DOCSLIB.ORG

Survey: English

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Survey: English Survey on 2016 Legislative Council Elections Public Governance Programme, Lingnan University Hello! We are from Lingnan University. We are conducting a survey on 2016 Legislative Council Elections. Is your number XXXX XXXX ? Among your household members, how many of them are registered voters? Yes, enter the number and find the computer-chosen one for interview. No, interview stops and say “thank you”. The survey is a part of an important research project. It is a bit long and will last for more than 15 minutes. Are you ok with that? 1. How interested would you say you are in politics? Are you very interested, somewhat interested, not very interested, or not at all interested? (1) Very interested (2) Somewhat interested (3) Not very interested (4) Not at all interested (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 2. How closely do you follow politics on TV, radio, newspapers, or the Internet? Very closely, fairly closely, not very closely, or not at all? (1) Very closely (2) Fairly closely (3) Not very closely (4) Not at all (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know Please tell me whether you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with each of the following statements. 3. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] You feel you understand the most important political issues of this country. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 4. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] In a democracy it is important to seek compromise among different viewpoints. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 5. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] Most politicans do not care about the people. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 6. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] Most politicians are trustworthy. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 7. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] Politicians are the main problem in Hong Kong. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 8. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] Having a strong leader in government is good for Hong Kong even if the leader bends the rules to get things done. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 9. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] The people, and not politicians, should make our most important policy decisions. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 10. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] Most politicians care only about the interests of the rich and powerful. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 11. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] Poor people should have a greater voice in politics. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 12. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] Ethnic minorities should adapt to Hong Kong's way of life. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 13. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] Immigrants are generally good for Hong Kong's economy. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 14. [Do you strongly agree, somewhat agree, neither agree nor disagree, somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statement:] Hong Kong's culture is generally harmed by immigrants. (1) Strongly agree (2) Somewhat agree (3) Neither agree nor disagree (4) Somewhat disagree (5) Strongly disagree (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know Now changing the topic. 15. Do you regard yourself as a Chinese? . (1)Yes (2) No [Go to Q.22] (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know Some people say that the following things are important for being truly Chinese. Other says they are not important. How important do you think each of the following is... very important, fairly important, not very important, or not important at all? 16. [How important do you think the following is for being truly Chinese, very important, fairly important, not very important, or not important at all?] To have been born in China. (1) Very important (2) Fairly important (3) Not very important (4) Not important at all (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 17. [How important do you think the following is for being truly Chinese, very important, fairly important, not very important, or not important at all?] To have lived in China for most of one's life. (1) Very important (2) Fairly important (3) Not very important (4) Not important at all (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 18. [How important do you think the following is for being truly Chinese, very important, fairly important, not very important, or not important at all?] To be able to speak Putonghua. (1) Very important (2) Fairly important (3) Not very important (4) Not important at all (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 19. [How important do you think the following is for being truly Chinese, very important, fairly important, not very important, or not important at all?] To respect China’s political institutions and laws. (1) Very important (2) Fairly important (3) Not very important (4) Not important at all (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 20. [How important do you think the following is for being truly Chinese, very important, fairly important, not very important, or not important at all?] To regard oneself a Chinese. (1) Very important (2) Fairly important (3) Not very important (4) Not important at all (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 21. [How important do you think the following is for being truly Chinese, very important, fairly important, not very important, or not important at all?] To have Chinese ancestry. (1) Very important (2) Fairly important (3) Not very important (4) Not important at all (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 22. How widespread do you think corruption such as bribe taking is among politicians in Hong Kong, very widespread, quite widespread, not very widespread, or it hardly happens at all? (1) Very widespread (2) Quite widespread (3) Not very widespread (4) It hardly happens at all (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 23. Some people think that the government should cut taxes even if it means spending less on social services such as health and education. Other people feel that the government should spend more on social services such as health and education even if it means raising taxes. Where would you place yourself on this scale where0 is "Governments should decrease taxes and spend less on services" and 10 is "Governments should increase taxes and spend more on services"? __ __ [00 – 10] (97) Refused to answer (98) Don’t know 24. Now thinking about the performance of the Hong Kong SAR Government in general, how good or bad a job do you think the SAR Government did over the past four years? Has it done a very good job? A good job? A bad job? A very bad job? (1) Very good job (2) Good job (3) Bad job (4) Very bad job (7) Refused to answer (8) Don’t know 25. Would you say that any of the parties in Hong Kong represent your views reasonably well? (1) Yes (5) No [Go to Q.27] (7) Refused to answer [Go to Q.27] (8) Don’t know [Go to Q.27] 26. Which party represents your views best? [Do not read the answers.] (01) The Democratic Party (02) Civic Party (03) Labour Party (04) Hong Kong Association for Democracy and People's Livelihood (05) Neighbourhood and Worker's Service Centre (06) People Power (07) League of Social Democrats (08) Neo Democrats (09) Third Side (10) Path of Democracy (11) Civic Passion (12) Proletariat Political Institute (13) Hong Kong Resurgence (14) Hong Kong Indigenous (15) Youngspiration (16) Demosistō (17) Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (18) The Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions (19) New People’s Party (20) Liberal Party (21) Business and Professionals Alliance for Hong Kong (22) New Territories Association of Societies (23) Others：________________ (97) Refused to answer (98) Don’t know 27.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Monthly Report HK
    July 2005 in Hong Kong 01.08.2005 / No 19 A condensed press review prepared by the Consulate General of Switzerland in Hong Kong Introduction Hong Kong has a new Chief of Administration. Yuan revaluation sets stage for boom in HK. Domestic politics Tsang sent condolences to Britain: Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen expressed his condolences for victims of the London bombings, saying he was deeply shocked and saddened by the attacks. New chief of administration: Raphael Hui, a veteran civil servant and former Secretary for Financial Services has been appointed as Chief Secretary to the HK government. The new No. 2 of HK is known to be close to the chief executive and to business circles. In his first press interview he said his main tasks would be electoral reforms for the 2007-2008 elections, resolving the West Kowloon controversy and finding new blood for HK politics. Weak attendance at July 1st march: Only 21’000 (barely 4% of 2003 500’000) participated in the traditional protest march prompting Beijing to say that the event had lost its popularity. Democracy and universal suffrage were just two items on the marchers’ growing wish list which also included labour and gay rights. With the resignation of Tung, the shelving of Article 23 and an economy on the rebound most highly contentious issues have faded. Pro-Beijing organizations also staged a morning parade with also about 30’000 people clanging cymbals and singing patriotic songs to mark the handover. One newspaper ironically mentioned that on the same day that more than 200’000 people went to see an exhibit featuring dinosaurs in a shopping mall.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eu Through the Eyes of Asia
    THE EU THROUGH THE EYES OF ASIA THE EU THROUGH THE EYES OF ASIA Media, Public and Elite Perceptions in China, Japan, Korea, Singapore and Thailand Editorial Supervisor: Cover Design: Asia-Europe Foundation © Copyright by Asia-Europe Foundation, National Centre for Research on Europe, Ateneo de Manila University and University of Warsaw The views expressed in this publication are strictly those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Asia-Europe Founda- tion, National Centre for Research on Europe, Ateneo de Manila University or University of Warsaw Warsaw 2007 ISBN [...] Printed: Zakład Grficzny Uniwersytet Warszawski, zam. 919/2007 Contentsand, Peter Ryan and A Message from the Asia-Europe Foundation .......................................................7 Acknowledgments .............................................................................................. 9 Prologue: BERTRAND FORT The Strategic Importance of the ESiA Network in Reinforcing Asia-Europe Relations ................................................................................. 11 PART I: INTRODUCTION Chapter 1: MARTIN HOLLAND, PETER RYAN ALOJZY Z. NOWAK NATALIA CHABAN Introduction: The EU through the Eyes of Asia ..........................................23 Chapter 2: NATALIA CHABAN MARTIN HOLLAND Research Methodology ................................................................................ 28 PART II: COUNTRY STUDIES Chapter 3: DAI BINGRAN ZHANG SHUANGQUAN EU Perceptions in China: Emerging Themes from the News Media, Public Opinion, and
    [Show full text]
  • Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016
    Journal of US-China Public Administration, August 2016, Vol. 13, No. 8, 499-517 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2016.08.001 D DAVID PUBLISHING Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016 Chung Fun Steven Hung The Education University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong, politicization inevitably followed democratization. This paper intends to evaluate how political parties’ politics happened in Hong Kong’s recent history. The research was conducted through historical comparative analysis, with the context of Hong Kong during the sovereignty transition and the interim period of democratization being crucial. For the implementation of “one country, two systems”, political democratization was hindered and distinct political scenarios of Hong Kong’s transformation were made. The democratic forces had no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which caused a decisive fragmentation of the local political parties where the establishment camp was inevitable and the democratic blocs were split into many more small groups individually. It is harmful. It is not conducive to unity and for the common interests of the publics. This paper explores and evaluates the political history of Hong Kong and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation. Keywords: election politics, historical comparative, ruling, democratization The democratizing element of the Hong Kong political system was bounded within the Legislative Council under the principle of the separation of powers of the three governing branches, Executive, Legislative, and Judicial. Popular elections for the Hong Kong legislature were introduced and implemented for 25 years (1991-2016) and there were eight terms of general elections for the Legislative Council.
    [Show full text]
  • Hong Kong Official Title: Hong Kong Special Administration Region General Information
    Hong Kong Official Title: Hong Kong Special Administration Region General Information: Capital Population (million) 7.474n/a Total Area 1,104 km² Currency 1 CAN$=5.791 Hong Kong $ (HKD) (2020 - Annual average) National Holiday Establishment Day, 1 July 1997 Language(s) Cantonese, English, increasing use of Mandarin Political Information: Type of State Type of Government Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Bilateral Product trade Canada - Hong Kong 5000 4500 4000 Balance 3500 3000 Can. Head of State Head of Government Exports 2500 President Chief Executive 2000 Can. Imports XI Jinping Carrie Lam Millions 1500 Total 1000 Trade 500 Ministers: Chief Secretary for Admin.: Matthew Cheung 0 Secretary for Finance: Paul CHAN 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Statistics Canada Secretary for Justice: Teresa CHENG Main Political Parties Canadian Imports Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB), Democratic Party from: Hong Kong (DP), Liberal Party (LP), Civic Party, League of Social Democrats (LSD), Hong Kong Association for Democracy and People’s Livelihood (HKADPL), Hong Kong Federation of Precio us M etals/ stones Trade Unions (HKFTU), Business and Professionals Alliance for Hong Kong (BPA), Labour M ach. M ech. Elec. Party, People Power, New People’s Party, The Professional Commons, Neighbourhood and Prod. Worker’s Service Centre, Neo Democrats, New Century Forum (NCF), The Federation of Textiles Prod. Hong Kong and Kowloon Labour Unions, Civic Passion, Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, HK First, New Territories Heung Yee Kuk, Federation of Public Housing Estates, Specialized Inst. Concern Group for Tseung Kwan O People's Livelihood, Democratic Alliance, Kowloon East Food Prod.
    [Show full text]
  • 2014-2015 Report on Police Violence in the Umbrella Movement
    ! ! ! ! ! 2014-2015 Report on Police Violence in the Umbrella Movement A report of the State Violence Database Project in Hong Kong Compiled by The Professional Commons and Hong Kong In-Media ! ! ! Table!of!Contents! ! About!us! ! About!the!research! ! Maps!/!Glossary! ! Executive!Summary! ! 1.! Report!on!physical!injury!and!mental!trauma!...........................................................................................!13! 1.1! Physical!injury!....................................................................................................................................!13! 1.1.1! Injury!caused!by!police’s!direct!smacking,!beating!and!disperse!actions!..................................!14! 1.1.2! Excessive!use!of!force!during!the!arrest!process!.......................................................................!24! 1.1.3! Connivance!at!violence,!causing!injury!to!many!.......................................................................!28! 1.1.4! Delay!of!rescue!and!assault!on!medical!volunteers!..................................................................!33! 1.1.5! Police’s!use!of!violence!or!connivance!at!violence!against!journalists!......................................!35! 1.2! Psychological!trauma!.........................................................................................................................!39! 1.2.1! Psychological!trauma!caused!by!use!of!tear!gas!by!the!police!..................................................!39! 1.2.2! Psychological!trauma!resulting!from!violence!...........................................................................!41!
    [Show full text]
  • Dissenting Media in Post-1997 Hong Kong Joyce Y.M. Nip the De
    Dissenting media in post-1997 Hong Kong Joyce Y.M. Nip The de-colonization of Hong Kong took the form of Britain returning the territory to China in 1997 as a Special Administrative Region (SAR). Twenty years after the political handover, the “one country, two systems” arrangement designed by China to govern the Hong Kong SAR is facing serious challenge: Many in Hong Kong have come to regard Beijing as an unwelcome control master; and calls for self-determination have gained a substantial level of popular support. This chapter examines the role of media in this development, as exemplified by key political protest actions. It proposes the notion of “dissenting media” as a framework to integrate relevant academic and journalistic studies about Hong Kong. From the discipline of media and communications study, it suggests that operators of dissenting media are enabled to put forth information and analysis contrary to that of the establishment, which, in turn, help to form an oppositional public sphere. In the process, the identity and communities of dissent are built, maintained, and developed, contributing to the formation of a counter public that participates in oppositional political actions. Studies on the impact of media, mainly conducted in stable Anglo-American societies, tend to consider mainstream media as institutions that index1 or reinforce the status quo,2 and alternative media as forces that challenge established powers.3 In Hong Kong, the 1997 political changeover was accompanied by a reconfiguration of power relationships in line with China’s one-party dictatorship. The change runs counter to the political aspirations of the people of Hong Kong, and has bred a political movement for civil liberties, public accountability, and democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Hong Kong: Key Issues in 2021
    December 23, 2020 Hong Kong: Key Issues in 2021 The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR, country or with external elements to endanger national or Hong Kong) is a city located off the southern coast of security.” The NPCSC and the HKSAR government have Guangdong Province, People’s Republic of China (PRC or stated that the NSL was necessary to restore order China). More than 90% of Hong Kong’s population is following the large-scale protests of 2019. For more about ethnically Chinese. The first language of the vast majority the 2019 protests, see CRS In Focus IF11295, Hong Kong’s is Cantonese, a variety of Chinese different from what is Protests of 2019. spoken in most of the PRC. Hong Kong at a Glance Under the provisions of a 1984 international treaty known Population (2020): 7.5 million as the “Joint Declaration,” sovereignty over Hong Kong Area: 1,082 square kilometers (418 square miles) transferred from the United Kingdom to the PRC on July 1, Per Capita GDP (2019): HK$381,714 (US$48,938) 1997. In the Joint Declaration, China pledged the former British colony “will enjoy a high degree of autonomy, Life Expectancy (at birth, 2018): Men: 82.2 years; except in foreign and defence affairs,” and “will be vested Women: 88.1 years with executive, legislative and independent judicial power, Leadership: Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor including that of final adjudication.” China also promised Source: Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department that the “[r]ights and freedoms, including those of the person, of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, The Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF) has arrested dozens of travel, of movement, of correspondence, of strike, of of people for alleged NSL violations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy
    Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 2 Spring/Summer 2006 2006 The aB sic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong Michael C. Davis Chinese University of Hong Kong Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Davis The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 165 (2006). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol3/iss2/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davist I. Introduction Hong Kong's status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong's founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong's constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law ("Basic Law"), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong's Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals.
    [Show full text]
  • Civic Party (Cp)
    立法會 CB(2)1335/17-18(04)號文件 LC Paper No. CB(2)1335/17-18(04) CIVIC PARTY (CP) Submission to the United Nations UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) CHINA 31st session of the UPR Working Group of the Human Rights Council November 2018 Introduction 1. We are making a stakeholder’s submission in our capacity as a political party of the pro-democracy camp in Hong Kong for the 2018 Universal Periodic Review on the People's Republic of China (PRC), and in particular, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Currently, our party has five members elected to the Hong Kong Legislative Council, the unicameral legislature of HKSAR. 2. In the Universal Periodic Reviews of PRC in 2009 and 2013, not much attention was paid to the human rights, political, and social developments in the HKSAR, whilst some positive comments were reported on the HKSAR situation. i We wish to highlight that there have been substantial changes to the actual implementation of human rights in Hong Kong since the last reviews, which should be pinpointed for assessment in this Universal Periodic Review. In particular, as a pro-democracy political party with members in public office at the Legislative Council (LegCo), we wish to draw the Council’s attention to issues related to the political structure, election methods and operations, and the exercise of freedom and rights within and outside the Legislative Council in HKSAR. Most notably, recent incidents demonstrate that the PRC and HKSAR authorities have not addressed recommendations made by the Human Rights Committee in previous concluding observations in assessing the implementation of International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
    [Show full text]
  • 081216-Keast-YAIA-HK
    Hong Kong’s disaffected youths – Is the criticism warranted? December 7, 2016 Jacinta Keast Sixtus ‘Baggio’ Leung and Yau Wai-ching, two young legislators from the localist Youngspiration party, have been barred from Hong Kong’s legislative council (LegCo). Never has China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) jumped to an interpretation on a matter in Hong Kong without a prior request from the local government or courts. This comes after the pair modified their oaths, including enunciating the word ‘China’ as ‘Cheena’ (支那), a derogatory term used by the Japanese in World War II, using expletives to refer to the People’s Republic of China, and waving around blue ‘Hong Kong is not China’ banners at their swearing in. Commentators, including those from the pan-democratic side of the legislature, have called their behaviour infantile, ignorant and thuggish, and have demanded ‘that the hooligans be locked up’. But is this criticism warranted? A growing tide of anti-Mainlander vitriol has been building in Hong Kong since it was handed back to the People’s Republic of China in 1997 under a special constitution termed The Basic Law. In theory, the constitution gave Hong Kong special privileges the Mainland did not enjoy—a policy called ‘One Country, Two Systems’. But in practice, more and more Hong Kong residents feel that the long arm of Beijing’s soft power is extending over the territory. The Occupy movement and later the 2014 Umbrella Revolution began once it was revealed that the Chinese government would be pre-screening candidates for the 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive election, the election for Hong Kong’s top official.
    [Show full text]
  • The Public Sector in Hong Kong
    THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG IN HONG PUBLIC SECTOR THE THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG his book describes and analyses the role of the public sector in the T often-charged political atmosphere of post-1997 Hong Kong. It discusses THE PUBLIC SECTOR critical constitutional, organisational and policy problems and examines their effects on relationships between government and the people. A concluding chapter suggests some possible means of resolving or minimising the difficulties which have been experienced. IN HONG KONG Ian Scott is Emeritus Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia and Adjunct Professor in the Department of Public and Social Administration at the City University of Hong Kong. He taught at the University of Hong Kong between 1976 and 1995 and was Chair Professor of Politics and Public Administration between 1990 and 1995. Between 1995 and 2002, he was Chair Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University. Over the past twenty-five years, he has written extensively on politics and public administration in Hong Kong. G O V E P O L I C Y Professor Ian Scott’s latest book The Public Sector in Hong Kong provides a systematic analysis of Hong Kong’s state of governance in the post-1997 period Ian Scott R and should be read by government officials, politicians, researchers, students and N general readers who seek a better understanding of the complexities of the city’s M government and politics. E — Professor Anthony B. L. Cheung, President, The Hong Kong Institute of Education; N T Member, Hong Kong SAR Executive Council.
    [Show full text]
  • Rival Securitising Attempts in the Democratisation of Hong Kong Written by Neville Chi Hang Li
    Rival Securitising Attempts in the Democratisation of Hong Kong Written by Neville Chi Hang Li This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Rival Securitising Attempts in the Democratisation of Hong Kong https://www.e-ir.info/2019/03/29/rival-securitising-attempts-in-the-democratisation-of-hong-kong/ NEVILLE CHI HANG LI, MAR 29 2019 This is an excerpt from New Perspectives on China’s Relations with the World: National, Transnational and International. Get your free copy here. The principle of “one country, two systems” is in grave political danger. According to the Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong signed in 1984, and as later specified in Article 5 of the Basic Law, i.e. the mini-constitution of Hong Kong, the capitalist system and way of life in Hong Kong should remain unchanged for 50 years. This promise not only settled the doubts of the Hong Kong people in the 1980s, but also resolved the confidence crisis of the international community due to the differences in the political and economic systems between Hong Kong and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). As stated in the record of a meeting between Thatcher and Deng in 1982, the Prime Minister regarded the question of Hong Kong as an ‘immediate issue’ as ‘money and skill would immediately begin to leave’ if such political differences were not addressed (Margaret Thatcher Foundation 1982).
    [Show full text]