July 2008 in Hong Kong 31.07.2008 / No 55
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Hong Kong Official Title: Hong Kong Special Administration Region General Information
Hong Kong Official Title: Hong Kong Special Administration Region General Information: Capital Population (million) 7.474n/a Total Area 1,104 km² Currency 1 CAN$=5.791 Hong Kong $ (HKD) (2020 - Annual average) National Holiday Establishment Day, 1 July 1997 Language(s) Cantonese, English, increasing use of Mandarin Political Information: Type of State Type of Government Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Bilateral Product trade Canada - Hong Kong 5000 4500 4000 Balance 3500 3000 Can. Head of State Head of Government Exports 2500 President Chief Executive 2000 Can. Imports XI Jinping Carrie Lam Millions 1500 Total 1000 Trade 500 Ministers: Chief Secretary for Admin.: Matthew Cheung 0 Secretary for Finance: Paul CHAN 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Statistics Canada Secretary for Justice: Teresa CHENG Main Political Parties Canadian Imports Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB), Democratic Party from: Hong Kong (DP), Liberal Party (LP), Civic Party, League of Social Democrats (LSD), Hong Kong Association for Democracy and People’s Livelihood (HKADPL), Hong Kong Federation of Precio us M etals/ stones Trade Unions (HKFTU), Business and Professionals Alliance for Hong Kong (BPA), Labour M ach. M ech. Elec. Party, People Power, New People’s Party, The Professional Commons, Neighbourhood and Prod. Worker’s Service Centre, Neo Democrats, New Century Forum (NCF), The Federation of Textiles Prod. Hong Kong and Kowloon Labour Unions, Civic Passion, Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, HK First, New Territories Heung Yee Kuk, Federation of Public Housing Estates, Specialized Inst. Concern Group for Tseung Kwan O People's Livelihood, Democratic Alliance, Kowloon East Food Prod. -
The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy
Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 2 Spring/Summer 2006 2006 The aB sic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong Michael C. Davis Chinese University of Hong Kong Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Davis The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 165 (2006). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol3/iss2/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davist I. Introduction Hong Kong's status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong's founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong's constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law ("Basic Law"), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong's Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals. -
Civic Party (Cp)
立法會 CB(2)1335/17-18(04)號文件 LC Paper No. CB(2)1335/17-18(04) CIVIC PARTY (CP) Submission to the United Nations UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) CHINA 31st session of the UPR Working Group of the Human Rights Council November 2018 Introduction 1. We are making a stakeholder’s submission in our capacity as a political party of the pro-democracy camp in Hong Kong for the 2018 Universal Periodic Review on the People's Republic of China (PRC), and in particular, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Currently, our party has five members elected to the Hong Kong Legislative Council, the unicameral legislature of HKSAR. 2. In the Universal Periodic Reviews of PRC in 2009 and 2013, not much attention was paid to the human rights, political, and social developments in the HKSAR, whilst some positive comments were reported on the HKSAR situation. i We wish to highlight that there have been substantial changes to the actual implementation of human rights in Hong Kong since the last reviews, which should be pinpointed for assessment in this Universal Periodic Review. In particular, as a pro-democracy political party with members in public office at the Legislative Council (LegCo), we wish to draw the Council’s attention to issues related to the political structure, election methods and operations, and the exercise of freedom and rights within and outside the Legislative Council in HKSAR. Most notably, recent incidents demonstrate that the PRC and HKSAR authorities have not addressed recommendations made by the Human Rights Committee in previous concluding observations in assessing the implementation of International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). -
The Public Sector in Hong Kong
THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG IN HONG PUBLIC SECTOR THE THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG his book describes and analyses the role of the public sector in the T often-charged political atmosphere of post-1997 Hong Kong. It discusses THE PUBLIC SECTOR critical constitutional, organisational and policy problems and examines their effects on relationships between government and the people. A concluding chapter suggests some possible means of resolving or minimising the difficulties which have been experienced. IN HONG KONG Ian Scott is Emeritus Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia and Adjunct Professor in the Department of Public and Social Administration at the City University of Hong Kong. He taught at the University of Hong Kong between 1976 and 1995 and was Chair Professor of Politics and Public Administration between 1990 and 1995. Between 1995 and 2002, he was Chair Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University. Over the past twenty-five years, he has written extensively on politics and public administration in Hong Kong. G O V E P O L I C Y Professor Ian Scott’s latest book The Public Sector in Hong Kong provides a systematic analysis of Hong Kong’s state of governance in the post-1997 period Ian Scott R and should be read by government officials, politicians, researchers, students and N general readers who seek a better understanding of the complexities of the city’s M government and politics. E — Professor Anthony B. L. Cheung, President, The Hong Kong Institute of Education; N T Member, Hong Kong SAR Executive Council. -
Now Is the Time to Give Civic Party Its Last Rites
8 | Wednesday, April21, 2021 HONG KONG EDITION | CHINA DAILY COMMENTHK Yang Sheng Now is the time to give Harris’ antics Civic Party its last rites threaten to bring Grenville Cross says the political group has done more harm HKBA down to Hong Kong than any other and its departure is long overdue aul Harris, a former British politician and current chair- man of the Hong Kong Bar Association (HKBA), spouted some uneducated theories that fully exposed his hypo- n November 11, 2020, the the national anthem law, both of which Hong critical self in a recent interview, in which he questioned National People’s Con- Kong was constitutionally obliged to enact. In Pthe legitimacy of the National People’s Congress’ (NPC) decision gress Standing Committee consequence, there was legislative gridlock, to improve Hong Kong’s electoral system, claiming that the vet- (NPCSC) adopted a resolu- with 14 bills and 89 items of subsidiary legisla- ting of candidates by a review committee may violate voter rights tion whereby members of tion being blocked, many a ecting people’s by limiting their choices. However, he failed to mention the fact the Hong Kong Legislative livelihoods. Although the deadlock was fi nally that vetting candidates is a common practice around the world to Council immediately lost Grenville Cross broken on May 18, no thanks to Kwok, his ensure national security or other national interests. Would Paul their seats if, in violation of their oaths of The author is a senior counsel, law professor was an unprecedented move to paralyze the Harris, who served as a councilor of Oxford city in the past, cast and criminal justice analyst, and was previ- o ce, they were deemed to have engaged in Legislative Council, and to prevent it from dis- the same human rights abuse suspicion over the relevant laws of O ously the director of public prosecutions of charging the legislative functions required of various nefarious activities. -
Freedom in the World 2018 Hong Kong
Hong Kong * Page 1 of 9 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Hong Kong * Hong Kong * Country: Hong Kong * Year: 2018 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 5 Civil Liberties: 2 Aggregate Score: 59 Freedom Rating: 3.5 Overview: The people of Hong Kong, a special administrative region of China, have traditionally enjoyed substantial civil liberties and the rule of law under their local constitution, the Basic Law. However, the chief executive and half of the Legislative Council are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favor pro-Beijing interests, and the territory’s freedoms and autonomy have come under threat in recent years due to growing political and economic pressure from the mainland. Trend Arrow: Hong Kong received a downward trend arrow due to the expulsion of four prodemocracy lawmakers from the legislature, jail sentences against protest leaders, and other apparent efforts by pro-Beijing authorities to stamp out a movement calling for local self- determination. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: POLITICAL RIGHTS: 15 / 40 (−1) A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 2 / 12 (−1) https://freedomhouse.org/print/50009 3/26/2018 Hong Kong * Page 2 of 9 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 0 / 4 Under 2010 electoral reforms, the chief executive, who serves a five-year term, is chosen by a 1,200-member election committee. Some 200,000 “functional constituency” voters—representatives of elite business and social sectors, many with close Beijing ties—elect 900 of the committee’s members, and the remaining 300 consist of Legco members, Hong Kong delegates to China’s National People’s Congress (NPC), religious representatives, and Hong Kong members of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), a Chinese government advisory body. -
CEE 1992-2001 & Western Europe
Genuinely New Parties in Eastern Europe Appendix to Sikk, Allan (2005). “How Unstable? Volatility and the Genuinely New Parties in Eastern Europe,” European Journal of Political Research, 44(1): 391-412. The following tables show vote and seat shares for genuinely new parties. Other parties that might be considered new are listed with comments on why they do not qualify as genuinely extra- parliamentary. The comments are normally derived from Rose et al (1998), references are given only to other sources. Bulgaria 1991 votes% seats% 6 BANU Nikola Petkov 3.4 0.0 7 UDF (Centre) 3.2 0.0 8 UDF (Liberal) 2.8 0.0 9 Kingdom of Bulgaria 1.8 0.0 10 Bulgarian Business Bloc 1.3 0.0 11 Bulgarian National Radicals 1.1 0.0 13 Bulgarian Communists 0.7 0.0 Others and independents 6.6 0.0 11.5 0.0 6, 7 and 8 were successors of Union of Democratic forces (2) in 1990. Bulgaria 1994 votes% seats% 3 BANU 6.5 7.5 9 Kingdom of Bulgaria 1.4 0.0 10 Bulgarian Business Bloc 4.7 5.4 11 Bulgarian National Radicals 0.5 0.0 13 Bulgarian Communists 1.5 0.0 Others and independents 5.6 0.0 13.7 5.4 3 was present in parliament until 1991. Bulgaria 1997 votes% seats% 11 Bulgarian National Radicals 0.2 0.0 13 Bulgarian Communists 1.2 0.0 16 Alliance for National Salvation 7.7 7.9 Others and independents 3.5 0.0 4.9 0.0 16 is a merger of Movement for Rights and Freedom (4) and Kingdom of Bulgaria (9). -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. -
Sources of Party System Final
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCES EUI Working Papers SPS 2011/01 DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCES Sources of Party System Institutionalization in New Democracies: Lessons from East Central Europe Fernando Casal Bértoa EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE , FLORENCE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCES Sources of Party System Institutionalization in New Democracies: Lessons from East Central Europe FERNANDO CASAL BÉRTOA EUI W orking Paper SPS 2011/01 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. ISSN 1725-6755 © 2011 Fernando Casal Bértoa Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Abstract Building on Casal Bértoa and Mair´s (2010) work on the institutionalization of post-communist party systems and as a response to their uneasiness with the failure of the party politics literature to determine what causes party system institutionalization in the first place, this paper addresses the following question: what are the sources of party system institutionalization in post-communist East Central Europe? In particular, what is it that explains the institutionalization of the Hungarian and Czech party systems in clear contrast to those of Slovakia and Poland, which are considered weak and under-institutionalized, respectively? Keywords Party system institutionalization; East Central Europe; parliamentary fragmentation; type of regime; cleavage Acknowledgments I am very grateful to Prof. -
Speaker Bios
2014 INTERNATIONAL MEETING Hong Kong, China May 14 & 15, 2014 Speaker Bios Claudia Barrero is chairman of SCG Legal and a partner at Colombia member firm prietocarrizosa, where she co-heads its mergers and acquisitions practice and heads the capital markets and securities practice. She specializes in mergers and acquisitions of listed companies and has extensive experience in infrastructure projects and corporate governance matters. She has advised issuers on IPOs and debt issues, as well as several Colombian and international clients in such matters as cross-border mergers and acquisitions and all related capital markets aspects. She received her law degree from Universidad Externado de Colombia, a postgraduate degree in commercial law from Universidad de los Andes, and an LL.M. in international business legal studies from the University of Exeter. Teresa Cheng is a Senior Counsel, Chartered Engineer, Chartered Arbitrator and an Accredited Mediator. She specializes in the areas of construction law, international commercial transactions, joint venture contracts and investment arbitration, and is an experienced arbitrator and mediator. Her current appointments include chairperson of the Hong Kong International Arbitration Centre and vice president of the International Council for Commercial Arbitration. In 2008, she became the first Asian woman elected to serve as president of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators. She has sat as a deputy judge in the Court of First Instance of the High Court of Hong Kong, and is a World Bank International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes panel arbitrator. Ms. Cheng is a Fellow of King’s College London, and the course director of the international arbitration and dispute settlement course at the Tsinghua University School of Law. -
The Pros and Cons of Learning Assessments
The pros and cons of learning assessments Debate Learning assessments are considered essential for measuring and improving the quality of an education system; yet for some they also raise serious concerns. The controversy over Hong Kong SAR’s Territory Wide System Assessment illustrates the issues at stake. It has become widely accepted that students’ learning must be assessed in order for education systems to evaluate and improve on their own quality over time. Around the world, the majority of countries apply one or more forms of assessments and examinations at different educational stages (see the UNESCO Institute of Statistics catalogue of assessments). Regional and international assessment programmes and tools have proliferated, and data on international indicators is already being collected to measure progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals on indicators such as proficiency in reading, mathematics, and basic ICT skills. Yet there has also been marked resistance from some education stakeholders to the rising use of learning assessments. Opponents argue that over-reliance on learning assessments leads to a narrowing of the educational experience, places undue pressure on students and weakens their intrinsic love for learning, and—despite advancements in measurement—can ultimately provide only a very limited picture of many important aspects of a quality education. It has often been argued that low-stakes assessments can overcome many of these concerns by simply offering a snapshot of quality among a sample of students, without tying reward or punishment directly to the results. However, in many contexts even low-stakes assessments have been the subject of intense public debate. One case in point is the controversy over the Territory-wide System Assessment (TSA) in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. -
REGULATION of POLITICAL PARTIES in UKRAINE: the CURRENT STATE and DIRECTION of REFORMS Ce , Political Party Cial Opinion Ght Against Corruption
THE CURRENT STATEREGULATION AND DIRECTION OF POLITICAL OF REFORMSPARTIES IN UKRAINE: Th e reform of political parties legislation and regulation can act as a platform Denys Kovryzhenko from which to consider a wide array of crucial issues in the development of a stable Agency for Legislative Initiatives and lasting democratic party system. Th ese include, inter alia, political party fi nancing, internal party democracy, the participation of women, registration and monitoring of political parties. In partnership with the OSCE’s Offi ce for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) and with the fi nancial support of the European Union, REGULATION Denys Kovryzhenko and his colleagues at the Agency for Legislative Initiatives (ALI), led an in-depth consultative process with key stakeholders in Ukraine T H E C U R R E N T on the issue of political party legislation reform, raising problems and proposing possible solutions. OF POLITICAL Th e result is Regulation of Political Parties in Ukraine: the Current State and Direction of Reforms, a comprehensive report which thoroughly analyses S T A T E A N D the particular problems and issues in Ukraine’s legislative and regulatory framework for political parties. Looking forward, and based on the results ofthe consultations, the report proposes an agenda for reform based PARTIES on international and European standards and best practice. D I R E C T I O N Th e Agency for Legislative Initiatives (ALI) is one of the leading Ukrainian think tanks. ALI has a 10-year experience in implementing projects aiming I N U K R A I N E at the introduction of policy dialogue practices into the law-making process, ensuring public participation in the legislative process, monitoring ofthe activities O F R E F O R M S of the parliament, studying the principles and problems of Ukrainian parliamentarism, and conducting comparative studies on a variety of subjects, such as election legislation, political parties, and the fi ght against corruption.