No. 8, and the only barangay to be created through territorial jurisdiction (court order) in the country.30 By this time, Quezon City had moved beyond its original promise as a haven for affordable housing, to a well established center for politics and business. However, the real incentive for migration from the provinces to this area of the capital city was the addition of a new livelihood opportunity for poor Filipinos. Later to become the symbol of Barangay Figure 2.3: map of Barangay Payatas showing the location of Lupang Pangako in relation to Commonwealth Avenue Payatas was the formation of a garbage dump in Group 13, Payatas B in 1973. People flocked to the area, establishing a community of scavengers hoping to make money off of sorting through the garbage. This site closed, and reopened in Group 3, Payatas B in 1986, which remains its current location to this day.31 In the next 14 years, the Quezon City government would be remiss in its management of the dumpsite, allowing almost all of the Northern Capital Region (NCR) to dump its
29 Ibid p. 123 30 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. p. 62 31 Ibid 24 25 waste limitlessly. Along with the level of garbage increasing at an uncontrollable rate, came a population of scavengers, squatting illegally, and multiplying in size each year. All of the dangers and ramifications that accompanied these actions culminated in one tragic event. It took a landslide in 2000, where a hill of garbage caved, smothering a squatter camp, killing more than 200 people, and leaving 300 families homeless, for the government to realize the urgency of the concerns surrounding the dumpsite. Altogether, the landslide, referred to by Filipino media reports as ‘the 2000 trashslide,’ affected around 7,100 Payatas families in some fashion. Many were relocated by the municipal government to San Jose, Montalban; a provincial area nearly 12km (7.5 Figure 2.4: View showing the current monstrosity of the Payatas miles) north of Quezon City. Yet inevitably, many of those dumpsite who were resettled returned to Payatas because of a lack of livelihood in their new homes.32 Since the trashslide, recovery tactics have been initiated including regulation of scavengers, planting grass on the slopes, establishing livelihood programs, and relocating families living along ‘danger zones.’ All of this improvement work has been instigated by the IPM Environmental Services Inc. (IMP- ESI,) a city-contracted program that synthesizes the work of various NGO’s, people’s organizations (PO’s,) Barangay officials, and the Environmental Protection and Waste Management Department of Quezon City.33 BY 2007, the
32 See Manila Bulletin (March 2007) op. cit. 33 City Planning and Development Office. Unpublished Figure 2.5: Commemorative sign hung on site in remembrance of the document. 10th floor of Quezon City Hall, Quezon City Memorial Circle, 2000 trashslide Quezon City National Capital Region, Metro Manila Philippines. 26 27 IMP-ESI had implemented six CMP (Community Mortgage within the dumpsite. The fact of the matter is that the Program) projects, benefiting approximately 2,600 families.34 Payatas dumpsite can no longer be defined by its solid Now, the dumpsite is even being publicized as some sort waste management practices, but also by the reality that it of tourist attraction: “At present, the Payatas dumpsite is a home and major source of livelihood for thousands of is recognized locally and internationally as a model and Filipinos in Quezon City. pioneering waste disposal facility showcasing the must see solid waste disposal system for local and foreign visitors.”35 The above statement by journalist Chavez Chito suggests the environmental and infrastructural service provision goals that the government is hoping to achieve for Payatas, specific to the dumpsite itself, but it in no way represents actual conditions currently surrounding the dump. The efforts made toward a more sustainable waste control facility are commendable, but do little to relieve the thousands of people literally living on top of the garbage – flies swarming around them constantly, and the rancid smell of rotting waste relentless. Not only is this living environment a breeding ground for disease, but also for floods, induced by clogged waterways. The sound of dump trucks bringing garbage to the site never seems to cease, and on any given walk-through, one is certain to witness women picking lice out of each other’s hair. The dire need facing the site around the dump is evident at every turn; perhaps rehabilitation outside the dumpsite demands just as much attention from the government as rehabilitation
34 See Manila Bulletin (March 2007) op. cit. 35 Chavez, Chito. “QC award for Payatas ‘change’” Manila Figure 2.6 Evidence of clogged waterways in proximity to the dumpsite Bulletin, 07 Feb. 2009.
28 29 2.2 Current Conditions: physical and social aspects to consider
Land and Climate Payatas is bordered on its north by the La Mesa Dam, a 2,700-hectare reservoir that holds around 50 million cubic meters of water, and supplies all of Metro Manila with its drinking water.36 Payatas is bordered on the east by the Marikina River. The rest of the region is somewhat mountainous, and the terrain undulates, leading down to Commonwealth Litex Road near the busy Commonwealth activity hub, the Road entrance point to Payatas on its southwest boundary. A testament to the rolling topography is the range in elevation, which varies from 28 meters in a few areas to 96 meters at the barangay’s highest point on its northeastern border. Figure 2.7: Google Earth image showing location of Barangay Payatas in relation to the La Mesa Dam, Marikina River, and Commonwealth Road Lupang Pangako itself ranges from 36 meters to 78. In general, the average elevation of Payatas is about 50 meters above sea level, 40 meters higher than the rest of Metro Manila, which averages around 10 meters above sea level.37 The limited machinery of the residential builders (mainly squatters) in Payatas has allowed the natural landscape to persist, although a great deal of vegetation has been sacrificed to make room for homes. The outskirts of Payatas however, is still fairly densely vegetated, in comparison to
36 http://www.en.wikipedia.org/ 37 information gleaned from a combination of a 1987 topographical map of Payatas at 1:10,000 scale obtained from the National Mapping and Resource Information Authority of the Philippines (NAMRIA: Lawton Avenue, Fort Bonifacio, Taguig City, Figure 2.8: Google Earth image zooming in on the Payatas dumpsite Philippines, 1201) plus google earth satellite information and surrounding squatter settlement 30 31 other parts of Manila. Bamboo and coconut wood are prominent natural resources of the area, along with banana leaf and rattan. The climatic considerations at the Payatas site align generally with that of the rest of Metro Manila. In a broad sense, the climate is tropical, characterized by a wet season from June to November and a dry season from December to May. The average annual rainfall of 82mm (3.2 in.) does not really inform actual climate conditions, as the wet season brings rains that average 300mm (11.8 in.) per month, while Temperature (celcius) Rainfall (mm) (celcius) Rainfall Temperature dry season rains average only 22mm (.9 in.) per month. High humidity and thunderstorms are also more common during the wet season, especially in July, August, and September. As far as temperature is concerned, there is generally little variation from the mean annual 27°C (80°F,) and remain consistently above the comfort zone. Ground temperatures follow nearly the exact same pattern as air temperatures, Figure 2.9: graph showing Manila’s average annual rainfall, fluctuating tremendously during rainy season, and the temperature remaining regularly between 26 and 29°C (78.8 - 84.2°F,) regardless extremely constant at around 27 degrees Celsius (80 Fahrenheit) of the depth. Also characteristic of Manila’s climate is an extremely high humidity index, averaging around 80%, registering far above the comfort range. This is true Perhaps the largest factor to consider in designing throughout the year, but especially during rainy season. for Manila’s climate is the propensity of tropical storms. However, Payatas may occasionally experience slightly The Philippines falls within the zone that receives the most cooler temperatures and less humidity than other areas of frequent and most severe tropical storms in the world. 38 Metro Manila, due to its higher elevation. The country averages about 20 storms annually, but only a
38 UCLA. Climate Consultant 4.0, created 08 Nov. 2008, http:// few of these may cross Manila each year. Most recently, www.energy-design-tools.aud.ucla.edu/ (accessed 09 Nov. 2009).
32 33 typhoon Ketsana ravaged Metro Manila this September 2009, bringing winds of 135-170 km/h (85-105 mph,) and the highest recorded rainfall in the capital city to date; 455mm (17.9 in) in a span of 24 hours. Flooding was tragic, reaching up to 6 meters (20 ft) in some areas around the city, and claiming a total of 464 lives.39 In Quezon City, a total of 72,805 individuals were affected in some way by the typhoon, as recoded by the Philippines Slum Dwellers International organization. This was the highest number registered among all seventeen cities within the National Capital Region of Metro Manila.40 Ketsana was particularly detrimental in Payatas, for the obvious implication of extreme flooding combined with a mountain of unsanitary Figure 2.10: Satellite image of the devastating typhoon Ketsana ravaging waste and thousands of already vulnerable shanties; a through the Philippines in September 2009 recipe for disaster. As if the toll of Ketsana on the people of Payatas was not enough, it also greatly increased the volume of garbage brought to the dumpsite; the additional waste from the capital city’s eleven and a half million people41 whose homes and possessions were destroyed in the massive floods.
39 Taylor, Alan. “Typhoon Ketsana (Ondoy) – The Big Picture.” http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2009/09/typhoon_ketsana_ondoy. html (accessed 10 Nov. 2009). 40 “The Impact of Typhoon Ketsana.” Issue brief. Manila Philippines: Slum Dwellers International, Philippines branch (20 October 2009): 4-18, http://www.citiesalliance.org/ca/sites/ (accessed 24 Nov. 2009), p. 8. 41 Population of Metro Manila National Capital Region as of December 31 2007, provided by the National Statistics Office of the Philippines, http://www.cencus.gov.ph/ (accessed 10 Nov. 2009). Figure 2.11: Typical damage to squatter settlements ill-equipped to handle the floods 34 35 The People, their Homes, and their Livelihood An accurate mental image of Payatas must begin with the approach to the site; an eye-opening experience in and of itself. In order to travel to the Payatas site from central Quezon City, you must first take a bus labeled ‘SM Fairview’ and tell the conductor of the bus that your stop will be Litex Road. Upon disembarking at Litex, you must cross the pedestrian bridge, which connects a bustling marketplace aligning both sides of the street. Then find the Jeepney heading to Urban, quickly jump on and pay the driver the standard 7-peso fair (approximately 15 cents) before it fills up and leaves again. The jeep ride is long and uncomfortable, winding up poorly kept dirt and stone roads. Figure 2.12: my route to Payatas, taking the bus from Quezon City to Litex Road, then picking up a Jeepney to Urban Lupang Pangako As the road winds upward, there are views of dump trucks constantly in transit to and from the dumpsite, along with bags of garbage stacked outside of people’s homes. On occasion, you may be granted the privilege of witnessing self-employed scavengers busy sorting their collected garbage. When the jeep finally stops at a small gateway and everyone unloads, there is a sign that reads “WELCOME BGY. PAYATAS” and you know that you’ve finally made it.42 The terrain is rolling and sloping downward; you are presented with a view of the entire settlement, a continuous patchwork of rusted tin roofs, spotted with old tires and the like. Looming constantly in the background is the 30 to 40-meter (100-130 ft) mountain of trash, with an
42 Observations based on author’s on-site field research; BGY. Figure 2.13: A scavenger sorts his gleaned garbage alongside the road stands for ‘Barangay’ in front of his house 36 37 incredible 20-hectare footprint,43 from which most residents find their livelihood. In fact, the number of squatters that call the dump home totals somewhere around 30,000. Approximately 2,000 of these residents scavenge through the 1,200 tons of garbage that the dump receives on average daily, looking for items that they can sell.44 Their only hope for survival relies on the amount of recyclables that they are able to glean from the mountain. Yet, they are lucky if they make 100 pesos (a little over $2) a day.45 If Payatas residents do not earn a living scavenging the mountain of trash, they are generally street vendors, small storeowners, 46 or unemployed. Figure 2.14: View of the neighborhood from the point where the While Payatas residents stay in surprisingly good Jeepney drops off spirits, many simply continue on, living in undesirable conditions, and fighting for survival, as if there is no other choice. Cecile Baglos quotes long-time Payatas resident Amy Mamarga in his article for the Manila Standard, regarding the state of living in squatter settlements throughout the city. Ms. Mamarga states that her family has become accustomed to the stink of living near the Payatas garbage dump, but that her children are still in danger of disease; one of her children has already contracted Tuberculosis. However, she questions where else her family has to
43 Author’s approximation using google earth satellite image 44 Wilson, Karl. “A mountain of opportunity for Payatas scavengers.” The Manila Times, 06 March 2006. 45 Exchange rate of 0.02185 US Dollar per Philippine Peso as of January 2010 as given by MSN stock report, http://moneycentral.msn. com/detail/stock_quote?Symbol=/PHPUS Figure 2.15: Image illustrating the dumpsite in proximity to houses, and 46 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. p. 30 condition of trash infiltrating the neighborhood 38 39 go, a desperation that seems to be shared by squatters with those between the ages of seven and twelve making everywhere.47 Contracting tuberculosis is just one of the up about 32% of the total population.50 dangers of living in Payatas; it is listed as a leading cause The above profile of the Payatas population presents of mortality, along with pneumonia, myocardial infraction, a group of people with an extremely unique series of stabbing, and hypertensive heart disease. Additionally, problems, desires, and way of living. While on one hand, malnutrition is rampant throughout the Barangay, but most the community shares similar needs to those of informal predominantly among children living in Lupang Pangako. settlers across Manila, and across the world for that matter; There, approximately 50% of children are suffering from there is another set of needs so specific to a group of first to third degree malnutrition.48 people precariously living atop a heap of garbage. It is a The people living in Payatas share three main community of scavengers with a livelihood that can only characteristics outside of their poverty level: they are be found in Payatas, Quezon City, which is accompanied by migrants, young, and constantly increasing in number. The environmental, political, and social concerns unlike those of average annual population growth rate for the Barangay of the rest of the city, or elsewhere in the developing world. Payatas in a ten-year span registered at 15.23% compared Aspects of this squatter population that deserve special to the statistic for the rest of Quezon City, which averaged consideration include residents’ daily use of space, modes around 3.65%. This huge disparity in growth rate is due of interaction with one another, and spirit of identity. largely to immigration of people coming from the provinces Additionally, a community so notorious for its location and to Payatas in search of earning a living. In fact, over 80% of practice of squatting demands a design of renewal that is Payatas’ population are identified as migrants!49 Logically, it exceptionally personal to their individual predicament, as is most likely that these migrants would have moved from well as social needs, in order for any sort of progression to provinces in the Luzon region, because any other migrants occur successfully. would have had to cross a body of water. Taking into account While conditions in Payatas are inarguably this migration pattern, and assuming that many of these unfavorable, opportunity lies in the existing built immigrants are at the prime age for working and/or child environment. The houses that were once fit into the land bearing, it is no wonder Payatas supports a generally young haphazardly, wherever earth was available, have somehow population. Children are extremely prevalent in Payatas, evolved into dense blocks separated by a network of paths.
47 See Balgos (1996) op. cit. These houses are self-built from whatever materials are 48 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. p. 36 49 Ibid p. 34 50 Ibid 40 41 cheap or found; in this case most frequently scrap wood and corrugated metal. Therefore, they all take on a simple square mass, one to two stories in height. These masses align to form rows parallel to the paths. There is barely space between each house; the people of Payatas are accustomed to living very close together with their neighbors.51 The same is true inside the house, where anywhere from 2 to 15 family members may be packed inside a 2 to 4-room shack.52 As previously stated, these families came to Payatas from provinces all over the Philippines, in hopes of earning a living from scavenging through trash. Therefore, there is a noticeable gradation in the density of the built environment transitioning from extremely high density immediately Figure 2.16: typical housing fabric, materiality, and path configuration surrounding the dumpsite, decreasing as one moves away in Payatas from the mountain of trash. The makeshift housing, while admirable for its sense of industriousness, are not adequate modes of shelter. Roughly 60% of Payatas residents are in need of decent housing.53
51 Observations based on author’s field work 52 A survey of 25 squatter interview completed by the author on-site, reveals an average number of 7 residents per house, but ranged from 4 to 12. 10 of the 25 surveyed reported a multi- generational living situation. 53 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. p. 37
Figure 2.17: intuitive re-appropriation of a normally private path between houses for functional public use (laundry); other uses include social gathering and recreation 42 43 A Select Observation of Spatial Categories Common in Payatas:
Public or community space in Payatas can be categorized into five basic types. The first, and most significant, is the public plaza, ormarket -square. The notion of the town plaza dates back to the early settlement patterns brought to the Philippines by Spanish colonialism. Prior Figure 2.18: the existing market in Payatas calls to the historic public plaza condition present in each town or village to that phase in Philippines history, the plaza was present to a small extent in the typical community layout, where the ‘chieftain’s’ house would be located at the center. As leader of the village, the chieftain’s responsibilities included holding conferences and tribal meetings, entertaining visitors, and overseeing neighborhood gatherings and events. All of these instances took place in an ambiguously shaped open area adjacent to the chieftain’s house.54 Yet, the real idea of the public plaza, as it remains in Philippine society today, was a product of foreign colonization. The Spanish are credited with situating the plaza as a permanent fixture and organic element essential to all towns and cities in the Philippines, and now no Filipino community, formal
or informal, is complete without one. It has evolved into Figure 2.19: the Spanish aesthetic for the town center in the form of a multi-functional space, used for gathering, leisure and a public plaza, with a monumental focus, surrounded by key amenities recreation, political exercise, and more.55
54 Alarcon, Norma L. “The Roles of the Plaza: The Philippine Experience.” In Public Places in Asia Pacific Cities, Pu Miao ed. (Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001), p. 88. 55 Ibid p. 87
44 45 Spanish settlers were very specific that the plaza be proportional to the number of residents in the community, and be situated with four main streets meeting at the middle of each side of the plaza, and two minor streets meeting at each corner. The space started out oblong in shape, but eventually evolved into the rectilinear form that it has today. Because of its location, the public plaza became an important convergence of religious, governmental, and institutional facilities.56 This idea continued through the American period of colonization, and was expanded upon by Daniel Burnham, who prepared a city plan for Manila in Figure 2.20: sketch of a typical town plaza, highlighting the configuration between prominent streets and the essential amenities that should 1904. Aware of the public plaza’s importance to Filipino outline the perimeter of the space society, Burnham’s plan called for schools to be built around the plaza, among the other typologies. Placing schools near the plaza was an indication of education becoming an important facet of society; a goal the Americans sought to implement. Additionally, with independence from the Spanish, and democracy brought by the Americans, came an increased use of the plaza for political activity.57 The Philippines’ involvement in World War II was accompanied by physical and economic devastation, yet the idea of the public plaza remained in tact. However, it was revamped to accommodate an increasing population, a result of rural to urban migration, along with changing needs in the economic realm. Most notably, the public plaza took on the role of a marketplace, to boost income levels. Figure 2.21: present-day plaza located in Manila that captures the ideas of the Spanish town center, and demonstrates the type of public 56 Ibid p. 89 gathering that occurs in these spaces 57 Ibid p. 91 46 47 Now, the sight of makeshift stalls for selling food, clothes, and any or all household goods is commonplace in Manila, as well as other cities throughout the country.58 The central market supports two personality traits that Filipinos have become known for: their love for eating and cooking, and their extremely social nature. Trips to the market for fresh produce and other items are far more frequent then the typical American trip to the grocery store. This is because most Filipinos do not travel by car, requiring them to carry their groceries, and most buy little by little as they need it, because of the scarcity of money. All of this considering, the public plaza and market in Payatas are places for daily interaction and satisfying needs; they are an essential piece Figure 2.22: vendors from the marketplace tend to extend their sales to the survival of the community. into the public plaza, activating the open space at the center The second type of public space in Payatas is one that generally surfaces at a prominent intersection, naturally forming a common gathering area or open space flexible to multiple activities. This space is less prescribed than the public plaza, and could take the shape of food stands, sari-sari (convenience) stores, a place with tables to play cards or chess, etc. This type of public use is on a much smaller scale than the market, and is not essential to the daily needs of Payatas citizens. Yet, akin to the market, Figure 2.23: vendors and people tend to gather at prominent it does provide communal interaction, along with instances intersections where pedestrian traffic is heaviest of livelihood.59 Amenities within housing blocks make up the third category, in the form of public squares amidst
58 Ibid p. 92 59 Observations based on author’s on-site field research.
48 49 rows of houses. They create small holes in the densely packed residential sector, significant for their function as activity nodes for residents living in close proximity. The most common activity provided for in Filipino squatter communities is a basketball court. This has incurred a great deal of criticism in the Philippines as a waste of government money, but there is no getting around it; wherever Filipinos Figure 2.24: the most common public amenity within dense housing live, there WILL be a basketball court.60 This is as indicative blocks is the basketball court, which falls into the category of small public of Payatas as it is of any other neighborhood, formal or squares discussed by Christopher Alexander in A Pattern Language informal. Another natural formation of public space develops out of filling awkward space in a neighborhood. Because of the unplanned nature of squatter settlements, there is often awkward ‘leftover’ space that remains free of housing, so by default becomes public space. This is especially true of Payatas due to its undulating landscape. Uses may vary, but this is another place where food stands are a common intervention rendering the land useful.61 All Filipinos love Figure 2.25: in this case, Payatas residents are filling an awkward leftover eating; all the time. Finally, there exist common-use places space with sheltered tables for playing cards together within housing blocks. The rows between squatter houses are not just communal paths for pedestrian circulation, but also spaces where women gather to do the laundry, men take a cigarette break, the elderly find comfort in the shade, and kids come together to play. The social nature of these places make what would usually be considered private space, a daily-used public entity.62
60 Ibid 61 Ibid Figure 2.26: private paths between rows of houses become a public 62 Ibid gathering place for the community 50 51 2.3 Political, Environmental, and Infrastructure Many of the toughest issues arise in the political Ramifications realm of urban planning, including land use policy, ownership Political: conflicts, and federal or local removal techniques such as eviction or relocation. A common theme of squatting, The most obvious political ramification of dealing across the globe, is that residents have built houses and with squatter settlements in Quezon City is the corruption communities illegally, with no rights to the land, or issue of that exists in the Filipino government. To many politicians, tenure. This notion of ownership is an extremely important both at the federal and local level, squatters equate to votes. and highly debated topic among squatter rights advocates. Often times, government leaders bribe squatters to vote for Some argue that ownership will foster civic pride, economic them by promising not to evict their communities, or that development, and a greater propensity for squatters to pay upgrade schemes are on the horizon as part of their political service charges and rates to occupy the land.64 On the other platform. These promises are usually empty, as after they hand, there is an idea that security, stability, protection, and are elected, little more than a basketball court is given to control are more important factors to informal settlers than the squatters in gratitude for their vote. Not only does this land ownership. In his book Shadow Cities (2004), author practice do nothing to help the squatter situation, but it Robert Neuwirth supports this notion, stating, also reflects poorly on Quezon City’s taxpayers, as argued by journalist Neal Cruz. It doesn’t matter whether you give people title deeds or secure tenure, people simply need to know they won’t Those basketball courts and pool halls in the squatter be evicted. When they know that they are secure, they colonies—they were paid with your money… So you see, build. They establish a market. They buy and sell. They the incumbent councilors would have the advantage rent. They create. They develop. Actual control, not over all other candidates because of the squatter votes. legal control is the key. Give squatters security and they 65 The ordinance, the councilors would say, is for humane will develop the cities of tomorrow. considerations. But it is actually in aid of political However, one thing in Payatas is sure; housing development considerations… Don’t vote for politicians whose names efforts are greatly hampered by squatter opposition due to you see on the backboards of basketball goals erected in 66 the middle of streets so that squatters can play basketball, their dependency on various land ownership issues. instead of working, and preventing the public from using the street.63 64 Durand-Lasserve, Alain and Lauren Royston, eds. Holding their ground: secure land tenure for the urban poor in developing countries (London: Earthscan, 2002), p. 211. 63 See Cruz (2009) op. cit. 65 Neuwirth, Robert. Shadow Cities; A Billion Squatters, A New Urban World (New York: Routledge, 2004), p. 302. 66 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. p. 37 52 53 This leads to the next facet of land use policy, confirmed this idea, claiming that the relocated squatters which continues to foster poor improvement practices for simply carry their misery from one community to the next. informal settlements, both internationally and locally in The same difficulties persist, such as finding a job, sending Manila; eviction followed by relocation. The conventional their children to school, or having access to basic healthcare removal of squatter settlements through eviction has been or public services. Moreover, scarcities in water, power, notoriously identified as doing more damage than good in proper roads and/or transportation are almost never solved almost all situations.67 Quezon City conforms to this rule by relocation.70 of thumb, proving the eviction strategy quite problematic. Even more disheartening is MMDA Chairman Bayani Most often, government-offered relocation fails because of Fernado’s view on the relocation of squatters, which is that basic accordance not being met. For example, the Urban it is not his business to find them new homes or jobs. It Poor Associates in Manila recorded that out of 20,116 is for these reasons that many relocated squatters end up families victim of demolitions between July 1992 and selling their relocation homes and move back to their former December 1995, only 43% were actually relocated. This squatter settlements.71 In the worse case scenario, when is in direct contradiction to the Urban Development and relocation is not even offered after an eviction, squatters Housing Act of 1992, which stipulates that a relocation site generally just transfer to another informal settlement must be available before any eviction takes place.68 Another nearby. Many of the same problems exist with social false promise in this method is that there should be a notice housing relocation techniques, particularly the issue of the of eviction. In Payatas itself, 500 squatters, joined by Urban government offering squatters less than what they already Poor Associates (UPA) members to protest to Quezon City have. Neuwirth confirms this claim, stating, mayor Feliciano Belmonte, because over 2,000 shanties The promise of free housing is seductive, but not always were demolished in October of 2003 without any notice the best approach. If they feel secure in their homes, of eviction.69 Additionally, even those squatters who were squatters will invest and improve their neighborhoods. promised a ‘new life’ through relocation claimed that the But if they simply have 225 square feet in a high-rise building that they don’t control, they lose that incentive. new neighborhood was not any better from their previous Their communities cease to develop.72 squatter community. An editorial for the Manila Times 70 “A slum-free Metro Manila.” Editorial. The Manila Times, 67 See Huchzermeyer (2004) op. cit. p. 8 04 Sept. 2007, http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2007/sept/04/ 68 See Baglos (1996) op. cit. (accessed 02 Mar. 2009). 69 Calumpita, Ronnie E. “Payatas residents decry eviction, plead for 71 Ibid relocation.” The Manila Times, 05 Nov. 2003. 72 See Neuwirth (2004) op. cit. p. 117 54 55 Environmental: Perhaps the biggest and most obvious environmental Shanties not only worsen flooding by clogging waterways but also endanger the lives of the settlers to risks of hazard present in Payatas is pollution that stems from drowning and outbreaks of diseases.”77 uncontrolled public waste. Even though dumping in Payatas is somewhat controlled, the open mountain of rotting trash is Fellow reporter Cecile Baglos confirms this notion, specifying compounded in the poorer parts of Payatas, such as Lupang that contaminated water is responsible for the prevalence Pangako, where 80% of residents resort to open dumping of diarrhea among the urban poor, as well as the spread of practices for their sewage waste disposal.73 Additionally, typhoid and other water-borne diseases. In addition, Baglos as there is no form of public trash collection in Lupang notes that the flooding caused by pollution heightens the Pangako, much of the residents’ household trash ends up risk of leptospirosis, an illness caused by the urine of rats in left on roadsides, vacant lands, or waterways.74 The latter the floodwater.78 is the most considerable reciprocal of uncontrolled waste, 77 Araja, Rio N. “No squatters in 3 years, agency vows.” Manila especially considering Payatas’ close proximity to La Mesa Standard Today, 19 July 2007, http://www.manilastandardtoday. Dam.75 Trash clogging other waterways in Payatas, such com/?page=police1_july19_2007 (accessed 02 Mar. 2009), p. 2 78 See Baglos (1996) op. cit. as streams, instigates water contamination and flooding.76 Moreover, the contaminated water causes further health risks for the residents of Payatas. Manila Standard journalist Rio Araja writes that,
73 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. p. 32 74 It was estimated in a World Bank Report from the mid 1990’s, that on average, approximately 2,000 cubic meters of waste are left on the roadsides, vacant lands, and waterways per day in Metro Manila. See Balgos (1996) op. cit. 75 As previously mentioned, La Mesa Dam is located slightly northwest from the Payatas dumpsite, and supplies all of Metro Manila with its drinking water. 76 Flooding has become a more important concern now than ever, after typhoon Ketsana damaged so many homes in Payatas this September 2009. Figure 2.27: trash from the dumpsite making its way into nearby waterways is a huge environmental problem facing the Payatas settlement 56 57 Social: As stated in Unlawful Occupation, by Marie Huchzermeyer, trouble arises when informal settlements are viewed only as physical environments deficient of basic infrastructure and services, rather than a complex and ever- changing social process that is played out in intricate spatial arrangements. “The first view calls for an intervention focused on technological efficiency that will be void of lasting principles for change, while the second view poses the central concern as building long-term capacity among residents for ongoing survival.”79 Some of the main social
considerations to contend with amongst Quezon City’s Figure 2.28: here, a woman is picking lice out of her child’s hair; the informal settlements are overcrowding, poor healthcare, insects are rampant and hard to get rid of; poor hygiene is an example of a social concern in Payatas safety concerns, and the image of the city. The common thread between all of these is their inherent connection to the people, not only physically, but also psychologically. Informal settlements are inherently dense, as people band together, building their homes as condensed as possible, in order to fit the highest ratio of families per area of vacant land. Vacant land in Metro Manila is a precious commodity, and migrants from the provinces are increasing daily. The compact built form of squatter communities arises out of necessity, but the efficiency of such practice is to be admired. However, the shortcoming of this dense style of living, more pejoratively referred to as overcrowding, poses a number of threats to residents’ physical and mental health. In the Philippines, it is custom Figure 2.29: the image of Payatas can be defined by trash and poverty; 79 See Huchzermeyer (2004) op. cit. p. 47 this can be detrimental to the social attitude of residents 58 59 for several generations of a family to live together. In large shopping center or prominent University for instance, squatter settlements, this frequently translates to ten as is the case at Cubao, the largest commercial center in or more people residing in one small, 20 square-meter Quezon City, and UP (University of the Philippines) Diliman, (215sf) or so, home. Being within such close proximity to the largest college campus in Manila. one another, not only inside the home, but also from one Aside from afore mentioned visual impediments to house to another, allows disease to travel faster and persist visitors and residents of Quezon City, there are also a great longer. This becomes most detrimental to children exposed deal of safety concerns elicited by squatter settlements. to this environment. Psychologically, this constant struggle These include but are not limited to dangerously configured to stay healthy, as well as a consistent lack of privacy can be electrical wires and water pipes, sharp, rusting, and unclean a difficult milieu to survive in. metal used as building material, and contaminated water Poverty and a city’s urban fabric are two concepts that used for bathing and drinking. This is a direct overlap have become inseparable, both in Quezon City, Philippines between a political problem (public utilities,) environmental as well as other major metropolitan areas around the world. concern (contaminated water,) and social consideration, The temporary living arrangements constructed by the because it jeopardizes the wellbeing of the people. A second urban poor in an attempt to sustain themselves and/or their overlap between political and social, surfaces in the domain families have become a defining factor in the built form that of representation and connection, between the people shapes the perceived Image of the city. A global trend has and government leaders. As previously discussed, many arisen, and although the actual outcome varies from region politicians do not really want to help the squatters, but want to region, squatters, temporary migrants, informal settlers, the squatters to help them, by providing votes. This leaves shanty-dwellers, or whichever term may be applied, often the squatters feeling used, helpless, and with little hope for secure more clout in the delineation of their cities than improvement. architects, urban planners, or government officials. This is a social predicament raised by these communities for all cities to grapple with. In Quezon City, whether one is driving, walking, or commuting via light rail (MRT and LRT,) they are daily confronted with squatter communities encroaching upon any land that is left undeveloped. This can be a real eyesore, especially when it occurs directly adjacent to a
60 61 Infrastructure: The network of roads leading to Payatas is limited to only a handful of access roads traversing its boundaries, Gravel Pit Road, IBP road, and Litex Road being the main three.80 Travel within is restricted to minor streets, which are most frequently narrow dirt paths maintained by the residents themselves.81 The access roads are traversed mainly by Jeepneys (World War II vehicles retrofitted for public transportation,) while tricycles and bikes service the minor streets within Payatas. There are approximately 60 Jeepney Figure 2.30: (above) roads are often units bringing people to and from Payatas, while nearly poorly maintained and obstructed 1,000 tricycles transport residents within.82 However, traffic by piles of trash, parked vehicles, or children playing, but with minor circulation is often impaired by residents’ encroachment adjustments could be brought up to onto the streets; for example piling and sorting garbage.83 a decent status (right) condition of most roadways in Payatas In terms of electricity, the Barangay Payatas community is technically eligible to receive power from Meralco, the leading provider of electricity in the Philippines, through
80 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. p. 47 81 Ibid p. 30. 82 Ibid p. 32 83 Squatters’ encroachment onto public roadways is a huge burden on the Metro Manila Department of Authority, obstructing traffic flow, causing delays, and deteriorating the physical quality of the roads. Chairman Bayani Fernando announced his plan to remove obstructions on 3,000 km of roads throughout Metro Manila in Sep- tember of 2007. Fernando explained his reasoning, saying, “We have about 5,000 km of roads in Metro Manila but only 2,000 km are being used. Most of these are turned into basketball courts, you can even see furniture and washing machines on street.” Lopez, Allison and Kristine L. Alave. “Stop pampering illegal settlers, says MMDA’s Fernando.” Philippine Daily Inquirer, 05 Sept. 2007, Figure 2.31: much of the existing road network in Payatas is in fairly http://www.inquirer.net/ (accessed 02 Mar. 2009). good shape and can be retained 62 63 88 the Depressed Areas Electrification Program sponsored center listed for Lupang Pangako. Another imperative by the Quezon City government. However, this supply is public service for the people of Payatas exists in the area of largely confined to areas with established road lots. In areas healthcare. There is only one hospital to serve the entire where post and line installation are difficult, residents must Barangay, which is located in Payatas A, far from being choose to either go without electricity or attempt to steal accessible to all residents. Moreover, it is in need of full power from another source.84 For those living in Payatas, renovation, and must be equipped with water and electricity the Quezon City government on a daily basis rations their in order for it to be adequately operational. There are three water supply. In Lupang Pangako, this is implemented by smaller health centers in Payatas A, B, and Lupang Pangako the Oplan Paglilingap sa Payatas governmental project. that help to compensate for the lack of service from the 89 A 14,000-liter tank that delivers drinking water from the district hospital. Crime is another problem that confronts Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System (MWSS) Payatas residents. Stabbing was included as a main cause of services each phase weekly. Water is delivered to Phase mortality, and an average monthly crime rate of 176/1000 IV every Monday, Phase III each Tuesday and Wednesday, populations was reported. Yet there are only two police Phase II each Thursday, and Phase I every Friday.85 stations to service the Barangay. Fortunately, one of these 90 Amenities present in Lupang Pangako, albeit is located in Lupang Pangako. Finally, one amenity that scattered, include a small market, town hall (located in is not as urgently needed as the others mentioned, but Phase I,)86 a few schools, and various basketball courts.87 As still extremely important to the Filipino culture, is religious previously declared, the school age population in Payatas is facilities. There is only one church listed for Lupang Pangako, 91 quite large, making education facilities a necessary provision and the denomination is unclear. for public infrastructure. However, there is only one elementary school, one private academy, and one daycare 88 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. pp. 34-35 as provided by “Barangay Payatas Profile”, Barangay Hall, Payatas Area A 84 See DeCastro (2007) op. cit. p. 33 89 Ibid p. 36 85 Ibid 90 Ibid p. 37 86 Ibid p. 41 91 Ibid p. 38 87 Although no data exists to explain who the above listed amenities were provided by, based on the author’s observations and field research, there are several possible organizations who may have contributed to the installation of such amenities. These include factions of the Quezon City government, Barangay officials, non- governmental organizations, people’s organizations, etc. 64 65 2.4 Analysis of opportunities and threats of the Payatas the perimeter of the dumpsite, and a constantly growing site unemployment rate continue to challenge those seeking to develop the Payatas area. However, several of these Considering all of the above research and site perceived threats or weaknesses could actually be turned profile, Payatas has a number of weaknesses or challenges, into opportunities for improvement. For instance, there but also several strengths that make it a prime selection is potential for creative programming that could provide for new development. Its strategic location within Quezon new areas for commercial and/or industrial employment, City makes it readily accessible to the advantages of along with public services that were not previously realized. metropolitan living, yet its natural features, such as varying Additionally, creative design opportunities exist in the area topography, are unique from the rest of the city. Secondly aligning the dumpsite to relocate those living in the danger Payatas supports a generally young population offering the zone along its periphery, and designating it instead as a green possibility of a cheap labor force and trainable manpower buffer zone to lessen the dump’s impact upon residents.93 base. Implementing programs and/or infrastructure that is more youth-oriented could further enhance their potential All of the exploration and analysis regarding the benefit to society. Finally, there is an abundance ofraw squatter community in Payatas, Quezon City helps to set up materials that could be utilized for construction, as well as the site for the case study, applying Christopher Alexander’s numerous governmental, private sector, NGO, and People’s principles to discover if a new model of informal settlement Organization resources at Payatas disposal, willing to extend upgrade can be more culturally relevant, and therefore their support. The growing interest in participation that is start to reverse some of the problems and ramifications developing among these organizations, particularly those in associated with informal settlements in the Philippines, the private sector, is a major opportunity to capitalize upon. which ultimately is more effective than the current Gawad 92 Kalinga housing model.
Many of Payatas weaknesses have already been 93 Ibid discussed, such as the poverty level, out of control population growth, poor access to or lack of public services, piles of garbage, health concerns, and land ownership issues. Threats of rising levels of crime, danger surrounding
92 Ibid pp. 43-46 66 67 3CHAPTER Methodology: translation of a select theory to specificity of place
The question is raised, can a new idea for culturally sensitive housing be delineated? Achieving this social sustainability necessitates complete perception of how Filipinos (namely those residing in Payatas,) use space, interact with each other, or view beauty – in other words, how they live (or want to live) their daily lives? This section begins to explore how these aspects reflect in the design vocabulary, defined by Christopher Alexander’s A Pattern Language. The hope is that these patterns can be applied to design, in order to better inform the housing type used for squatter renewal housing today. Here is where the framework for possible solutions to urban poor housing design in Quezon City is formulated. An exploration into a select aspect of Christopher Alexander’s theories encompass planning, architecture, and culture, and can be translated to become relevant to the Payatas squatter community.
68 69 Beyond the accomplishments and failed attempts at slum improvement learned from past and currant models both in and out of the Philippines, there must be other informants in order to design a new community from Payatas squatters. Several of the main aspects deterring progression in Payatas have been assessed, but a framework for design is yet to be discovered. Perhaps providing some direction in a theoretic methodology is Christopher Alexander, who is renowned for his work in redefining the vocabulary for planning and design at all scales. He meticulously scrutinized everything in the inhabited realm, from entire cities down to the arrangement of furniture in a room. It is evident through the analysis of his neighborhood design in Mexico as a precedent (to be discussed later in the thesis,) that Alexander was sympathetic to the human condition when delineating design principles, as he thought about the people’s way of life, within the context of society as well as per individual. The Production of Houses experiment was a synthesis of what Alexander learned from his first two volumes, The Timeless Way of Building and A Pattern Language. Mexicali performed as a palette on which to test those theories. Alexander introduced an entirely new way of thinking about designing for the poor. The only question remaining is how can Alexander’s theories, particularly those in A Pattern Language, be translated successfully to the Philippines? Figure 3.1: Christopher Alexander (left) shown working on-site with one of his clients in the Production of Houses experiment in Mexicali
70 71 3.1 Christopher Alexander’s Pattern Language
Christopher Alexander provides an excellent base for developing a methodology that will critique current responses to low-income housing development, and help to formulate new ones. His main volume, A Pattern Language, details a series of ideas or solutions to myriad incidents at the urban, building, and personal scale. Alexander himself refers to the 250 patterns that he Figure 3.2: Pattern #14 - Identifiable Neighborhoods developed as entities dependent on one another. “Each pattern describes a problem which occurs over and over again in our environment, and then describes the core of the solution to that problem, in such a way that you can use this solution a million times over, without ever doing it the same way twice.”94 The key to using this methodology appropriately will be how to translate the patterns to define a design vocabulary specific to the challenges of the Payatas site, namely the social considerations of its people without making broad generalizations or imposing a certain lifestyle.
The idea behind A Pattern Language is exactly as its Figure 3.3: Pattern #30 - Activity Nodes title suggests. Christopher Alexander outlines a series of design goals that contain relationships with one another. By selecting a sample of these 253 patterns to work from, a designer can, in theory, develop a vocabulary through which to organize and systemize his/her project into a perfectly functional and beautiful design. In other words,
94 Alexander, Christopher. A Pattern Language (New York: Ox- ford UP, 1977), p x. Figure 3.4: Pattern #37 - House Cluster 72 73 the vocabulary is general, just as Alexander’s process for the production of houses. It leaves room for interpretation or preference, as well as alteration to fit local conditions. In Mexicali, he stayed true to his word in A Pattern Language, so that the project could be applied elsewhere in the world, and still achieve desirable effects.
In order to create a comprehensive and fully Figure 3.5: Pattern #53 - Main Gateways integrated design, Alexander delineated patterns within other patterns; specifying relational tactics that cannot be employed in isolation. One pattern may support or expand upon a number of other patterns. It is up to the designer to select a workable number of patterns that support each other in the most appropriate manner, to produce a quality design. The selection of a workable number is imperative.
The patterns selected for exploration into a housing design for Payatas, Philippines, are as follows:
[14] Identifiable Neighborhoods – giving people a Figure 3.6: Pattern #61 - Small Public Squares spatial unit to belong to, no more than 300 yards across and no more than 400 to 500 residents, with major roads running outside of each neighborhood.
[30] Activity Nodes– identifying existing areas in the community where action is concentrated, connecting those public facilities spread out individually, then modifying the layout of paths to direct pedestrians to those spots. At the center of each node should be a small public square surrounded by public facilities.
Figure 3.7: Pattern #67 - Common Land 74 75 [37] House Cluster – grouping 8-12 houses around common land and paths, allowing outside pedestrians to freely circulate through.
[53] Main Gateways – enforcing the identity of each neighborhood by introducing a gateway at the point where the paths entering the neighborhood cross Figure 3.8: Pattern #106 - Positive Outdoor Space the boundary.
[61] Small Public Squares – creating open spaces throughout the community no more than 70 feet wide to accommodate public gathering.
[67] Common Land – denoting no less than 25% of the land in house clusters, which is near to each house that shares it and is not within any proximity to vehicular transportation.
[106] Positive Outdoor Space – creating usable Figure 3.9: Pattern #111 - Half Hidden Garden space between buildings, with some degree of enclosure, so that is has a defined shape and does not become leftover space.
[111] Half Hidden Garden – allowing for public gardens that are neither adjacent to the street, nor too far from it, so that the garden is comfortably usable by residents.
[112] Entrance Transition – creating a more tranquil transition between the street and the house interior by making a space marked by a change in either light, sound, direction, surface, level, and/or view. Figure 3.10: Pattern #112 - Entrance Transition
76 77 [158] Open Stairs – maintaining a connection neighborhoods that can be improved. They don’t need between street life and upper stories by eliminating to be knocked down and built new, because in most cases internal circulation and providing a roofed stair this will only produce housing that is not affordable to opening directly to the ground and accessible from the people who are living there. If the UN wants to make a difference in these communities, it has to work with the the street. squatters. Squatters are interested, hard-working, and [207] Good Materials – using low energy consuming responsible adults. They can make decisions for their materials that are easy to cut and modify on site, communities. They can define the trade-offs that will be acceptable. And without them, any work to upgrade and lightweight if possible. their communities will be doomed to fail.95 It is important to note that these eleven patterns are to be used solely as a framework for design; a starting 95 Neuwirth, Robert. Shadow Cities: A Billion Squatters, A New Urban World (New York: Routledge, 2004), p. 249. point from which to analyze the design needs of the Payatas squatters. In employing A Pattern Language, one must be careful about cultural assumptions and romanticizing the vernacular. The intention of this thesis project is in no way to trap squatters in a mode of living because it is thought that the particular mode is rooted in tradition, or is all that the squatters are capable of. They may very well desire something different to their current conditions that still reflects the Filipino character. It is the responsibility of this Figure 3.11: Pattern #158 - Open Stairs thesis to discover the perfect balance between tradition and innovation.
The methodology calls for working with the squatters rather than for them or against them. Robert Neuwirth captures this idea best in his book Shadow Cities, declaring that
The true challenge is not to eradicate these communities but to stop treating them as slums – that is, as horrific, scary, and criminal – and start treating them as Figure 3.12: Pattern #207 - Good Materials 78 79 3.2 Personal Observations on Field Trip
The theoretical strategies guiding this research include personal observations in the Philippines. My experience in Manila Philippines comprised 8 months, divided into two stays. The first 6 months I spent working at an architecture firm in the central business district. This is when the initial observations and passions for this topic were formed. However, when I returned after 3 months for another 2-month stay of pure volunteer work, on-field research, and living in Quezon City, I really formulated the questions and ideas that would drive this thesis. My observations and experiences have guided me to better understanad Alexander’s theoretical propositions. Figure 3.13: my time visiting squatter settlements consisted of talking to the kids and adults of the community as much as I could Alexander talked about creating Identifiable Neighborhoods to give the people a spatial unit to belong to with a sense of identity. I found that squatter settlements in Manila have an extreme sense of identity that is innate and unaffected by designed forces. Many times it is based on location or physical features. For instance, Payatas is obviously notorious for its people living and working on a mountain of trash, while the Philcoa squatter community is known for their adjacency to the University of the Philippines’ public Market. Each neighborhood has a very distinct dynamic; the latter is more connected to the city than the former, and is smaller and denser, which all affect the way people live and the attitude they have. In addition, Figure 3.14: [identifiable neighborhoods] these images represent the pedestrian oriented nature of roads within Payatas; even the top 2 which are main perimeter routes allow people to walk freely 80 81 Alexander specified that any major roads should run outside the perimeter of each neighborhood and never divide it. I found this condition to be present already in almost all squatter settlements that I visited. The community is very pedestrian-focused, and streets are more like crowded paths for people to congregate and move through, much to narrow for vehicular access. However, Payatas’ road network is more extensive and developed than most, so care should be taken to direct the existing roads around neighborhoods and not through them.
Alexander’s Activity Nodes are another element of Figure 3.15: [activity nodes] an squatter neighborhoods that emerge not from design, but impromptu example, where residents gather in an open space to play cards out of the ways that people live. There are very few public amenities, but people gather around facilities such as the sari-sari (convenience) store, street vendors, or the jukebox, and those become activity nodes. While connecting the main public facilities together with a network of paths is desirable, it is also important that these smaller disconnected nodes be able to persist. House Clusters are not common in squatter settlements. Generally, they are in organic rows, which may be due to ease of construction and efficiency of space. I think clusters are a good idea, but I wonder if there is another way to achieve the public versus private relationship and shared amenities while still maintaining the density level necessary to house all of the Payatas residents. As far as the pattern Main Gateways is
concerned, there are already gateways throughout Manila Figure 3.16: [main gateways] this is the main gateway currently in place denoting each specific section of Barangay, but they act to identify the Barangay Payatas 82 83 more as a sign than an entrance point, and do not signify advertisements can house several families and reach three the individual identities that each neighborhood has. stories high! Squatters are so industrious in their building techniques – think of what they could accomplish with I found that the most common form of Small Public economic but high quality materials! Squares in Filipino squatter settlements were basketball courts. They were the center of activity, supporting street vendors and sari-sari (convenience) stores around its vicinity, and were small enough for intimacy. They were usually found randomly placed within a block of houses, but were multi-functional to take on other activities such as political gatherings, festival celebrations, or skill-training seminars. Common Land is inescapable in squatter communities. Almost all land is shared. Even the interiors of houses breach social definitions of public versus private space, as groups often gather to watch television, share a drink, or catch up on the latest gossip. Positive Outdoor Space on the other Figure 3.17: [small public squares] most often in the form of basketball courts, but can be multifunctional to accommodate other activities hand is not a common practice. Because neighborhoods are undesigned and incremental in nature, there are often awkward ‘leftover’ places that remain empty. Open Stairs however are found quite often. They are not premeditated for the intention that Alexander has, but rather are usually a later addition built that way out of necessity. However they do serve as a more economic way of connection the people to their community. Good Materials are costly and hard to transport for builders of informal settlements. Instead, they use whatever they can find, or is cheap, to construct their dwelling. Sometimes a combination of rotten wood, crumbling concrete blocks, corrugated metal, tires, and Figure 3.18: [good materials] a selection of typical building materials 84 85 4CHAPTER Learning from foreign examples of urban improvement projects
This section analyzes multiple projects, ranging in scale, from all over the world as well as across time, in order to learn from the successes and failures of past designers’ attempts at solving the urban poor housing predicament. These precedents cover architectural decisions that vary from theoretical models for design, to policy issues, to methods of implementation and material selection. Examples include the delineation of entire neighborhoods and the delineation of a single unit. This exploration will help to develop ideas for what will or will not work in housing design for Payatas.
86 87 As previously discussed throughout this document, This is a beautiful statement romanticizing the act of squatting is not a problem specific to the Philippines. It squatting, but it makes evident the idea that perhaps occurs all over the world, at various levels and scales. Some society has something to learn from squatters. Countries countries are more notorious than others for their efforts in that take the position of working to lift up the urban poor dealing with the urban poor, such as India or Brazil, but it is rather than to remove them have proven more successful, clear that all of these countries can offer instances of success as illustrated in the Filipino examples in the first half of this and/or failure that can be learned from. This is even true of chapter. There are also myriad examples around the globe our own country. Many people are unaware of the United of successful urban poor upgrade programs; far too many States’ history with squatters, but as Robert Neuwirth in fact to even include an appropriate sample in this thesis. explains in Shadow Cities, “Every American is a squatter However, a few standout projects that most well align with at heart. Today, the sentiment sounds ludicrous. We no the vision and challenges of the Filipino squatter situation longer remember that we have a squatter inheritance. In in Payatas, Quezon City are Hassan Fathy’s Architecture for just five decades we have lost all connection to our squatter the Poor experiment in Egypt, the Favela Barrio projects roots. The nation is weaker as a result.”96 He expands on the in Brazil, Hector Torres Casado’s housing for indigenous idea of American squatters further, particularly those who Venezuela, Christopher Alexander’s Production of Houses founded New York City, yet the following posture could be in Mexico, BV Doshi’s Aranya Community Housing in India, used to describe the practice of informal settlers anywhere and Elemental Architects’ Quinta Monroy Housing project in in the world: Chile. Even these endeavors, which are each considerable The squatters were people whose communities defied achievements in their own rights, have limitations and the rigor of square blocks, whose dwellings rolled with failures to learn from and improve upon. the landscape rather than flattened it. They were people who dared to dream of a home and then dared to build it in a place they didn’t own. ‘The shanty is the most wonderful instance of perfect adaptation of means to an end in the whole range of modern architecture… Nothing is prepared for it, neither ground for material. Its builders have but an empirical knowledge of the craft they practice. They scorn a model, and they work with whatever comes to hand.’97 96 Neuwirth, Robert. Shadow Cities: A Billion Squatters, A New Urban World (New York: Routledge, 2004), p 204. 97 Ibid p. 234 88 89 4.1 Theoretical Projects at the Neighborhood scale 11 10 Hassan Fathy – Architecture for the Poor 9 12 13 In 1945, Egyptian architect Hassan Fathy bravely attempted to answer the world’s call for adequate housing 1 8 through an experiment with a poor community in rural New 6 2 Gourna, Upper Egypt. He hoped this original approach to 7 14 4 3 designing for a village of approximately 200 families would 5 spur a ‘do-it-yourself’ building movement that would 1. Mosque Figure 4.1: the layout of the village was revise the entire Egyptian countryside and culture. The 2. Village Hall derived by traditional Egyptian practice project failed and the village was never finished, but the 3. Theater and daily rituals; amenities were accessible 4. Sporting Club and spread out through the neighborhood, ideals learned from the exploration, and consequential 5. Village Crafts and the configuration of the houses around methodology for design that was established, are invaluable 6. Khan Family Block the amenities called to the idea of positive 7. Marketplace outdoor space that Alexander introduces in A to any architect, planner, or politician working with the 8. Crafts School Pattern Language world’s urban poor population, even today. 9. Police Station 10. Social Centre 11. Girls’ School Fathy had a vision for promoting native building 12. Boys’ School methods, materials, and aesthetics for the village, in other 13. Bath House 14. Church words, for a vernacular architecture. He eloquently argued that from the beginning of time, each culture has produced forms that are distinct to their location and society, up until the last century, when cultural frontiers diminished.98 Fathy viewed his role as an architect as a “unique position to revive the peasant’s faith in his own culture.”99 Therefore, in an attempt to revitalize the culture of the New Gourna society, as it relates to Egyptian ethnicity as a whole, Fathy theorized Figure 4.2: upgrade projects were implemented individually throughout 98 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in the existing fabric of the neighborhood to inspire gradual progress Rural Egypt (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1973), p 19. 99 Ibid p 43. 90 91 about tradition, and the disconnect that modernity can create in the built environment. He noted that part of the architect’s duty is to keep successful traditions alive in a culture, by providing new insight for the tradition to develop.100
Fathy endorsed the idea of the client, or in this case homeowner, as master architect arguing that the architect, “with his expertise has taken all the pleasure of house building away from his client,” resulting in incomprehensible architectural jargon, rather than “the Figure 4.3: Fathy integrated communal public squares into his master unhurried, appreciative discussions with the craftsmen as plan to encourage social gathering and events the house is being built.”101 He further contends that this mode of operation under the homeowner’s desires will maintain individuality in a village. He refutes the notion that the only way to build efficiently and affordably for millions at a time is to standardize the houses, by introducing the idea of leaving the poor to design their own houses. Each family would build a house based on their own needs and desires, thereby making the house more meaningful and providing more incentive for the people to take care of it.102 Of course, there are numerous inherent foreseen problems to letting the poor design for themselves, but that is why the architect is present for consultation with each family. Fathy depicts a trinity between owner, architect, and craftsman, where the design is flexible and ever changing throughout
100 Ibid p 24-25. Figure 4.4: designing specifically to the people’s daily rituals and cultural 101 Ibid p 29. traditions and practices, Fathy provided amenities such as these laundry 102 Ibid p 32. facilities to add convenience to the Gournis’ daily lives 92 93 construction, as the three discover the best possible fit for relevant design for the Filipino squatters living in the the family that will ultimately be living there.103 Payatas settlement. Fathy stated that, “A village society takes long to measure and needs more subtle instruments There was a great deal of preparation work that Fathy than a tape measure.”104 This could not be truer for the had to endure before beginning his design for a new village Payatas site in Quezon City. Similar to his study of the in New Gourna. Even though he was Egyptian himself, Fathy Gourni people, Payatas will need to be examined for a socio- revisited the architecture and aesthetics of the Ancient cultural profile of the people that includes daily modes of Egyptians, and analyzed the translation of that style across living, architecture and building methods historic to this history, to how the people he was designing for related to region in the Philippines, native resources available, climate it as tradition. Out of necessity, Fathy also carefully studied considerations, economic status and current livelihood of the climate of Upper Egypt, through which he developed his the community, among others. own set of design guidelines regarding material use, form, and orientation. For architecture to function in society, Above all, the idea to keep in mind from Fathy’s Fathy recognized that the design must serve the humble investigation is that in designing a village, the architect everyday needs of its people, thus an extensive study of the must take the greatest care to create “a unity, character, Gournis was essential. He conjectured that the Gournis’ and beauty that will even approach the natural beauty that houses should reflect the inhabitants’ routine of work the peasants create unconsciously in their villages that have and recreation, as well as their oddities and complexities. grown slowly and naturally.”105 It is of little use to give the Aside from the Gournis’ customs, Fathy had to ascertain settlers of Payatas something of less value than what they the community’s economic status and gauge their ability to have already been able to provide for themselves. Fathy’s earn a living in the new village, which would not only affect findings inArchitecture for the Poor will be extremely helpful the design of their houses, but also the provision for public in deciphering a community’s societal and cultural needs for infrastructure. a home.
The process that Hassan Fathy went through in 104 Ibid p 51. his search for an appropriate method of designing for the 105 Ibid p 72. poor in rural Egypt is very much indicative of the procedure required of this thesis, in order for a social and culturally
103 Ibid p 39. 94 95 Hassan Fathy readily admits several limitations, involves primarily the human condition, and social systems challenges, and failures associated with his work in New that needed to be researched more thoroughly.111 A lesson Gourna. Beyond the numerous policy struggles and can be learned from Fathy’s realization; that the best angle government resistance, Fathy faced countless false criticisms for an architect to approach urban poor housing is through a that the Gournis did not like his mud-roofed houses with complete understanding of the social and cultural dynamic vaults and domes, that mud-brick is not progressive or of current and desired living conditions. sound in its engineering, and that his prescribed method of building was too expensive.106 Even more disheartening, 111 Ibid p. 193 Fathy experienced a considerable amount of opposition and hostility from the people he was designing for, (a small group even formed a committee to oppose the transfer from their old village to Fathy’s New Gourna,)107 and thus he became uncertain and unconfident in his design decisions, fearing that he might offend his clients; all of this contesting Fathy’s faith in his own vision.108 He struggled with his voice as the architect, belonging neither to the government nor the people.109
In essence, many complained that the project took to long to erect, and the village ultimately was deserted a few years later, never really accepted by the people, or developed further.110 Through the failures and disappointments in New Gourna, Fathy learned that the problem of rural housing was concerned with more than simply technical and economic provisions. Instead, he concluded that it
106 Ibid p. 187 107 Ibid 108 Ibid p. 186 Figure 4.5: a key element to Fathy’s community design was to develop 109 Ibid p. 187 a vocabulary that involved the residents throughout the design process 110 Ibid p. 192 and construction 96 97 Jorge Mario Jauregui Architects - Favela Barrio Projects
The goal of the Favela Barrio projects, initiated in 1994 by Jorge Mario Jauregui Architects, are to upgrade the existing slum areas in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, integrating them more with the larger city. Designed and inserted independently into different parts of various neighborhoods, the projects represent monumental change to the favela residents. Each new colorful modernist structure is a “signal of the arrival of basic services and the favelas’ assimilation into the formal city.”112 These projects are ongoing today, but development thus far has included streets, pathways, power lines, stair rails, a gateway, sports center, daycare Figure 4.6: upgrade projects were implemented individually throughout the existing fabric of the neighborhood to inspire gradual progress centers, and communal laundries.
A significant aspect of these projects are the architects’ and more importantly local government’s recognition of the informal settlements as a very real and dominant force of urban housing in Rio. The choice to pursue upgrade through land regularization, extension of infrastructure without disruption to existing urban fabric, and social integration through the provision of educational and health facilities along with social programs, is tobe commended.
112 Humaniy, Architecture for. Design Like You Give a Damn: Architectural Responses to Humanitarian Crises (New York: Metropolis Books, 2006), p 220. Figure 4.7: each of the amenities serve the community with basic services, facilities, and infrastructure 98 99 Hector Torres Casado – housing for indigenous Venezuela
A great example of a housing scheme that changes to fit its culture is Hector Torres Casado’s design work for housing in Venezuela for ten of the country’s indigenous communities. A change in the constitution allowed all of Venezuela’s mestizo (ethnically mixed) population the right to live differently. This political alteration was made in 1999; until then, cultural assimilation was pushed, so that all Venezuelans lived the same, regardless of the separate cultural modes of life that coexisted. Especially affected by this were the indigenous peoples, who could now use their dwellings to actually represent their local conditions and native culture.113 Figure 4.8: (above left) Casado’s urban community plan arranges houses This newly tolerated distinction in culture called around communal public spaces (above right) model units show the variation in design that Casado was proposing for particular tribes for new tailor-made housing schemes to fit the traditional building methods and aesthetics of the indigenous tribes, as well as new innovations that could be sensitively introduced. The main initial questions requiring exploration, in order to frame the context of the project were: Where do we eat? Where do we sleep? Why do we get together? Where and how do they prepare their food? What do they produce and what do they conceive as family and intimacy?114 These questions are so vital to understanding a specific people and making a design for them relevant to their daily lives.
113 Robles-Duran, Miguel. “A Challenge of Difference.” Volume 19 (Spring 2009): 67-72. 114 Ibid Figure 4.9: Casado introduced new materials from what the indigenous were accustomed to in order to uplift the culture 100 101 This is the same type of study that is necessary of the conclusions made about the climate as well as extended Payatas squatters in order to design appropriately for them; family structure, the team allocated open space as a concept referencing history and tradition, while inserting technology of superimposed public and private realms, in which they and innovation. carried throughout the design. To reiterate, the team’s design was informed by traditional spatial definitions, rather One extremely significant decision made by Casado than re-creation of materials or rooms. Most significantly and his team was to completely disregard the indigenous however, Casado’s team continuously took the position of construction techniques, usually analyzed in a project like designing in a manner that would ultimately reinforce the this. “This decision permitted us to transcend the image Waraos’ right to produce and take control of their own of the material project in favor of an understanding of space.117 the cultural signifiers that produce indigenous cultural landscapes.”115 It forced the team to reframe the challenge What can be gleaned from this precedent lies in of indigenous settlements, simultaneously allowing for the nature and application of the design team’s research. modernization in the tribes that has already occurred and Eschewing a vernacular architecture must be a very will continue to progress. Therefore, the form, size, and intentional decision, and there must be a significant benefit expression of the structures provided by Casado and his for doing such, especially in an indigenous context. In team conform to the processes of the natives’ daily lives, this case, rather than looking at traditional spaces and permitting a certain deviation from the assimilating politics materials, the design team made their own interpretations at work in Venezuela.116 of traditional uses of those spaces and materials; a decision which would be wisely applied to the Payatas squatter The project conceived for the Warao community settlement in the Philippines. living in the Orinoco delta is a model synthesis of the process of design that Casado was formulating to work under. It 117 Ibid p. 72 is a combination of three separate but related housing components; cooking, sleeping, and women’s resting. To begin with, as the Warao tribe is a population known for building on top of the water, the design team continued the theme of structures on stilts. Additionally, due to 115 Ibid p. 68 Figure 4.10: project completion; built form of the Warao community 116 Ibid p. 68 housing provided by Casado’s team 102 103 Christopher Alexander – Production of Houses
The Production of Houses was an experiment conducted by Austrian architect Christopher Alexander in Northern Mexico around 1980. Alexander shares Hassan Fathy’s vision for the poor designing for themselves and through his own efforts, combats the concern that there should be political control of people over their neighborhoods. He advocates a housing process where human values, feeling, and dignity come first, forming social bonds and becoming ‘anchored to the earth’.118 He also seeks to prove the ideals of mass housing wrong, illustrating Figure 4.11: amenities provided were very specific to the culture and that there is a more appropriate method of housing the lifestyle of the Mexicali people, such as a taco stand world’s millions that is just as cost-efficient and capable of producing large numbers. Yet he defines a method that is more rooted in the psychological and social nature of the environment, as well as the personal character of each person who will inhabit the house, rather than common techniques that just need to be cheap and fast.
Alexander expands on this idea, explaining that current systems of housing production at the time of his writing lacked two fundamental necessities of any human society. Number one is the recognition of each family’s individuality, and need to express this in their home. The second is the fact that every person is part of a larger society, and each person needs a place in that society, along Figure 4.12: each house varied per family; their size, needs and desires, 118 Alexander, Christopher. The Production of Houses (New York: so that the neighborhood expressed its inhabitants’ unique individuality; Oxford UP, 1985), p 16. residents were involved throughout the entire design process 104 105 with bonds of association with others. He relates this to the arbitrary form of the house, which is stamped hundreds of times to create a neighborhood; one in which reflects nothing of the community that it houses. Alexander asserts that most of the processes which shape housing form are controlled at the government, industry, or business level, “remote from the minute particulars of the house and family itself – so that inevitably, they create alien and abstract forms, bearing only the most general relationship to the real needs, real demands, real daily minute-to-minute detail which the members of the household experience.”119 To combat this reoccurring theme, Alexander suggests the idea of a ‘master builder,’ who would oversee and help Figure 4.13: (above) cost-efficient and easily buildable construction guide the flexible process of standard operations that come methods were central to Alexander’s design; to aid this endeavor, materials were made on site (below) and utilized the region’s natural together to create a sub-standard haven for living. Instead resources of decisions that get made by people who are remote to the consequences of their decisions, the master builder ensures that the small sample of houses he is given responsibility for respond directly to the people who will be living in them.
Physically, the houses that Alexander and his team helped the Mexicali community to design for themselves were 60-70 square meters, owned jointly by several families, and arranged around a common space for those families to share. Soil cement blocks produced on-site were the main construction material, and each house cost about $3500 dollars to build. The budget for each house is fixed, and causes the family to work within those parameters. The 119 Ibid p. 36 106 107 process of building for great numbers of poor that resulted The Production of Houses “describes a new from Christopher Alexander’s Mexicali experiment proved ‘something’ which is essentially a new social system, it to be a great success, not only as a great neighborhood for describes a new way of conceiving houses, a new way of people in Northern Mexico, but also as a process which could conceiving the relationship between people and their transgress various cultures, various economic conditions, houses, a new way of conceiving the relationship between and various social standards for living. After completion, the builder and the built.”121 The positive outcomes of Alexander strongly believed that this process that he and his implementing this innovative process far outweigh the team created was almost completely general, and “capable difficulties that accompany it; it is a paradigm shift ofa of being the backbone of every housing process in the world-view that is essential for societal evolution. world: and that indeed it should be so.”120 121 Ibid p. 361 One of the difficulties encountered by Alexander in introducing a completely new mode of building was that it was not familiar to the people and thus felt foreign or threatening to them. Additionally, when starting out, the team envisioned completing 30 houses in one year, but was only able to finish five, which caused the government to withdraw its support. The remaining 25 houses were never built, and the builder’s yard, which was meant to keep the project’s momentum and produce more houses in the surrounding area after the team left, did not perform as such and was abandoned three years after the project. Finally, Alexander’s team found a series of flaws in the process of design such as over-complexity in the houses or awkward outdoor space. However, they remain optimistic, claiming that the implementation of the process to an area Figure 4.14: although conceptually admirable, Alexander’s experiment is the hardest part. only produced 5 houses in a year
120 Ibid p. 330 108 109 4.2 Isolating the Housing Unit
Aranya Community Housing; BV Doshi BV Doshi’s work in 1989 in Indore India symbolizes the essence of urban poor housing design that I hope to capture in the Philippines. The Aranya Community Housing project is described as “a beacon of enlightened and socially responsible architecture” for its alternative to the typical grid and sensitivity to the socio-economic circumstances and climate particular to the project site. BV Doshi was able to achieve objectives of flexibility, affordability, community interaction, and standardized utilities through an incremental building module that responds directly to the rich culture of the residents.122 Figure 4.15: (above) Doshi’s masterplan Doshi implemented ‘demonstration houses,’ or clustered residential around a community fundamental dwelling units, as the first phase of his design service spine (left) that residents could decorate and alter over time according view showing quality of housing and activity 123 to their individual tastes. These contained an array of supported by it options regarding size, form, and interior organization of units. Residents could also choose between brick, stone, and cement for the construction of their unit, as all three were locally available.124 This choice of native materials is something that I would like to execute in Payatas as well.
122 Davidson, Cynthia C. and Ismail Serageldin, eds. “Aranya Community Housing” Architecture Beyond Architecture (London: Academy Editions, 1995), p. 65. 123 Ibid p. 67 124 Ibid p. 69 110 111 Community interaction was attained through neighborhood configuration tactics that Doshi provides. For example, the interface between the street and houses was an intentional transition of semi-public gathering and functional outdoor space;125 terraces and balconies acting as these intermediary places between the two.126 In addition, the design includes intentional positive outdoor space (a reference back to Christopher Alexander’s patterns) between houses for neighbors to interact and share.127 Doshi’s masterplan for 40,000 at Aranya also sought to centralize community interaction by clustering residential neighborhoods around a public service spine.128 He looked beyond the primary need for housing to also supply inhabitants with community, recreational, and commercial support spaces essential to their daily lives. It is this quality of the architect’s regard for the traditional lifestyle of the people that makes this project successful.129
125 Ibid 126 Ibid p. 71 127 Ibid p. 70 128 Doshi, Balkrishna. “Aranya Township” MIMAR 28: Architec- ture in Development (Singapore: Concept Media Ltd. 1988), p. 24. 129 Ibid p. 25
Figure 4.16: (left) street aerial perspective showing interface between street and houses (above) kit-of-part options for variation in houses 112 113 Quinta Monroy Housing Project; Elemental Architects
Completed in 2004, this project in Inquique Chile exemplifies many facets of informal settlement housing upgrade that I am considering for Payatas Philippines. The designers, native to Chile, were working within a $7,500 per family government subsidized budget.130 One of the major similarities with my project is the concept of building and developing the same location, rather than relocating the community elsewhere. Because the land was illegally settled upon, a large portion of the budget had tobe used for purchasing the land. Consequently, cost-efficient Figure 4.17: (above) basic module that Elemental Architects provided residents with (below) illustration of how the module could be expanded materials and construction methods had to be explored in upon and individualized by residents response to the smaller budget.131 This type of exploration is essential for any informal settlement upgrade in the Philippines as well, due to the little funding provided and overall economic status of the country.
A second aspect of the Quinta Monroy project that informs this thesis is the creation of a flexible module that can be expanded upon depending on future needs as well as enabling each unit to be individualized based on resident preference. Known as incremental, or progressive housing, the units are intended to increase in value over time through this idea of flexible expansion.132 The basic structural 130 Sinclair, Cameron and Diana Murphy, Ed. Design Like You Give a Damn: Architectural Responses to Humanitarian Crises (New York: Metropolis Books, 2006), p. 164. 131 Ibid p. 166 132 Saieh, Nico. “Quinta Monroy/Elemental,” Archdaily. 31 Dec. 2008, http://www.archdaily.com/10775/quinta-monroy-elemental/ 114 115 framework is the same for every unit, but residents can to provide homes for 66 families, and the project description select various materials and/or colors to make it their own. leaves it unclear what happened to the remaining 34. This In other words, the architects provide the building blocks, suggests that the vocabulary or module developed in this but their clients are the ones to decide how to stack the exploration still leaves room for improvement. However, I blocks together, in a sense, to form their community. In intend to learn from those elements that were successful addition, Elemental Architects involved the residents in in the social and cultural realm of this project, and employ the design of the units through a series of workshops and similar provisions to the informal community in Payatas. discussions with families.133 These are ideas that I intend to apply to the design scheme for housing in Payatas.
One of the necessities of the Quinta Monroy project was to achieve enough density, without overcrowding, to be able to pay for the site.134 The same is true for Payatas, except for a different reason: density must be obtained in order to compensate for the number of houses demolished for design purposes or removed from danger zones. The method used by Elemental Architects in order to achieve such density was to provide a small footprint unit, 30 square meters in size, as the basic foundation, later to be built up vertically by residents to increase to up to 72 square meters of space.135 While this endeavor produced many successful outcomes and advanced the venture to define architecture’s role in informal settlement upgrade, it still fell short in its main goal: to house 100 families. The designers were able
(accessed 15 April 2010). 133 See Sinclair (2006) op. cit. p. 167 Figure 4.18: interior, showing materiality and construction; important 134 See Saieh (2008) op. cit. to note that only basic necessary amenities were provided, and that the 135 Ibid construction is cheap and can be easily assembled 116 117 5CHAPTER A Select Study of the Evolution of the Filipino house across time
History, tradition, and culture play a huge role in the Filipino way of life, attitude, and dwelling preferences. The act of building originated out of pure functionalism and methods of construction were passed down generationally. House design was intuitive, minimalistic, and employed only local materials. This type of building defined provincial Philippines for many decades, and as provincial migrants became urban squatters, they brought their building techniques and style of living with them. Therefore, it is vital to look at the evolution of the Filipino house, the construction methods and materials utilized, and the aspects of the dwelling unit that served cultural, social, and/or functional purposes. Finally, one must assess the possibilities of modern translation of successful traditional practice.
118 119 The Filipino house has an expansive history that that are fundamentally esteemed by informal settlers in the could not be appropriately analyzed in the relatively brief Philippines, even more particularly, those living around the outline provided here. Influenced by Spanish, Chinese, and Payatas garbage dump in Quezon City. American styles and ideals, along with responses specific Early ethnic traditions in Filipino dwellings were to the Philippine climate and landscape, there are endless more of human interventions with the environment, which possibilities for expression. Yet a basic understanding of surfaced in the beginning of the 19th century, and consisted this progression is essential to framing the context of the mainly of caves, lean-tos, and congregational spaces. One Filipino house of today. This is especially true of self-built challenge of tracing the evolution of the Filipino dwelling is housing; a translation of learned necessities and techniques that this idea differs greatly from region to region, just as from the traditional, improved upon throughout time. language differs. There are hundreds of cultural minority The importance of dwelling, and the house is communities to choose from in the Philippines, but an central to every people and culture across the globe, but effort will be made in this thesis to focus primarily on the the idea of home varies significantly from culture to culture. folk architecture of the Luzon region, as it will provide the Theorist Amos Rapoport realizes that “The different forms most relevance to Metro Manila. Yet all forms of dwelling taken by dwellings are a complex phenomenon for which from region to region in the Philippines are affected by no single explanation will suffice. All possible explanations, one another, so a certain amount of overlap is inevitable. however, are variations on a single theme: people with very The Filipino house is not the product of any design, but different attitudes and ideals respond to varied physical of “instinct, intuition, common sense, and communal environments. These responses vary from place to place memory…defined by climate, site, use and purpose, available because of changes and differences in the interplay of materials, building technology, historical experience, and a social, cultural, ritual, economic, and physical factors.”136 It world view.”137 A task that at first seems simple becomes is therefore necessary to identify those aspects of dwelling, extremely complex. which are most valued by the Filipino culture, and essential to social survival. It is then imperative to take this exploration 137 Perez, Rodrigo D. Folk Architecture (Quezon City: GCF Books, a step further, isolating those needs or desires for home 1989), p 8.
136 Rapoport, Amos. House form and culture (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1969), p 46.
120 121 Just as suggested by Hector Torres Casado in his research for the new indigenous Venezuelan housing, “Rather than be used as a mere source of forms and features, folk houses [of the Philippines] need to be studied in terms of what they aim to achieve for their inhabitants.”138 One strand of ethnic houses exemplifying utility for its inhabitants are the Cordillera dwellings scattered across the mountainous Luzon region, dating as far back to 1000 BC, and varying in size, shape, and construction. The octagonalKalinga house is perhaps the best synthesis of Cordillera ideals. It is a one- room post-and-lintel construction that meets the ground, with a low thatched hip roof. The Kalinga’s form is limited by the timber load that men could carry. The dwelling was Figure 5.1: octagonal Kalinga house; upper Luzon often raised on stilts at least 1.5 meters above the ground, and matted reeds were used to shield the lower part of the house. A technical advancement made in the Kalinga house was the idea of a roll-up floor for human activities juxtaposed with a rougher wood-slatted floor for utility purposes. A spacious interior was more important for the Kalinga house, as the exterior was not strongly expressed, but more based on function or need. The typical Kalinga house measured 6 meters long, by 5 wide, by 5.75 tall. A Kalinga neighborhood could be defined by a dozen houses scattered singly, in clusters, or in rows in some regions, or could take on town-like arrangements in other areas.139
138 Ibid p 10. 139 Ibid pp 46-55.
122 123 The Ifuago house expanded visually on the one- room space by adding levels such as a waist-high shelf. The Sagada house of this region adds to the concept of levels even further, by providing platforms large enough for sleeping, as well as an area for storage. The Bontoc house demonstrates both a practical and ritual organization of space through levels, clearly defined sections, and the concept of space within a space. Materials common to all of these homes were native bamboo, limestone, and banana leaf thatch.140
The higher part of the Cordillera region is the Isneg, Figure 5.2: Bontoc house; upper Luzon - showing innovative and which is characterized by house design that was highly efficient division of interior space, allowing for storage areas and influenced by boat design. “The roof of the Isneg house various levels of platforms suggests an inverted hull, and the floor joists, which are visible outside, suggest the profile of a boat.”141 This house is raised on stilts, and built mostly from bamboo. A post- and-lintel construction similar to other Cordillera homes supports a gable roof, under which the entrance to the house is protected. Yet the Isneg structure is twofold; parallel inner and outer frames mortised together, sharing the structural load with an upper horizontal frame. Another innovation that occurred within the Isneg house was slanting the walls outward to allow for more interior space. Finally, the Isneg houses seemed not to follow any orientation standards, but were clustered in an elliptical fashion, and enclosed by a fence.142 140 Ibid pp 14-21. Figure 5.3: Isneg house; upper Luzon 141 Ibid p 31. 142 Ibid pp 30-41. 124 125 This sample of the first emerging Filipino houses illustrate a form delineated purely based on utility. However, there is a visible shift that occurs when values other than utility enter the equation. An analysis of Filipino folk architecture produces the notion that “Form follows function, and vice versa. Life and shelter form each other.”143 However, Rodrigo Perez point out that “It is absurd to say that to produce true Filipino architecture we have to return to such roots as the folk houses and literally imitate their forms.”144 It is again a balance between identifying instinctive cultural practices that influence daily living with a built form that moves toward cultural uplifting. Nonetheless, the following themes will provide much insight into the evolution of the Filipino house; necessities for survival, ideals that are important to Filipinos for daily living, as well as aesthetic indicators. A modern translation of some of these basic ideals from traditional Filipino houses could provide the necessary balance between the vernacular and cultural advancement.
143 Ibid p 4. 144 Ibid p 9.
Figure 5.4: the common thread in all Filipino traditional dwellings is adherence to the rule of form following function
126 127 5.1 Stilts
The use of stilts in traditional Filipino housing arose out of a very practical need; they protect the house from insects, wild animals, floods, and moisture from the ground. They allow for ventilation through the floor, and can also serve as storage space. Stilts could even raise a house high enough to be inhabited underneath; the height varied depending on the use intended. Stilts perform a twofold task of anchoring a house to its site as well as detaching it from the ground.145 The idea of stilts was translated in the Spanish era, especially in the Bahay na Bato to lifting the more ‘lived-in’ rooms to the top, and leaving storage, stables, offices, etc. to the ground level of the house.146 Figure 5.5: Badajao house - Mindanao; a beautiful example of housing directly adapted by its environment, raised on stilts to protect its residents from high waters 145 Ibid p 5. 146 Ibid p 118.
128 129 5.2 Roof Structure:
The roof is the most dramatic exterior element of a house. The form of a roof varies so tremendously in native Filipino architecture, ranging from steep pyramidal slopes that reach all the way to the ground, to flat thatched over- hangs.147 While most of the Cordillera houses conceal the roof from the living space by a loft or granary, the Kalinga house was contrary in its vaulted roof design, which created a sense of expansive interior space.148 Most often in the Luzon region, roofs were extremely steep and made from thick grass or palm leaf, thatched to shed rain quickly.149 It is also notable that the roof structure was almost always kept independent of the walls to allow for maximum sway, pro- tecting the house from the strong winds and rains common in typhoon season, as well as the occasional earthquake.150 Figure 5.6: Kalinga house - central Luzon; illustrates the vaulted roof structure, amplifying the interior space vertically 147 Ibid p 5. 148 Ibid p 50. 149 Villalon, Augusto. “The Evolution of the Philippine Traditional House.” In Asia’s Old Dwellings, edited by Ronald Knapp (Oxford: Ox- ford University Press, 2003), p. 204. 150 Ibid p. 209.
130 131 5.3 Space Adjacencies:
A common spatial feature of traditional Filipino houses is the idea of space surrounded by space, which serves to expand the capabilities of the typical one-room dwelling.151 For example, the interior spatial concept of the Kalinga house was remarkably innovative for the division of its floor into three parallel sections; the middle being lower than the two sides, creating a play on levels.152 The significance of traditional Filipino space adjacencies lies in their utility and inherent multi-functionality. “As space fulfills needs, so does it express values. The chief value expressed by the native house is the importance of the person, for the person and his relationships are the focus of its design.”153 For this reason, the traditional Filipino house Figure 5.7: idea developed in the Kalinga house of dividing interior space in a one-room dwelling by creating different floor levels rather features modestly proportioned multi-functional space, than using walls in tune with its residents’ lifestyle. The main space was intuitively designed to change function, transitioning from sleeping space, to living space, to cooking/eating space depending on the time of day. Additionally, even the space under the house if it was raised on stilts was converted to functional living and/or storage space.154
151 See Perez (1989) op. cit. p 5. 152 Ibid p 50. 153 Ibid p 10. 154 See Villalon (2003) op. cit. p. 205.
132 133 5.4 Façade Openings:
Another characteristic of ethnic Filipino dwellings was the absence of windows. This was altered by Spanish influence, but prior to Hispanic occupation, openings in walls were made out of need, and could usually be opened, closed, and moved around with ease.155 To make windows in the Isneg house, three or four vertical planks are removed from the side walls. The house is actually constructed for the utmost flexibility by allowing all of these planks to be removable.156 In the Kalinga house, two of the four walls are set at only 2.5 meters high, allowing horizontal bamboo slats to cover the gables that extended to the roof ridge, beneficial for ventilation and daylight.157 Additionally, walls which were generally constructed of woven bamboo kept rain and sun out while allowing cool air in for optimum ventilation.158
155 See Perez (1989) op. cit. p. 7 156 Ibid p 33 157 Ibid p 52 158 See Villalon (2003) op. cit. p. 204
Figure 5.8: Isneg house - upper Luzon; beautifully demonstrates the flexibility of facade openings to accommodate the hot climate with better interior ventilation
134 135 5.5 Ornament, Color, and Texture:
Aesthetics in traditional Filipino architecture began to surface out of patterns and textures suggested by the building materials of the houses. More intricacies came as the native peoples became more affluent in working with the materials, such as weaving reads together for mats, or aligning bamboo shingles eloquently on a hipped roof. Later, colored paint entered the scene, representing the vibrant personalities of the Filipino people.
Figure 5.9: Isneg house - upper Luzon; bamboo details on roofs
136 137 The combination of these five elements in harmony with the natural environment embodies the traditional Filipino house prior to Spanish colonization. When the conquistadors arrived in 1521, they were confronted with small, simple villages of loosely clustered dwellings organically configured based upon the existing site contours and irregular riverbanks.159 The Spanish challenged the typical wooden house construction of the Philippines, preferring an architecture of permanence, and thus introduced European stone and brick building technologies. They took the traditionalBahay Kubo form, enlarged it, and placed stone walls atop the typical timber post-and-lintel structure, with a slanted terracotta tile roof, transforming Figure 5.10: the Spanish the house into a more durable dwelling that could withstand took the traditional Bahay the elements better than the folk architecture of the past. Kubo form and some of its concepts, and translated it This first Spanish-inspired house form was referred to as the into a dwelling with more Bahay na Bato.160 permanence and Western standards, which became Even after freedom from Spanish colonization, the known as the Bahay na Bato Philippines looked to Europe for inspiration in housing. Particularly, ornamentation, such as geometric and floral wood carvings were popular translations of Western motifs that could be added into the home. Another visible European influence on Filipino dwelling can be seen at the neighborhood level, where planned, gridded house configurations began to take the place of the organic random clusters.161 However, the Bahay na Bato was mainly reserved 159 Ibid p. 203 160 Ibid p. 210 161 Ibid p. 214 138 139 for the wealthy, while ‘ordinary’ Filipinos continued to build Houses in squatter communities have drawn from all and live in the traditional one-room thatched Bahay Kubo of the afore-mentioned influences, but out of necessities, dwellings.162 have developed into a unique typology of their own. Houses in squatter neighborhoods throughout Metro Manila vary When the Americans took over in 1898, there was a in size depending upon the lot found to build on. They movement in new building technologies, using concrete and are generally ‘makeshift’ and are referred to in Tagalog as steel construction. The main changes that this new style “barongbarong.”165 Owners generally attempt to occupy brought were larger spans, which allowed for larger window every available land space, which explains the variation in openings. On the interior of the house, more separation size and shape of the dwellings; however, out of ease of occurred in the delineation of rooms per function. However, construction, the most common form is square and ‘box- this was limited to the wealthy, akin to much of the Spanish like.’166 Akin to the folk architecture present in the traditional innovation. After World War II, large sections of Philippine Bahay Kubo, squatter homes take advantage of dual cities had to be quickly rebuilt. Homes were hurriedly functionality, and one-room nature. By day, the living space constructed in an American fashion of concrete with is open to gathering with friends, family, and neighbors; by galvanized iron roofs that consisted of low ceilings and small night, mattresses are laid out, and it is communal sleeping windows, and were completely unsuited to the tropical space for the family. Clothes are not kept in dressers, but climate conditions of the Philippines. Unfortunately this are most often stacked in wooden trunks, cardboard boxes, post-war tradition has continued to evolve, and the Filipino or plastic traveling bags/containers around the perimeter of house has become even further separated from the climatic the room. In some homes the kitchen is an outdoor space, and environmental requirements of the Philippines.163 To where cooking, eating, washing, and even bathing can all Filipinos, the ‘new concrete boxes’ symbolized progress, occur.167 In terms of a public versus private relationship, the and the Bahay Kubo was lost to “low concrete boxes built ground floor of a slum dwelling comprised of the kitchen directly on the ground without protection from the seasonal and main living area is usually open at all times throughout rain and floods.”164 the day to neighbors and friends, but sections of the house
162 Ibid p. 215 165 Jocano, Landa F. Slum as a Way of Life (Quezon City, Philip- 163 Ibid pp. 216-217 pines: PUNLAD Research House, 1975, revised 2002), p. 15. 164 Ibid p. 217 166 Ibid p. 16 167 Ibid p. 17
140 141 such as corners where mattresses and blankets are stacked are reserved exclusively for the family.168 Even in squatter communities, most families own at least a radio, many even own television sets. The homes equipped with TV become neighborhood activity nodes where people gather to watch their favorite boxing, basketball, or singing shows. Children tend to gather outside around jukeboxes or videoke machines to practice the latest dance steps. Additionally, because of the humid tropical climate, an electric fan is a necessary possession and found in all squatter homes.169
168 Ibid p. 23 169 Ibid p. 19
Figure 5.11: image taken inside of a squatter home, illustrating the method of shelving and storage around the perimeter of the room
142 143 Patterns: identifying EXISTING conditions [in Payatas] informing a DESIGN [translation]
ACTIVITY NODES: 5 TYPES OF PUBLIC SPACE: PATHS: PUBLIC-PRIVATE
4 Market: Density and Land Use The notion of the public market dates back Typical Block of Housing: 1 to the early settlement patterns brought to 100m area = 7,500 square 75m the Philippines by Spanish colonialism. It meters remains a major component of any Filipino 2 5 community; formal or informal. number of structures = 115 = 1 structure for every 3 65 square meters of KEY N N land Prominant intersection: Generally, at a prominant intersection, Because of the density, paths in Payatas are both a public the formation of a common gathering and a private entity; simultaneously. They are private area, or open space is natural. This could take the shape of food stands, sari-sari in nature because they provide access to only a select (convenience) stores, a place with tables number of houses. Yet, they become public space used to play cards or chess, etc. by the entire community for actively gathering together.
1m 1m 1m 1m Amenities within housing blocks: Public squares within housing blocks become activity nodes for residents living in close proximity. The most common activity provided for in Filipino squatter communities is a basketball court.
Filling awkward space: Because of the unplanned nature of squatter settlements, there is often awkward ‘leftover’ space, that remains free of housing, so by default becomes public space. Uses may vary.
N 1m 1m 1m 1m Currently in Payatas, the activity nodes are very spread out and not equally accessible to all residents. The market is in one place, the “town hall” in Common-use places within housing blocks: Network of Paths: another, the elementary school in another, and aslkdfjslk in yet another; all distant from each other, making convenient trips an impossibility. There is The rows between squatter houses are Paths run between also duplication in amenities, where they could actually be shared. Additionally, there are no identifiable churches; I’m sure they exist, but it is hard to not just communal paths for pedestrian rows of houses, tell where because they do not seem to be included in prominant public squares as they should be. Finally, Sari-Sari stores are not considered as part circulation, but also spaces where women always leading to of an activity node in this diagram - in my mind they should continue to be spread throughout and as a part of the residential, in harmonation with the gather to do the laundry and kids come main roads. Often, together to play. they intersect at Filipino culture and living standards. public squares within housing blocks.
TYPICAL SQUATTER UNITS:
2.5m .75m 2m .75m 2.5m 2m 3m .75m 2m 1m 1.25m 1.5m 1.5m 2.5m 2.25m
1st FLOOR 2nd FLOOR 1.5m 1m
1st FLOOR 2nd FLOOR 3m 1st FLOOR 2nd FLOOR Large Family - Multi Generation Family Large Small Family - Single Generation Small Family 2.5m .75m 2.5m Medium Family - Multi Generation Medium Family Medium Family - Single Generation Medium Family
3m 1.5m 1m 2m 5-8 People; 1-2 levels; other units generally on either side other units generally 1-2 levels; 5-8 People; 5-8 People; 1-2 levels; other units generally on either side other units generally 1-2 levels; 5-8 People; 2m 1-4 People; generally 1 level with other units above or below with other units above 1 level generally 1-4 People; 1m 1m 9+ People; 1-2 levels; other units on either side; or free-standing 1-2 levels; 9+ People; 1m 1m 1.5m 3m 1m .5m 2m 2m
1st FLOOR 2nd FLOOR
5m 5m = CR (toilet)
= kitchen 4m 4m
= sleeping area 3m 3m
= main living space 2m 2m
= living and sleeping 1m 1m = selling/sari-sari store
2m 1m 2m 1m 2.5m 1m 2.5m 3m 1.5m 2.5m 1m 3m 1m 1.5m 1m 3m 2.5m 3m 1m 3m
Figure 5.12: diagrams of typical squatter units and street layout in Payatas formulated from author’s on-site experience and photographs
144 145 6CHAPTER Design: a Housing and Neighborhood scheme for Payatas
The final section of this thesis attempts to translate all of the previous research and analysis contained in the first three chapters into a design project. This will include an explanation of how the methodology studied was applied and carried through the design of a neighborhood masterplan and housing provisions for Lupang Pangako Payatas, in addition to how the research informed the key elements of the design. Furthermore, an evaluation of the client (somewhat general to the typical Filipino character/ attitude,) and how they influence the design will provide insight into the socio-cultural aspect of the project that is specific to the location, while the programmatic components being provided will satisfy basic community needs.
146 147 6.1 Architectural Synthesis in Design My project design is also greatly influenced by an evaluation of the current most successful housing First bearing in mind the strengths, weaknesses, improvement program in the Philippines, Gawad Kalinga. I opportunities, and threats of the Lupang Pangako site in am taking aspects of the program that I believe are working Payatas, I have made provisions that capitalizes on the site’s and incorporating them into my design, as well as refuting key strengths, as well as neutralizing some of its weaknesses. several aspects and subsequently altering my design to One of the site’s main advantages is its convenient proximity reflect those changes. The facets of Gawad Kalinga that I to Quezon City’s active metropolitan area. Therefore, I intend to promote are building in the scale of neighborhood, have provided wider roads around the perimeter of each small house sizes with only necessary amenities for neighborhood plus the eco-park to allow for an extension performing daily ritual, and land use ordinances such as of the bus and jeepney networks coming from the Litex minor resident taxation to the landowner. One of the major hub in northern Quezon City to Lupang Pangako. Secondly, problems I have with GK’s scheme is the fact that they tear implementing the three housing conditions would exploit down entire neighborhoods and build new. I will tryto Payatas’ young population to supplement the labor force retain as much of the existing as I can, while uplifting the necessary to erect new houses. An obvious weakness neighborhood as a whole. Secondly, I would like to provide and threat to the Lupang Pangako community is the large more flexibility than GK’s rainbow row houses in terms of amount of garbage that ends up in the neighborhood. I am size of the unit per family, as well as alternative choices responding to this by providing the eco-park as a buffer both to express a family’s identity other than paint color. Also, literally and visually to the dumpsite as well as a transition I intend to incorporate more of the Filipino vernacular, of cleanliness into the neighborhood. There would also be along with a design that is more responsive to climate and material waste facilities in the eco-park where scavengers site conditions. For instance, GK’s unit design is the same could dump, separate, clean, dry, and sell the recyclables regardless of location. I would like to take advantage of that they collected from the day, removing the necessity for each site’s natural resources, topography, and peculiarities. the trash to enter the community in the first place. Finally, Finally, I am seeking to actually provide other needed I am countering the weakness of poor access to/lack of amenities besides just housing that GK villages generally fall public services by concentrating needed facilities in town short of. In my neighborhood design, these include a school center adjoining all three neighborhoods. campus, library, fire station, church, town hall, convenience stores, recreation areas, and an improved transportation network. 148 149 The cues from foreign urban improvement examples Many of Christopher Alexander’s ideas presented in that have been helpful for employing in Payatas include his compilation A Pattern Language can be translated and ideas from the work of Hassan Fathy in Egypt, Jorge Mario applied to the community and housing plans for Lupang Jaunegui Architects in Brazil, Hector Torres Casado in Pangako Payatas as well. I have taken the 10-hectare site Venezuela, and Christopher Alexander in Mexico. I hope and divided it up into 3 identifiable neighborhoods, an to implement Fathy’s idea of promoting the vernacular in eco-park, and a public town center. Each neighborhood terms of utilizing a selection of native building materials, is approximately 2.5 hectares in area, averaging 160 methods, and aesthetics. In addition, I am translating meters across, which falls well within Alexander’s 300- Fathy’s concept of client as architect by providing a list yard (275-meter) limit in dimension. The main entrance to of choices within a module for homeowners to choose each neighborhood would be marked by a gateway, giving certain elements from for their house. A large majority of them unique identities. In order to create activity nodes the housing provisions for this project would be working throughout the neighborhoods, there will be provisions with the existing neighborhood, adding and subtracting worked into two of the housing conditions. One will incrementally, similar to the improvements made by Jorge explore the idea of subtracting dilapidated homes from the Mario Jaunegui Architects in the Favela Barrio Projects. existing streetscape and supplementing amenities such as Also, I am looking to use Hector Torres Casado’s notion of convenience (sari-sari) stores, laundry facilities, or public sensitive innovations in housing design such as in public- half hidden gardens, etc. The second implementation private relationships, while retaining references to history would be to lift a cluster of homes up on stilts, connected as and tradition, such as spatial uses and definitions. Also, I one building, and turn the area underneath into an activity am developing his idea of form, size, and expression of node filled with the same type of public amenities. This houses spurring from daily ritual for my design in Payatas. speaks to Alexander’s concept of the house cluster as well as Finally, I am employing several of Christopher Alexander’s common land shared within the housing. The house cluster experiments in the Mexicali project including recognizing also provides an opportunity for achieving the entrance each family’s individuality, allowing the families to assist in transition pattern by raising the residences up on stilts. the construction of their homes, designing for interaction Open stairs would be provided, connecting the residences within the community, and clustering homes around on top with the public amenities below. The activity nodes common land.
150 151 underneath could give rise to small public squares, which forgotten. Often, Western building techniques and materials could come in the form of basketball courts, garden areas, are both impractical for the country’s climate and lifestyle, or open plazas with food vendors located within housing as well as beyond their financial capacity.171 Indigenous, blocks. Finally, good materials would be chosen that satisfy readily available natural resources should be capitalized on, the needs of each of the three types of housing provided, such as bamboo, coconut wood, cement, clay tiles, grasses, are locally found, low in cost, and efficient to build with. limestone, sand, and capiz shells (a replacement for glass) in order to lower construction costs, while simultaneously In response to the analysis of the evolution of preserving an historic cultural way of building.172 Further the Filipino house, I think that there is a need to revisit elements that I would like to draw from traditional Filipino traditional forms and materials that were more in tune architecture and apply to my design include vaulted roofs with the natural environment and climatic conditions of the for more expansive interiors, roofs independent of walls to Philippines. Stilts for instance, are a practical innovation allow for sway and protection from strong winds and rains, that have been lost in common practice, yet their presence multi-functional interior spaces not necessarily divided by in modern Filipino architecture could solve some issues walls, and flexible façade openings to provide maximum regarding flooding, ventilation, and privacy. In addition, ventilation and daylight. the Philippines is blessed in the area of abundant natural resources available for indigenous housing materials, which 171 Ibid p. 2 should be better taken advantage of, to combat the trend 172 Ibid p. 3 of unsuitable post-war American-influenced housing. The only thing missing is the development of a low-cost housing technology.170 One of the main problems with current housing trends in the Philippines is that due to idolization of Western values and technologies, native methods are being
170 National Housing Authority, Shelter Monograph II: Bahay Pilipino: On the Use of Some Indigenous Building Materials (Manila: National Housing Authority, 1980?) p. 1.
152 153 The Ministry of Human Settlements in the Philip- pines identified five factors that should determine the size, shape, and appearance of any shelter in the country. The first is the type of materials locally available. Second is the proximity to seas, rivers, volcanoes, or mountains, and con- sideration of each respective climate condition per location. Third is the character and culture of the people, including their peculiarities, traditions or routines, political ideals, re- ligion and/or values. The fourth factor is economic status, which dictates more than any other factor the size, ameni- ties, and materials used for a building. Finally, one must consider family size or ratio of population to land area and how the people live together, when designing or configur- ing housing.173
173 Ibid p. 4
Figure 6.1: this diagram shows that bamboo, clay, coconut, and lime are prominent indigenous materials local to the Luzon region of the Philippines
154 155 6.2 Client of the Filipino culture if/when it turns into clannishness, The goal of this thesis has already been defined to be a as this accounts for much of the political corruption in the 176 social approach to urban poor housing. A necessity then, for Philippines; past and present. designing for a particular client, is a complete understanding The lack of discipline and/or initiative are said to of the socio-cultural background and nature of the people spring from Filipinos’ very relaxed attitude toward time and involved. This is especially significant for Payatas because, space, where their lack of self-analysis could be a function “residents’ motivations and activities dynamically change of their tendency to reduce all problems into a joke. This the shape, the aesthetics, and the meaning of built form in constant recourse to humor so characteristic of the Filipino squatter settlements.”174 The Filipino people in general are people could be translated as superficiality; turning their a population with many distinct characteristics; many which problems into a joke as a method of warding off despair, are stereotypes, many which are quite true, and many that or defying forces too large to overcome, is almost always stem from their extensive history of colonialism. Overall, unfavorable. Their relaxed attitude of time is more than a Filipinos are renowned around the world for their casual, stereotype. Manana in Tagalog is known as the indigenous jovial, kind-hearted spirit; a trait in which can be considered instinct for time as an event or occasion. “We do things as both a strength and weakness of the Filipino character. they come, as they present themselves in season, and not Positive instances of character that emanate from this basic because the timepiece says so.”177 This organic sense of time, description are family orientation, joy and humor, flexibility, conceived as belonging to the natural rhythm of life, is quite adaptability, and creativity, hard work, faith, and ability a contradiction to Western culture. Many instances of this to survive. On the other side, these characteristics could behavior can be deemed as positive, such as being present- fabricate extreme personalism, lack of discipline, passivity, minded; solving situations at hand instead of becoming too lack of initiative, or lack of self-reflection.175 For example, the concerned with the past or future. This could also become notion of extreme family centeredness which would usually pejorative when important issues are put off, ignored, or be considered a good thing, can turn into a negative aspect forgotten. The casual or relaxed attitude of Filipinos could also manifest itself in lack of precision and compulsiveness, 174 Pugh, Cedric. “Squatter Settlements: Their sustainability, -ar poor time management, or procrastination.178 Another chitectural contributions, and socio-economic roles.” Cities 17 (2000), p. 331. 175 Maggay, Melba Pedilla. Pagabalik-Loob: moral recovery 176 Ibid p. 5 and cultural reaffirmation (Quezon City: Institute for studies in Asian 177 Ibid p. 11 church and culture, 1993) p.1. 178 Ibid p. 10 156 157 instance of Filipinos’ relaxed attitude occurs in traffic and other rules, where they are treated as suggestions rather than law (this is VERY true!). The Philippines were under Spanish rule for 333 years, and then later became an American colony for a much more brief eleven-year (1935-1946) time span. Much of Filipinos’ self image derives from evaluation from these outside sources. This tendency to judge Filipino character based on western cultural assumptions and/or ideals, has produced a Filipino sensitivity to criticism, and inability to detach themselves from personal considerations, a phenomenon known as extreme personalism.179 Another consequence attributed to Philippine colonialism is a sense of alienation from existing power relations, resulting in ‘passivity,’ or the “perceived lack of political initiative and overdependence on authority”180 common in the typical Filipino. The people became so accustomed to being marginalized from the Figure 6.2: the client profile above was generated from 28 interviews conducted on-site in Payatas to generalize the population’s age, center of power, that a system was created in which Filipinos occupation, living situation, likes and dislikes of their community continue to take recourse elsewhere than in their country’s government.181
Based on my personal experience, visits to squatter communities, and conversations with the people, I found these observations to be extremely true. The fact that these people remained happy and carefree while living amongst
179 Ibid p. 13 180 Ibid p. 8 181 Ibid
158 159 piles of trash and barely having enough rice for their next It is just for this reason that I want to create a housing design meal was astounding to me! At first, I found it incredibly that is flexible, can accommodate multiple types of lifestyles inspiring, but later, I worried about their complacency and and family sizes, as well as adapt to shifting values, desires, tendency to turn everything into a joke. This is why I want and cultural advancement. I hope that it can inspire a new to show them a housing design that actually takes their work ethic for Payatas residents, uplift their neighborhood needs, daily lifestyle, and desires into consideration, while giving them a cleaner, healthier environment to live and at the same time, being culturally relevant, and realistic to raise children in, as well as tying them closer to their historic the climate and financial status of the Philippines. I want to Filipino roots, and giving them room to develop further. give them a new place to escape from their poverty, without erasing where they’ve come from. I think one of the most important elements to respect in designing for Filipino squatters is the temporal nature of their living environment, as captured by Landa Jocano, author of Slum as a Way of Life:
Time defines for the people the general conditions in the neighborhood, as well as structures for them the inner world of meanings and symbols of slum life. Thus, anyone who intends to grasp ‘the hidden dimension’ of slum as a way of life has to see it in the light of its temporal existence. Who’s who in the community, what events are significant and which are not, what values are established and what are merely idiosyncratic, what to avoid and what to expect – all of these become meaningful only when the slum is considered in the context of time.182 Figure 6.3: the population of Payatas is generally young; however, many of the youth of working age are unemployed and lack motivation
182 Jocano, Landa F. Slum as a Way of Life. Quezon City (Philip- pines: PUNLAD Research House, 1975, revised 2002), p. 186.
160 161 6.3 Payatas Neighborhood Masterplan Cedric Pugh argues in his article on the sustainability of squatter settlements that upon increases of household Over time, the worlds of relief and development became divorced from the worlds of architecture income, families tend to improve their houses little by and design… This disconnect would eventually lead little, replacing substandard aspects, adding rooms, or to a crisis of faith: What role should design play in personalizing outdoor space. “Accordingly, what is to be providing basic shelter? How could architects best envisaged is a makeshift structure of meager quality being address the needs of the displaced and disenfran- chised? Should design be considered a luxury or a transformed into something more substantial and homely necessity?183 through ‘progressive’ improvement.”184 Through this idea of progressive improvement, I believe my proposal is more These are all basic dilemmas that I have fumbled viable economically, lends more significance to the people’s through in the search of a proper intervention strategy for everyday living conditions, and provides countless social the upgrade of the Payatas squatter settlement in Quezon opportunities between neighbors – along with adding an City. The largest critique that I have regarding the current aesthetic quality to the place. most successful slum improvement program in the Philip- pines, Gawad Kalinga, is that they tear down entire neigh- 184 Pugh, Cedric. “Squatter Settlements: Their sustainability, architectural contributions, and socio-economic roles.” (Cities 17, borhoods and build new. Best modeled by Jorge Mario Jau- 2000), p. 325. regui Architects in the Favela Barrio projects in Rio Brazil, I have chosen to implement an incremental development strategy that works with the existing fabric. I believe that I can retain the existing spirit of the neighborhood, and pre- serve the self-built successes, while inspiring entire neigh- borhood advancement.
183 Sinclair, Cameron and Diana Murphy, Ed. Design Like You Give a Damn: Architectural Responses to Humanitarian Crises (New York: Metropolis Books, 2006), p. 34.
162 163 In the design of the masterplan for Lupang Pan- Movement: Vehicular Masterplan: large-scale development for Payatas gako, the first facet of retaining the existing fabric was to work with the current road and path network. All roads re- 12 13 7 11 main in their current location; however, the perimeter road 8 10 6 9
3 would be widened to accommodate the possibility of a bus 5
2 route in the future, extending from Litex Road. This is in 4 1 reference to Christopher Alexander’s Identifiable Neighbor-
hoods pattern, where he defines that = bumajorffer zone from hazardous roads dumpsite; transformed should into eco-park = 3 neighborhood districts; dense housing blocks; approximately 2-2.5 hectares each
= central activity zone; public infrastructure including existing market, church, basketball court, run around the outside of each neighborhood,town hall, school campus, library,instead polic/re station, and health ofclinic
cutting through. Another modificationCOMMUNITY CENTERis INFRASTRUCTURE: limiting the cen- = existing public infrastructure 1. Commercial / Retail 8. Library = new public infrastructure 2. Church 9. Police / Fire Station = community open space = Primary Thoroughfare tral ring road around the existing market3. Existi ngto Market pedestrian10. Shared School Facilities traf- = existing housing 4. Sunken Basketball Arena 11. Preschool = new inll housing = Secondary Roadway 5. Health Clinic 12. K-6 Classrooms = existing trees fic only, in order to allow for a safe and6. Lumber active/ Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10public Classrooms area. = new trees 7. Town Hall / Municipal = boulders = Tertiary Roadway = blackwater trench This road will serve to enclose all of the public amenities = clean water N 0 10 20 30 40 50 75 100 150 250 Movement: Pedestrian in a sort of community spine that is accessibleMasterplan: large-scale to all developmentthree for Payatas neighborhoods. This move comes from my research about
the Filipino plaza, and its vitality to the Filipino community. 12 13 7 11 8 10 I wanted to give the sense of a formal town, by providing a 6 9
3 town center, to a self-built, informal community. 5
2 4
1
= buffer zone from hazardous dumpsite; transformed into eco-park
= 3 neighborhood districts; dense housing blocks; approximately 2-2.5 hectares each
= central activity zone; public infrastructure including existing market, church, basketball court, town hall, school campus, library, polic/re station, and health clinic
COMMUNITY CENTER INFRASTRUCTURE: = existing public infrastructure 1. Commercial / Retail 8. Library = new public infrastructure
2. Church 9. Police / Fire Station = community open space
3. Existing Market 10. Shared School Facilities = existing housing 4. Sunken Basketball Arena 11. Preschool = new inll housing = Primary Circulation 5. Health Clinic 12. K-6 Classrooms = existing trees 6. Lumber / Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10 Classrooms = new trees 7. Town Hall / Municipal = boulders = Secondary Paths = blackwater trench = clean water N 0 10 20 30 40 50 75 100 150 250 Figure 6.4: these circulation diagrams illustrate the more pedestrian- friendly routes, and how vehicular traffic moves mainly around the neighborhoods
164 165 Masterplan: large-scale development for Payatas
12 13 7 11 8 10 6 9
3 5
2 4
1 large-scale development for Payatas Masterplan: Masterplan: large-scale development for Payatas
= buffer zone from hazardous dumpsite; transformed into eco-park
12 13 = 3 neighborhood districts; dense housing blocks; approximately 2-2.5 hectares each 7 11 8 10 = central activity zone; public infrastructure including existing market, church, basketball court, 6 town hall, school campus, library, polic/re station, and health clinic Another large critique of Gawad Kalinga that I 9 3 5 present in the first chapter of this thesis is the lack of 12 13 2 7 necessary public amenities that GK villages advertise, but 4 1 11 generally fall short of. Using the existing marketplace as an 8 10 COMMUNITY CENTER INFRASTRUCTURE: = existing public infrastructure 6 1. Commercial / Retail 8. Library = new public infrastructure initiator for the location and layout of my public amenity 9 = buffer zone from hazardous dumpsite; transformed into eco-park 2. Church 9. Police / Fire Station = community open space provisions, and cues from Filipino plazas across time, the = 3 neighborhood districts; dense housing blocks; approximately 2-2.5 hectares each 3 = central activity zone; public infrastructure including existing market, church, basketball court, 3. Existing Market 10. Shared School Facilities = existing housing town hall, school campus, library, polic/re station, and health clinic proposed components of the Lupang Pangako town center 5 4. Sunken Basketball Arena 11. Preschool = new inll housing are as follows: a school campus, library, fire/police station, 5. Health Clinic 12. K-6 Classrooms = existing trees COMMUNITY CENTER INFRASTRUCTURE: church,= existing public infrastructuretown hall, basketball arena, and health clinic. Other 2 1. Commercial / Retail 8. Library = new public infrastructure 4 6. Lumber / Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10 Classrooms = new trees 2. Church 9. Police / Fire Station = community open space 3. Existing Market 10. Shared School Facilities public= existing housing amenities, such as convenience (sari-sari) stores, 7. Town Hall / Municipal = boulders 4. Sunken Basketball Arena 11. Preschool = new inll housing 1 5. Health Clinic 12. K-6 Classrooms additional= existing trees recreation areas, and instances of spontaneous = blackwater trench 6. Lumber / Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10 Classrooms = new trees 7. Town Hall / Municipal gathering= boulders will be inserted throughout other parts of the = clean water = blackwater trench community= clean water in the form of small public squares, another of N N 0 100 10 20 30 4030 50 40 75 50 100 75 150 100 250 150 250 Alexander’s patterns. The principle of this pattern is to act 1. Commercial / Retail 8. Library = buffer zone from hazardous dumpsite; transformed into eco-park as a break in the dense residential fabric. 2. Church 9. Police / Fire Station 3. Existing Market 10. Shared School Facilities = 3 neighborhood districts; dense housing blocks; approximately 2-2.5 hectares each The masterplan divides up the dense residential into 4. Sunken Basketball Arena 11. Preschool = central activity zone; public infrastructure including existing market, church, basketball court, three identifiable neighborhoods. Again, citing Alexander, 5. Health Clinic 12. K-6 Classrooms town hall, school campus, library, polic/re station, and health clinic these neighborhoods would be rather small, no more than 6. Lumber / Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10 Classrooms 275 meters across, and containing no more than 400-500 7. Town Hall / Municipal Offices residents, in order to give the people a spatial unit that Figure 6.5: amenities provided for in the community spine would centralize gathering and activity, and meet all basic needs of the = existing public infrastructure COMMUNITY CENTER INFRASTRUCTURE: they can feel like they belong to. An important stipulation residents 1. Commercial / Retail 8. Library = new public infrastructure in my design proposal is maintaining and even possibly 2. Church 9. Police / Fire Station = community open space increasing the existing density of the housing. I believe 3. Existing Market 10. Shared School Facilities = existing housing that this is essential to the social vitality of the community. 4. Sunken Basketball Arena 11. Preschool = new inll housing Landa Jocano explains this principle best in his account, 12. K-6 Classrooms = existing trees 5. Health Clinic Slum as a Way of Life: “The overall nature of crowding is 6. Lumber / Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10 Classrooms = new trees better understood in terms of kapitbahay (neighborhood) 7. Town Hall / Municipal = boulders relationship in pook (community) behavior. The frequency = blackwater trench = clean water 166 167 N 0 10 20 30 40 50 75 100 150 250 of interaction arising from the proximity of dwellings is one of the factors that socially create and culturally define certain roles, choices, and demands existing in the neighborhood.”185 The neighborhoods will each be slightly larger in population than suggested by Alexander, because in my opinion, the density is necessary in order to uphold the living culture of the Filipino. Each housing block will be approximately 6,000 square meters in size on average, and contain around 80 dwellings. That is an average land density of one structure per every 75 square meters of land. With 26 of these housing blocks, that translates to somewhere around 2,080 families. Dividing that number in three for each of the neighborhoods, about 690 families will = buffer zone from hazardous dumpsite; transformed into eco-park
comprise each of the three communities. = 3 neighborhood districts; dense housing blocks; approx. 2.5-3 hectares each
To compensate for the density of the residential = central activity zone; public infrastructure including existing market, church, sectors, I have designed an eco-park to buffer the dumpsite, basketball court, town hall, school campus, library, police/fire station, and health and give the community room to breathe. Currently, there clinic are a number of families living dangerously close to the Figure 6.6: this diagram illustrates the existing conditions, overlaid with dumpsite. Should another trashslide occur, their houses the subsequent land-use plan; there are three residential neighborhoods would be wiped out easily. Therefore, I am removing all shown in blue, fit around a central community center shown in pink, with the eco-park buffer along the dumpsite shown in green houses within 75 meters of the dump, and greening the area to increase the cleanliness of the community. The park will be a transition between the dumpsite road and perimeter road, and will contain only pedestrian paths extending from the neighborhoods through the eco-park and onto the dump. This is to accommodate the inevitable
185 See Jocano (1975, revised 2002), op. cit. p. 22.
168 169 Masterplan: large-scale development for Payatas Masterplan: large-scale development for Payatas
travel of scavengers from their homes to their livelihood, 12 13 7 12 13 making the commute easier and safer. Boulders and 11 7 8 10 6 11 8 10 trees will be added around the perimeter of the dump to 9 6 9 decrease trash from sliding as well. The transition from 3 5 3 trash to cleanliness will be marked by two water features, 5 2 the first of which will be a black water channel, allowing 4 2 4 pollution to gather in it, rather than making its way into the 1 1 community. It will be covered to stop children from playing in it. The second water feature will be a clean source that = buffer zone from hazardous dumpsite; transformed into eco-park = buffer zonemimics from hazardous a dumpsite; river transformed running into eco-park through the park, for residents to = 3 neighborhood districts; dense housing blocks; approximately 2-2.5 hectares each = 3 neighborhood districts; dense housing blocks; approximately 2-2.5 hectares each = central activity zone; public infrastructure including existing market, church, basketball court, find repose around. There will be numerous instances for town hall, school campus, library, polic/re station, and health clinic = central activity zone; public infrastructure including existing market, church, basketball court, town hall,gathering school campus, library, and polic/ picnics,re station, and healthas wellclinic as places for the individual to retreat to in the natural environment. Finally, stations will COMMUNITY CENTER INFRASTRUCTURE: = existing public infrastructurebe provided along each path coming from the dump, where 1. Commercial / Retail 8. Library COMMUNITY= new public infrastructure CENTER INFRASTRUCTURE: = existing public infrastructure 2. Church 9. Police / Fire Station =1. community Commercial open / Retail spacescavengers8. Library can empty there bags= new of public garbage infrastructure collected from 3. Existing Market 10. Shared School Facilities =2. exis Churchting housing 9. Police / Fire Station = community open space 4. Sunken Basketball Arena 11. Preschool =3. new Exis intingll housingMarket the day, 10.sort, Shared Schoolwash, Faciliti esdry, and even= exis sellting housing their findings. These 5. Health Clinic 12. K-6 Classrooms =4. exis Sunkenting trees Basketballwill Arena be equipped11. Preschool with faucets and= new shelter inll housing from the rain. 6. Lumber / Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10 Classrooms =5. new Health trees Clinic 12. K-6 Classrooms = existing trees
7. Town Hall / Municipal =6. boulders Lumber / Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10 Classrooms = new trees =7. blackwater Town Hall trench / Municipal = boulders
= clean water = blackwater trench = clean water N 0 10 20 30 40 50 75 100 150 250 Figure 6.7: eco-park plan, showing boulder and tree interventionN 0 10 20 30 40 50 75 100 150 250 along the perimeter of the dumpsite, paths extending from residential neighborhoods, water treatments, and material sorting structures along each path
170 171 Masterplan: large-scale development for Payatas
12 13 7 11 8 10 6 9
3 5
2 4
1 COMMUNITY CENTER INFRASTRUCTURE: 1. Commercial / Retail 8. Library 2. Church
= buffer zone from hazardous dumpsite; transformed into eco-park 4. Sunken Basketball Arena 11. Preschool
= 3 neighborhood districts; dense housing blocks; approximately 2-2.5 hectares each 5. Health Clinic 12. K-6 Classrooms
= central activity zone; public infrastructure including existing market, church, basketball court, 6. Lumber / Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10 Classrooms town hall, school campus, library, polic/re station, and health clinic 7. Town Hall / Municipal
= bus stop COMMUNITY CENTER INFRASTRUCTURE: = new public infrastructure = pedestrian arcade 1. Commercial / Retail 8. Library = community open space = boulders 2. Church 9. Police / Fire Station 3. Existing Market 10. Shared School Facilities = blackwater trench 4. Sunken Basketball Arena 11. Preschool = new infill housing = clean water 5. Health Clinic 12. K-6 Classrooms = vehicular road 6. Lumber / Mechanics Stalls 13. 7-10 Classrooms = new trees = pedestrian road 7. Town Hall / Municipal
0 10 20 30 40 50 75 100 150 250 N Figure 6.8: Masterplan design for Lupang Pangako, Payatas 172 173 Figure 6.11: perspective showing ideas for the bus stop waiting areas Figure 6.9: street section sketches illustrating varying levels of scale, traffic levels, and surrounding infrastructure
Figure 6.10: perspective looking toward the dump, showing the material sorting structures in the eco-park, where scavengers can sort, wash, dry, Figure 6.12: perspective showing existing market area, with sunken and sell their findings from the day basketball arena, open plaza, and arcade 174 175 6.4 Payatas Housing Provisions architecture is determined by the needs of the people Much has been written over time expressing the in their time, the materials at hand, and their aesthetic 188 meaning of home. Cedric Pugh inserts that in squatter tastes.” settlements, “It was the meaning residents attached to their The lack of connection with the culture, ritual, and feelings that led them to improve design, make plantings, social intricacies of Filipino squatters is the largest critique and express these meanings in the interior and external that I present of Gawad Kalinga’s housing unit design. There areas” of their dwelling.186 Classic theorist Amos Rapoport are many instances of the standardized GK house that I explains dwelling form as a complex phenomenon, which would like to improve upon regarding this need for a socio- hinges on one theme; people. He notes that people with cultural connection between resident and dwelling. For differing ideals respond to varied physical environments, one, I would like to provide more flexibility in unit size per and adapt to certain changes in the interplay of cultural, family, as well as alternative choices to express a family’s ritual, social, economic, political, and physical factors, and identity in form, texture, color, and ornament. I found that that all of these responses vary from place to place and from my top four design guidelines created for myself for this time to time.187 Yet, the common denominator, logically, is project focus on these principals. Based on my research, people. The way that people live their daily lives, in their I believe that the top priority in slum upgrade intervention particular place of existence, should be directly reflected in tactics should be the daily ritual of the client. This will be the size, shape, color, texture, configuration, and location of particular per culture, physical environment, and time – their home. I think that Filipino journalist Alfredo R. Roces recalling back to the essential qualities that Roces identified summarized this social expression of dwelling best in his architecture to be driven by. The second design guideline commentary on Filipino Folk Art in Architecture in 1962: highlights a struggle I was facing to find a balance point “Architecture is determined by various factors. The climate, between daily ritual and current living conditions, and the the contour of the land, the materials at hand, the supply allowance for future progression and cultural advancement. of labor, scientific and technological advancement, and Therefore, the second design guideline incorporates the the mentality and temperament of a people, all influence people’s desires for their dwelling, be it modern ideals, or architecture. Even government can influence architecture elimination of present aversions. through laws and taxes. Boiled down to simple essentials, 188 Roces, Alfredo R. “Filipino Folk Art in Architecture.” (Comment 186 See Pugh (2000), op. cit. p. 331. 16, 1962), p. 163. 187 Rapoport, Amos. House form and culture (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1969) p. 46. 176 177 The third principle of design that I am working with The fourth design guideline also aims for social pinpoints the social norms associated with squatter family sustainability of the community through interaction and and neighborhood dynamics. Squatter settlements are public versus private relationships. The Masterplan has unique social organizations that demand a comprehensive addressed this most extensively through the delineation understanding of the elements at work, which connect of public space and social gathering points throughout the together all the threads of a thriving community. For community, as well as overall organization and configuration instance, Filipinos in general are very family-oriented of the three neighborhoods, public community spine, people, regardless of their economic class. Perception of and eco-park. However, each housing unit presents family includes structural and cultural domains of the unit opportunities of its own where these relationships can be as a part of the larger society.189 In fact, most associate an essential factor to the design vocabulary. Much of the themselves first as members of their families, then of their interior and exterior space of squatter dwellings are shared neighborhood or community.190 Thus, it is through the basic with neighbors by default. However, there could be an family unit as a social organization, in which community expansion on this idea, limiting and allowing both the public values and norms are learned and transmitted to new and private nature of the dwelling, determined by factors members. It has a structuralized concept of a verbalized of time, preference, or configuration. For example, raising notion about the nature of relationships that exist, and the sleeping area to the second floor is an easy way to make how those place people in their positions respective to that space intentionally more private than ground floor each other and society.191 Taking these specific dogmas program, which is essentially open to the street. (That is into consideration, I believe that it is imperative for any just one example – there are countless other opportunities squatter dwelling to serve the needs of the family, such as to delineate community interaction and/or privacy.) accommodating multi-generations, or being sensitive to provincial preferences defined by the point of migration of a particular family or group of families. 189 See Jocano (1975, revised 2002), op. cit. p. 167. 190 Ibid p. 169. 191 Ibid p. 166.
178 179 Another major critique of the Gawad Kalinga In order to apply and test all of these theories that housing provisions is the complete disregard of the Filipino comprise the design vocabulary, which I have assembled vernacular, along with a design that is responsive to the based on the first five chapters of research and on-site climate and physical conditions specific to each site. In experience, I have chosen four different conditions in the opposition of GK’s unit design which is the same regardless existing housing fabric of Lupang Pangako, in which I may of location, I am proposing that critical to the design implement certain intervention strategies that I believe vocabulary are site considerations, capitalizing on each site’s align with the above design goals. The common thread natural resources, topography, and peculiarities, along with of all four of these conditions is that they are gradual and economy of construction and realistic building approaches incremental changes that work directly with aspects of the that can be built and/or expanded upon by residents in the neighborhood, which are already successful. The idea is not future. In 1962, Rodrigo Perez was already apprehensive to erase the self-built nature of the settlement, but to pay of the loss of tradition and site-specific design in Filipino tribute to the dedication of the informal builders to their Architecture. He maintained that vernacular architecture living situation, and preserve the legacy that squatters have “produced buildings that were suited to the climate and had on the development of their city. the way of life. They were designed with full recognition of the realities of environment: the glaring sunlight, the heat and humidity, excessive rain…”192 which was lost in contemporary Filipino design.
192 Perez III, Rodrigo. “The Decline of Filipino Architecture.” (Comment 16, 1962), p. 168
180 181 Market Condition: My proposal, in order to achieve this economically, This condition attends to the houses directly is to attach the arcade to the existing and infill houses surrounding the town center, and how to appropriately treat around the perimeter of the town center, saving money, the public/private relationship that occurs there. One of while simultaneously incorporating those houses directly to the demands of the public community center was an arcade the heart and life of the Lupang Pangako community. The for people to walk under and be shielded from the harsh arcade would be colored panels of corrugated metal, simply sun and rain common of the Philippine climate. This would attached to a bamboo structural system, which could be support activity and life in the town center throughout secured in two places to each house. The panels would be the year, and would symbolize societal progression of the tilted slightly to allow for rain to drain away from the houses neighborhood by offering the amenity of the public plaza and into collection barrels for reuse. The overall scale of the and arcade that are typical of formal Filipino communities. arcade would be lesser in comparison to the arcaded paths in the town center, which would be attached to the new public infrastructure buildings. This contrast in scale would delineate the difference between very public to semi-public, mixed residential space.
Figure 6.13: market condition shown in street elevation of the arcade attaching onto the existing row of houses
182 183 Figure 6.14: the arcade proposal for the market condition shown in plan, with the smaller scaled arcade attaching to the existing houses, creating a transition from the public town center to the more private dwellings; the space between (the arcade) acts as semi-public space
Figure 6.15: (right) arcade structure and attachment detailed, illustrating the proximity to the street and relationship with the public market 184 185 Subtraction Condition: I think one of the most essential options is the Where instances in the dense existing residential laundry facility, which I have detailed out as an example of fabric occur that are either dilapidated, unused, unstable, the subtraction condition. Women already come together etc., I am proposing to replace those incidences with a small to do their laundry in squatter settlements, but it is hard public amenity that can be shared by surrounding neighbors, to find enough space around a water source for more than and is viable to the social interaction of the community. two or three. This would allow many women (up to 15-20) These will help to fulfill basic needs of everyday living, which to be able to gather at once to complete the daily chore of is either not specifically provided for in the town center, or washing the family’s laundry. It will act as an opportunity for which is at a smaller scale in order to be more accessible to social interaction within the community, and will develop a different area of the neighborhood. These will hopefully essential relationships between those living within close become pockets of activity that support the culture and proximity to one another. Laundry is usually done by hand vitality of the Lupang Pangako settlement. Examples of in small plastic tubs, and then hung in the sun (wherever insertions could include but are not at all limited to laundry there is room; generally on a wire tied between roofs) to facilities, sari-sari (convenience) stores, gardens, street dry. The process seems very uncomfortable for the women, vendor hubs, recreation areas, or spontaneous gathering who squat for hours over the tub, which sits directly on areas. the ground. My proposal would include a long trough with several faucets, in which many women could easily gather around. It would be slightly raised off the ground, with low benches surrounding it to add comfort and convenience to the women’s task. In addition, clothes could be hung from the roof structure to dry, and a simple bamboo paneling system would allow the roof to manually be opened or closed based on the weather, to accommodate optimum drying.
186 187 Figure 6.16: street elevation showing subtraction condition being replaced with a public laundry facility
Figure 6.17: conceptual plan for the proposed laundry facility Figure 6.18: conceptual section and construction details of the proposed laundry facility
188 189 Vertical Addition: exist, units could be built overtop, without directly attaching Based on provisions in the masterplan, namely the to the existing structures. This condition is most conceptual town center and eco-park, a great deal of houses would need of the four, but it could be a sort of shared patio-structure to be removed in order to make way for these worthwhile that allows the houses underneath spaces to breathe, additions. While some of these displaced houses could and lifts additional units up on stilts, so to say, referencing indeed be reinserted into the community through infill vernacular modes of building. A second option to lessen housing in the previously discussed void condition, there the displaced units would be a later phase of development, would still be a large number of families that would remain which expands the community around its perimeter on the homeless. In order to compensate for this, I am proposing north, east, and south sides, where it is currently dense vertical addition for the Lupang Pangako neighborhood. The vegetation. idea behind this option is that where one-story dwellings
Figure 6.19: street elevation illustrating the idea of vertical addition to the neighborhood, adding density and structure to the existing fabric, and compensating for the large number of displaced houses
190 191 Void Condition: vocabulary set up. In the end, I hope the additions made in As previously mentioned, land in squatter settlements these voided conditions produce dwellings that correspond is a precious commodity, and the fabric is inherently more intimately to the residents’ needs and desires than dense. Yet, due to the informal nature of development, ever thought possible with such economical materials and circumstances exist within the dense housing blocks of methods of building. Lupang Pangako where there are gaps or voids within the rows I have arranged a situation where the infill housing of houses. In these occurrences, there is the opportunity to connects with the two houses on either side of it and fill the awkward empty or unused spaces, and actually add offers outdoor opportunities for sharing semi-public space, density to the neighborhood with infill housing. The vision and social interaction among families. The proposals are for this incremental infill housing strategy is to actually add also delineated to accommodate a multi-generational, or structure to the existing fabric where it is inserted. The hope simply large family, with a two-story unit, or for two smaller is that these small insertions will lift up the neighborhood families, using the same module, but separating the first and and inspire residents around it to upgrade their dwellings as second story into two units. Outdoor open stairs make this well. This would be facilitated by bringing in better quality second option possible, allowing me to keep a very small materials that speak more to traditional Filipino building footprint and not inhibiting the space with interior stairs. practices, along with environmental considerations. The The interiors of the infill houses will add a certain level of intention of the infill housing design-wise, is to pick up on innovation in flexibility and multi-functionality, referencing the current patterns of the built form, such as the pieced- back to the lost art of these values in traditional Filipino together nature of construction, while including new ideas dwellings. Examples of this are tables that fold up against about form, texture, color, and ornament, using the design the wall, stackable furniture, and mattress/pillow storage provisions.
Figure 6.20: conceptual infill housing examples to compensate for void or unused instances in the existing fabric 192 193 Figure 6.21: conceptual floor plans corresponding with the left most infill Figure 6.22: conceptual floor plans corresponding with the right most housing example shown in the street elevation on the previous page; infill housing example shown in the street elevation on the previous proposing one two-story unit for a large or multi-generational family page; proposing two one-story units for two smaller to medium sized families to occupy 194 195 FRONT
BACK Figure 6.23: front and back elevations for a prototypical infill house 196 197 Figure 6.24: horizontal section
198 199 Construction Process: developing a module for efficiency
WALL SECTION: CURRENT PRACTICE:
corrugated metal deck; 20 mm thickness; painted mosquito net; corrugated translucent fiber glass; nailed in place 20 mm thickness
fiber cement board; 2x4 standard lumber roof truss 25 mm thickness
concrete column; poured in place; textured; painted 2x4 standard lumber wall studs
iron rebar
fiber cement board; 50 mm thickness Construction Process KIT OF PARTS OPTIONS: The schematic infill housing designs explored for 4x8 timber beams CMU Base Variations: the void condition are meant to reflect the current patterns translucent fiber glass; of the existing20 mm thickness neighborhood and the daily ritual of the cement hollow block
CMU Block Variations: residents. Themetal footprint door; painted is kept quite small - 30 square meters - in order to interact well with the current streetscape. The
infill housing is designed to connect with its surroundings by cement hollow block; volcanic ash mix literally attaching to the existing structures on either side. The idea is that this vocabulary could be expanded upon and Concrete Texture: very flexible per user. Therefore, I created a kit-of-parts type concrete footing of construction with many options for individual expression. Not only would each house be designed particular to the site conditionsSTEP BYand STEP built BUILDING form around PROGRESSION: it, but the client Patterns from Traditional Filipino Architecture: would have choices between colors, textures, patterns or ornament applied1 to the surface,2 window3 openings,4 styles 5 6 of brickwork, seating areas, plantings, etc. Basic Color Palette:
7 8 9 10 11 12
Figure 6.25: examples of kit-of-parts options for residents to express individuality in their homes
200 201 One of the main concerns is that the house be easily Construction Process: developing a module for efficiency
buildable by anyone and with few tools, along with using WALL SECTION: CURRENT PRACTICE:
cost efficient yet high quality, local materials. The hope is corrugated metal deck; 20 mm thickness; painted mosquito net; corrugated translucent fiber glass; nailed in place that the method of construction developed be applicable Construction20 mm thickness Process: developing a module for efficiency
fiber cement board; 2x4 standard lumber roof truss to all of the infill housing conditions, the public amenities WALL SECTION: 25 mm thickness CURRENT PRACTICE:
corrugatedconcrete column; metal deck; poured 20 inmm place; thickness; textured; painted painted 2x4 standard lumber wall studs provided for in the masterplan, and any future building mosquito net; corrugated translucent fiber glass; nailed in place 20 mm thickness endeavors the community may face. Therefore, the house iron rebar fiber cement board; 2x4fiber standard cement lumberboard; roof50 mm truss thickness employs techniques such as concrete block construction, 25 mm thickness which the squatters have already proven to be well adept concrete column; poured in place; textured; painted 2x4 standard lumber wall studs KIT OF PARTS OPTIONS: 4x8 timber beams CMU Base Variations: in. The house uses a great deal of cement because cement iron rebar fiber cement board; 50 mm thickness translucent fiber glass; is a prominent resource in the Philippines, however there is 20 mm thickness cement hollow block KIT OF PARTS OPTIONS: CMU Block Variations: also the addition of a CMU block mixed with volcanic ash, in metal door; painted 4x8 timber beams CMU Base Variations: order to utilize another resource, while providing variety in translucent fiber glass; 20 mm thickness cement hollow block cement hollow block; the aesthetic. The familiar method of building has also been volcanic ash mix
CMU Block Variations: expanded upon simply by rotating and moving the cement metal door; painted
Concrete Texture: blocks in different ways, increasing the depth of the facade, concrete footing
cement hollow block; individuality of the home, and daylight and ventilation into volcanic ash mix the interior space. The upper level of the house employs FigureSTEP BY 6.26: STEP wall BUILDING section PROGRESSION: explaining materiality and method of Patterns from Traditional Filipino Architecture: Concrete Texture: a simple lumber construction with fiber cement board construction concrete footing walls. The fiber cement board is an extremely efficient 1 2 3 4 5 6
local material used in the Philippines. It can be used on Basic Color Palette: STEP BY STEP BUILDING PROGRESSION: Patterns from Traditional Filipino Architecture: the exterior or interior, comes in an array of thicknesses, is 7 8 9 10 11 12
water resistant, and can be connected using nails, screws, 1 2 3 4 5 6
or mortar. The roof is angled slightly to allow for drainage, Basic Color Palette: which filters down to collect on either side of the house 7 8 9 10 11 12 in large barrels for reuse. The roof is clad with corrugated metal, painted to the owners choice. Trusses covered by a mosquito net allows for open air around the top. Figure 6.27: step-by-step progression showing the entire construction process 202 203 6.5 Conclusion conditions can absolutely be safer and more enjoyable. This all hinges on ONE stipulation; that the design vocabulary is This project was such a blessing to me. I feel lucky a direct reflection of the people living in the neighborhood to have found the perfect collision between my passion or dwelling. This is why I chose to focus my research on the for architecture and my passion for serving God and the socio-cultural quality of housing the poor. Architecture is impoverished of the world. However, I think the intensity of the tool for arranging all of the parts – daily ritual, traditions this combination detracted from my progress, especially in adhered to, social norms, site and climatic considerations, the beginning. I struggled as an architect and even more so history, oddities, etc. – into a greater whole that embodies as a Christian, to overcome my passion for the topic, and the every facet of the dweller’s life. overwhelming aspects of the project, to recognize that there However, as Hassan Fathy and Christopher Alexander are facets of the squatter predicament at hand that I cannot discovered through their low-income housing explorations, solve. I sought complete eradication of the problem, but some of these principles work in theory, but are not quickly realized that I needed to reach some sort of realistic successful in practice. For example, allowing the resident of architectural proposal in the end. This narrowed down my each house in Mexicali to be fully integrated into the entire vision tremendously, and finally enabled me to channel design process is a beautiful idea, but it ended up adding my interests and dedication to the topic to one particular a great deal of time to the project, hindering completion aspect within squatter settlements in the Philippines that goals, and ultimately revoking Alexander’s funding. In can actually be impacted by design. Fathy’s case, he simply guessed wrong. The technical and The question addressed by this thesis from the economic upgrades that he thought would attract and beginning has been: What can architecture do to increase inspire the people were never really accepted into their the quality of life for the world’s poor? No, architecture culture. However, what these two men did was to rethink cannot end poverty – I am painfully aware of that! Yet, the process of architecture; a contribution that has been through proper design of neighborhood and dwelling, living invaluable to this thesis research.
204 205 There is no doubt that my passion for this topic “Only a socially conscious architect can truly provide for the reaches beyond this thesis project. I believe that the needs of the Filipino. He will not follow blindly his flock and take the easy way out by adapting the ‘modern’ look that solutions I have developed within the project timeframe predominates the present architectural landscape. Instead, are extremely valuable investigations, but are in no way he will investigate if the present trend honestly answers our the final answer, or perfect means to the end. There are so architectural needs. Forsaking convenience, he will devote many other variables to contend with, and countless strings effort to study the Filipino family from the ethnological as well as economic levels so that he may better understand of investigation to conduct, before arriving at the ideal of a the situation. Also, he will become aware that architecture conscious, realistic, social architecture. I believe that many is a continuing study. His social consciousness will instill in can pick up this study in the near future, and apply the his person a sense of obligation which will inspire him to concepts discussed to any place in the world. However, it broaden his knowledge so that he will be more technically worthy to meet the challenge of paving the smooth road is my dream to continue the journey I have started with the towards an architecture that will be worthy of the Filipino Filipino people, and one day see these design concepts into people.”193 real built form. I live for that smile on the young girl’s face as she watches the construction of her home! 193 Villanueva, Danny. “Towards Filipino Architecture.” (Sunday Times Magazine, 06 April 1962), p. 45.
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