The Chaim Herzog Center
THE CHAIM HERZOG CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES & DIPLOMACY מרכז חיים הרצוג לחקר המזרח התיכון והדיפלומטיה مركز حايم هرتصوغ لدراسات الشرق األوسط والدبلوماسية Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Beer-Sheva, Israel Vol. 18-19 April 2015
Israel and its Demand for Recognition as a Jewish State Prof. Yoram Meital Chair, The Chaim Herzog Center
wenty-one years after the signing of the ‘Declaration T of Principles on Interim Self-Government Agreements’ (“Oslo Accords”), the relations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority are in a state of perpetual crisis. The causes of the crisis and the reasons for its continuation are manifold and diverse. However, each side has one contention regarding the main reason for not achieving a final status agreement ending the bloody historical conflict. PM Netanyahu at the UN, November 2014 President Mahmoud Abbas
In this Issue: claims that “the settlement the Palestinians’ refusal to activity represents the core of recognize a Jewish state in any Israel and its Demand for 1-2 the policy of military colonial borders.” The end of occupation Recognition as a Jewish State occupation of the Palestinian and mutual recognition were the Conferences & Workshops 3-29 people’s territory and all the two pillars of the Oslo Accords, brutality of the aggression and meant to lead to a permanent Film Screening and Visitors 30-33 racial discrimination against our agreement and a resolution of Events 34-35 people that this policy entails.” the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin The dominant perception Jama‘a 36-37 Netanyahu has repeatedly among most Israelis is that the Scholarships 37-38 declared that “the core of the widespread opposition within conflict has always been and the PLO to recognize Israel as Calendar 39-40 unfortunately continues to be a Jewish state is an expression
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1 of a denial of the legitimacy Palestinian narrative with regard of course, affected by regional of Israel’s very existence and to the 1948 War. developments, primarily the reflects opposition in principle to The second implication power struggles that began with the recognition of its sovereignty. stems from the fact that the the civil uprisings known as the This common perception is Israeli demand has been “Arab Spring.” The upheavals rooted in the failure to distinguish raised during the permanent in Egypt and Syria and the between the recognition of Israel status negotiations. First challenges that the governments and its recognition as a Jewish and foremost this stipulation in Jordan and Lebanon are state. basically undermines the facing had a significant impact Various groups in Arab Palestinian position regarding on the positions held by Israel societies are indeed opposed their sovereignty over a part of and the Palestinians. The Israeli to recognizing Israel. Yet, it is Jerusalem and their demand government has adopted a not true that all Arabs refuse to control the Haram al-Sharif policy that actually reflects a to recognize it. The peace complex – that is the Temple preference for the status quo agreements signed between Mount. Is it conceivable that and the rejection of negotiations Israel and Egypt, and with after gaining Arab recognition the conclusion of which will Jordan include explicit provisions as a Jewish state, Israel would require a significant withdrawal regarding the recognition of Israel; still be ready to compromise on and end its control over the and on the eve of the signing of the control over an area that West Bank. In this situation the the Oslo Accords, Yitzhak Rabin represents the site where the PA leadership places its hopes and Yasser Arafat exchanged inner sanctum of Judaism was in the international community. letters on the issue. However, located? And in the context of President Abbas’ policy seeks to there is no reference in these the Palestinian refugee issue, the convert the international support agreements to recognizing Israel recognition of Israel as a Jewish in principle for the establishment ‘as a Jewish state.’ Diplomatic state undermines any possibility of a Palestinian state into political and legal recognition of the of reaching an agreement on this action hoping that it will create State of Israel is a necessary charged issue. a new dynamic in the political condition for a peace agreement The third implication of the process with Israel. At the same with any Arab side. The (national recognition of Israel as a Jewish time, NGOs in Europe and the US and cultural) collective identity state pertains to its direct and promote initiatives of boycott and of Israeli society is an internal harsh repercussions for the sanctions against Israel. These matter. It is of course legitimate Palestinian minority among initiatives are controversial, and for the Israeli consensus to give Israel’s citizens, particularly it is questionable whether they expression to its Jewish identity. in relation to their link to their contribute to the accomplishment The demand for the Palestinian historical homeland. The last of the goals, some of them side to recognize the Jewish decade saw an ever growing declare to pursue. The status quo identity of the State of Israel is number of expressions of in the Israeli–Palestinian arena is not relevant to the signing of a alienation among the Jewish fragile and it is doubtful whether it peace agreement with them. majority in Israel from the will last much longer. The demand for the recognition minority’s positions regarding This complex situation poses of Israel as a Jewish state in the their historical and national a challenge for scholars of the context of the Israeli–Palestinian identity as an integral part of the Middle East. The issue 18-19 conflict, and in particular when Palestinian people. The events of the Chaim Herzog Center raised in the context of the final of October 2000 constitute a Newsletter testifies to the status negotiations, has three landmark in the way Israel’s importance we have given during main implications. The first entails Palestinian citizens perceive the the last two years to major issues, a denial of the very legitimacy state and the majority’s attitude including those mentioned of the Palestinian demand for toward them. The growing above. Many of the reviews recognition of their historical political support for the Right, presented in this volume have in rights to their homeland, or at least and especially its hawkish wing, common that they examine the the lion share thereof. Accepting finds clear expression in the issues in a broad Middle Eastern Netanyahu’s pre-requisite is Israeli public discourse and in context. This research position tantamount to Abu Mazen nationalist legislation. will continue to guide us in our agreeing to erase the memory The processes between extensive activities during the of the Nakba and eliminating the Israel and the Palestinians are, coming year.
2 CONFERENCES & W or k s h o p s International Workshop: Jewish Thought in Arab Societies 1880-1960
he international workshop to wider, global contexts and The speakers and discussants on Jewish Thought in circles. The workshop organizers included, among others, Yaron T Arab Societies from 1880 thought that such studies may Tsur, Gadi Algazi, Yigal Nizri, to 1960 was the highlight of the be important, helping to fill a Moshe Behar, Zvi Ben-Dor Benite, Chaim Herzog Center’s activities research lacuna, given that the Yuval Ivri, Almog Behar, Menashe in 2014. The participants were field of Jewish Intellectual History Anzi, Yaacov Yadgar, Liat Kozma, scholars from Israel, the USA, is usually associated with Jewish Yoram Meital, Zvi Zohar, Amnon and Europe. Within a wider trend thought that flourished in Europe Raz-Krakotzkin, Deborah Starr, of growing scholarly interest and was affected by the changes Haya Bambaji-Sasportas, Michelle in various aspects of Jewish occurring there. In contrast, the Campos, Abigail Jacobson, Orit history in the modern Middle intellectual history of the Middle Ouaknine-Yekutieli, Esther Meir- East, the workshop focused East is not sufficiently developed, Glitzenstein, Haggai Ram, André on the intellectual activities of and research on the contribution Levy, and Henriette Dahan-Kalev. Jews writing in Arabic, French, of Jews to a variety of ideas The participants’ papers were Hebrew, and English, examining developed in the region is still in its made available in advance which their work in the social, cultural initial stages. Promoting the study allowed for in-depth discussions and political context in which it of Jewish intellectual history of the on a variety of issues, including was created. Taking inspiration region may contribute to both of the intellectual world of Hayyim from the anthology Modern these major fields of knowledge. In Ben Kiki, Shehata Haroun, Rabbi Middle Eastern Jewish Thought: light of the state of historiography, David Buzaglo, Rabbi Yosef Writings on Identity, Politics, and the workshop organizers sought Hayyim, Rabbi Mas’oud Hai Ben Culture 1893–1958 (2013), edited to identify and reveal the texts that Shim’on, Rabbi Raphael Aharon by Moshe Behar (University of make up the “missing corpus” of Ben Shim’on, the filmmaker Togo Manchester) and Zvi Ben-Dor the rich works of Middle Eastern Mizrahi, and the historian Elie Benite (New York University), the Jewish intellectuals. Kedourie. Stimulating discussions workshop was largely conceived The workshop was attended dealt, among other issues, as a continuation of that project. by leading scholars along with with al-Andalus and how Saul The two important scholars, who a host of young researchers. Abdallah Yosef and Abraham edited the anthology, were among the organizers of the workshop. The premise of the workshop participants was that Jews were an integral part of the local societies and were affected in similar ways by the processes and changes occurring in Arab societies as well as by the challenges of modern philosophy stemming from the European Enlightenment. Studying their views, ideas and cultural world enables a critical reexamination of the broad political, social and economic changes experienced by the Middle East region, and even Participants of the workshop ”Jewish Thought in Arab Societies 1880-1960” extending the range of observation
3 Shalom Yahuda represented Tiberias, Haifa and Jerusalem. Ben Kiki gave expression to it in their thinking and writing; At a time when the geopolitical a historical consciousness that Eastern feminist thinking in and national boundaries had was wide in terms of time and the story of ‘Flora Saporto’ by not yet been established on the space. Ben-Dor Benite compared Nehama Pohatchevsky; Eastern ground, people like Ben Kiki could Ben Kiki’s discussion referring Jews as mediators in Mandatory rather freely move physically, to the old classical categories Palestine; the paper Mizrach intellectually, culturally and of human civilization that was u-Ma’arav (East and West), epistemologically from Tiberias to not necessarily religious, to the published by Abraham Elmaleh; Damascus, Beirut or Cairo, and type of analysis of world history the historiography of Moroccan even further east to India or west proposed by such historians as scholars researching Moroccan to Italy. Ben Kiki illustrates that Hegel, Ranke or Spengler. In Ben Jews; a survey of Jewish the Jews were an integral part Kiki’s categorization, the ‘Orient’ newspapers in the Mediterranean of the societies of the East as a included also Asia. It was not region; the Theosophical Society whole and that they perceived perceived in geographical terms, in Basra and the transfer of their history in cultural terms and but as a huge cultural space, as knowledge between Yemen, the as distinct from the West. They the cradle of the old civilization, Persian Gulf, and Iraq; and the opposed Europe’s expansion into created by the prophets and Farhud as history and memory the East in light of the cultural sages, the creators of the in the writings of Iraqi-Jewish changes that it imposed on local Eastern spirit, who included not intellectuals. societies. The war in Syria and only the Hebrew prophets and Drawing on methodological the establishment of Lebanon Muhammad, but also Buddha, tools of global intellectual history, demonstrated to Ben Kiki the Confucius and Zoroaster. In Ben Zvi Ben-Dor Benite discussed effects of European expansion, Kiki’s historical consciousness the Hayyim Ben Kiki who represents which he analyzed drawing on a world was divided into Asia and well the cultural and intellectual perspective and such concepts Europe, and from there, from his world of Eastern Jewish writers as “minorities” and “ethnicity,” Oriental-Asian vantage point Ben through whom we aimed to common in the academic Kiki looked at the global realities of highlight the missing intellectual discourse on Syria and Lebanon. his time. Ben-Dor Benite discerns corpus and to place it on the Dramatic events like the fall of the in Ben Kiki a critical perspective academic agenda. A significant Ottoman Empire, the Arab Revolt, resembling the postcolonial part of the writings of these the Balfour Declaration, and the discourse. Thus for example, Ben Eastern Jewish intellectuals is establishment of the Mandate Kiki presented the relationship not well known because they regimes were perceived as most between the West and the East lived on the periphery of the severe setbacks of the East which as power relations saturated major intellectuals centers of the Ben Kiki analyzed in civilizational with dialectic contradictions Middle East, placing them from terms. and discussed them as political the beginning on the periphery of Jewish intellectual history or global and European intellectual history. Ben Kiki’s writings that were published in the local Jewish press in Hebrew at the beginning of the twentieth century show that the world he imagined extended far beyond the known geographical boundaries of the Middle East and certainly beyond the narrow historical consciousness that modern nationalism began to impose. Ben Kiki, born in Tiberias, was the son of Rabbi Shlomo Ben Kiki, who emigrated from Morocco to Ottoman Palestine in the 1860s Opening session of the workshop and spent most of his life in
4 relations between different types of style and forms of knowledge. In Ben Kiki’s view, the modern humanities and social sciences were a means of control exerted by the West over the East, designed to weaken its spirit. The East’s difficult political situation was the result of this control and of the West’s ability to weaken the national culture and the Eastern self-esteem to such an extent that Eastern peoples forgot their identity and internalized the idea of their inferiority. In an article, titled “European Culture in the The Andalusian Mediterranean Orchestra of Ashkeolon East,” where he discusses these issues, Ben Kiki showed how the members of the three major perspectives and worldviews, among these intellectuals but religions in the East rejected but also to the views expressed also to make distinctions between European presence and influence. by Christian and Muslim Arab them, to identify formal and Moreover, his Jewishness intellectuals of his time and to the informal networks of intellectuals, shaped his awareness of the work of such Jewish intellectuals or to distinguish between political use made by Europe of as Abraham Shalom Yahuda and peripheral intellectual history religious minorities in the East Abraham Elmaleh, while reflecting and an intellectual history that is to undermine its cohesion, and also a growing awareness of academic in nature, dealing with in particular its use of Jews and Ashkenazi presence in Palestine, meta-historical ideas. This raised Christians as heralds of its ideas. of nationalism and Zionism. The a number of questions, regarding As a sworn admirer of Arabic discussion on the life of Ben Kiki the contexts in which Middle and as translator of the Qur’an, is one example of the wealth of Eastern Jewish intellectuals need Ben Kiki was convinced that the issues raised in the debates the to be studied; issues of memory, West’s worst attack was directed debates on such a wide range of identity, and collective community against Arabic which was the intellectuals. identity; and how Middle Eastern unifying basis of Arab racial unity. The richness and variety of Jews challenged the liberal ideas Eastern Christians assisted also the lectures on these subjects of nationalism, secularism and the in this. Europe changed the nature indicated that the category nation state and may offer Jewish of Arabic by cutting it off from its ‘intellectual’ may be much wider versions thereof. Islamic poetic anchor and poured than commonly assumed. In the framework of the it into a European form and style, The studies presented at the workshop the Chaim Herzog thus destroying it from within. For workshop have revealed the Center invited the participants, the Jewish Ben Kiki, Islam was not existence of a rich Jewish faculty members, students and only a system of faith and religion, intellectual life in a wide range of residents of Beer Sheva to a but had also cultural, civilizational fields, from journalism, literature, concert: Umm Kulthum Forever, meaning, the expression and film and liturgical poems, through performed by the Andalusian representation of the old East. political philosophy and rabbinical Mediterranean Orchestra of Ben Kiki was concerned about thought, to theosophy and leftist Ashkelon, conducted by Tom the fate of Jewish culture in the political theories. Their writings Cohen. The concert was also an process of Europeanization of the show that Jewish intellectuals opportunity to become acquainted Christian-Arab East, that Jews had a broad worldview and that with the soloists, Nasreen Qadri will lose their collective identity their cultural and intellectual from Nazareth, who has a very and their Easternness, and thus world went beyond the defined powerful and electrifying stage remain lost and isolated. Though boundaries in the Middle East. presence, and Ziv Ezekiel, a it is not possible here to elaborate The discussions at the workshop Haredi, who was first exposed his views, it is evident that they demonstrated that it is possible to Arabic music through liturgical corresponded not only to global to find common characteristics poems in the synagogue, was
5 taken in by it and later decided to study Arabic language and the rules and styles of classical Arabic music. The concert focused on the musical creations of the giants among Egyptian singers, in particular Umm Kulthum, Mohammed Abdel Wahab, and Farid al-Atrash. The impressive performance won enthusiastic applause. The orchestra’s composition, and especially the soloists’ biographies, fit well into the framework of the workshop; Umm Kulthum Forever, May 2014 the concert was a perfect closing event.
Forty Years since the Yom Kippur War
uring the past year the Chaim Kipnis’ book, namely the necessary real-time intelligence. Here lies Herzog Center organized two distinction between knowing and another methodological difficulty D events marking the fortieth understanding, from which a that stems from the expectation anniversary of the Yom Kippur possible course of action derives. that the intelligence services will War. One addressed fundamental This is a fundamental issue that is predict the future, while they are systemic questions revealed by not only relevant to the 1973 War. not abler to do so than anyone else. the war, which in part were raised He elaborated on the tendency to The intelligence services need to by Yigal Kipnis’ book, 1973: The impose preconceived views on the be humble in their approach and Road to War (2013); and the other analysis of reality. This is a typical warn decision makers about what dealt with the way the war has course of action for politicians, but they know and don’t know. It is their been inscribed in Israeli collective it is highly problematic if it trickles duty to present to decision makers memory, the myths created down to the intelligence level. The what they see at the moment, to around it, and its deep, long-term intelligence services must not talk modestly, not to predict the implications for Israeli society. have preconceived opinions. They future, and to emphasize that they At the conference following have to form their own opinion and do not know what will happen. Yet the publication of Kipnis’ book recommendations based on the they must present potential future the participants, scholars and information available to them and scenarios and weigh them according former members of the intelligence on their own assessments. Drawing to their probability, a designation in services, discussed the relations on the decision makers’ views in the gray area. Conversely erudition between the military and the that process is a recipe for disaster. can be a hindrance, especially political leadership during the war, Even if a body dealing with the in extreme cases, it cannot be a the role of the intelligence services evaluation of national intelligence substitute for common sense, and in the political processes leading to has an opinion, it has to be able to therefore intelligence claiming to the war, and the way that history neutralize such underlying views know what will happen is invalid. should be written. The former head and detach them from the picture During the Yom Kippur War there of IDF Military Intelligence, Uri Sagi, that emerges from the actually was plenty of intelligence due to presented a critical approach to the accumulated knowledge and data. the superb collection capability that role of the intelligence services. That was the reason for the failure was not based only on one source In his view, their task is to raise in 1973. Another crucial issue (like Ashraf Marwan). But the better and refine questions, but not to is the premise that intelligence the intelligence sources are, the provide answers, except for issues services essentially deal with the greater the danger of complacency of the past. Sagi addressed the past, since all they see and hear and reliance on “exotic” sources. In methodological questions raised by occurred in the past, they have no this respect it is still unclear what
6 “kind” of source Marwan was. The Operation “Spring of Youth,” and that they were able to launch a intelligence services wanted to in which the Black September surprise attack, but it estimated that be right, which is an intellectual leaders were eliminated, the total its forces deployed along the front failure. Intelligence is not meant shock created by this operation will be able to halt such an attack to be “right,” but relevant for the in Arab countries, and its political if it occurs. The army did not think decision makers. On the other implications that led to the fall in terms of stopping but rather of hand, skepticism and questioning of the Lebanese government, “containment,” assessing that in are not just a technical means, but strengthened the feeling. All that case of an attack their intelligence a very important feature that should had also an impact inside Israel. sources, especially Marwan, be encouraged. Unanswered The operation raised the army’s will provide them with sufficient questions sharpen and refine the prestige and reinforced the sense notice in advance. This fact and work and thinking of intelligence of security that afflicted the self- the relaxation among the military services. Since the decision view of the military and the political following Zvi Zamir’s meeting makers are politicians dealing with leadership. Operation “Spring of with Marwan in London also events, while the members of the Youth” and other achievements demonstrate the dependency. In intelligence services deal with their raised Israel’s intelligence Bergman’s view this lies at the basis long-term implications, there is capabilities to a mythical status, of the war’s intelligence failure. In bound to be a constant dissonance making the intelligence failure in the Israel there was confusion between between these two systems. During Yom Kippur War even more severe. “intentions” and “capabilities.” Israel the Yom Kippur War, however, the The main reason for this failure was knew that the other side had the decision makers and the intelligence the absolute dependency of the ability to attack, but since it relied on services were in harmony, there military and the political leadership, good intelligence sources, it settled was no disagreement between the their almost “addiction” to “exotic” for understanding the intentions military and the political leadership. and “know-it-all” intelligence and did not focus on capabilities. In In contrast, Sagi suggested sources. The testimony of then addition there was intolerance in the that disharmony will benefit Chief-of-Staff David Elazar to the system toward opposing views, and national security, and the more Agranat Commission illustrated this thus members of the intelligence disagreements and arguments well, when he said, for example, services were not able to express there are, the better. that the intelligence successes their views beyond certain levels. Ronen Bergman, a senior created absolute trust and reliance Apart from the intelligence failure journalist and author of numerous on intelligence. Elazar admitted in assessing the readiness for books on intelligence and security that Israel knew in real time that the military challenges, there is a issues, dealt with the intelligence Syrian and Egyptian armed forces lesson relevant to a range of fields. services during the Yom Kippur had switched to combat protocol Also Ehud Barak insisted that the War. He said that Israel had good, high-quality intelligence before the war. Ashraf Marwan, Nasser’s son-in-law, provided accurate information on a number of issues and therefore was seen as someone who “could read Sadat’s mind,” giving the impression that Israel had managed to create a channel to discern the other side’s intentions at the highest levels – a source more valuable than the contributions of advanced intelligence technology. The combination of technological devices and the use of Marwan and other means created the impression in Israel that the level of intelligence available is so high that nothing can happen in the Arab world without its knowledge. The successful fight against terrorism, in particular
7 political and military lesson learned Galili worked to foil an Egyptian accused Marwan of being a spy from Operation “Spring of Youth” diplomatic initiative to resolve close to the Egyptian government was wrong, creating a baseless the conflict in Israeli–Egyptian who passed information to Israel, sense of security. In his view, no relations. Against that background and Marwan responded to the conclusions should be drawn from Meital raised the methodological accusation. The 1973 War is not one specific successful action with question whether it is possible to merely an Israeli affair, but that does regard to the entire sector, or with discuss the missed chance of a not find expression in the Israeli regard to the army’s overall ability, political process, not only in 1973, writings on it. The tendency to as if it were all powerful. Israel’s but also between Israel and the present a limited Israeli perspective intelligence community is indeed Palestinians and other Arab states, is also reflected in the analysis of the best in the world. It achieved a without examining thoroughly the the political process that ignores startling series of tactical successes Egyptian or Arab side. Can a book the basic questions of the conflict, and was an inspiration to other deal with a very important channel as for example the circumstances intelligence services. But the of communication, such as the talks of the passing of UN Resolution winning combination of good and that were held in 1973 between 242, where Egypt was one of accurate intelligence for specific Hafez Ismail, chairman of the only two Arab states supporting it. targeted operations with tactical Egyptian National Security Council, Similarly, Israeli publications did success also led to a resounding and Secretary of State Henry not relate to Sadat’s public political strategic failure. Not only in 1973 Kissinger, adviser to President initiative in February 1971. The have the intelligence services Richard Nixon, by drawing only on Israeli leadership that was identical created a sense of power among American documents, Kissinger’s to the leadership in 1973 and the Israeli leadership that led to a letters, and Israeli press headlines? consisted of Golda Meir, Yisrael consistent rejection of any peace Meital believes that this is not Galili and Yigal Allon, ignored this proposal. These capabilities have possible and that this is one of initiative, although it resulted in the given rise to a feeling among the the missed opportunities in the opening of an important channel political leadership that we can writing and discussion dealing of communication between the “outsmart history” and that time with the political process that US and Egypt that led to the works in our favor. Although Israel preceded the war. Publications in crystallization of the idea of the was able to defeat something Israel have ignored the writings “year of decision.” Although Kipnis’s invincible such as the suicide terror and testimony of key figures such book is important and provides a attacks, and to make Hamas ask as Hafez Ismail and Mohamed lot of insights, it also illustrates the for a ceasefire, the calm and the Hassanein Heikal, who were close argument that it is impossible to cessation of terror attacks were not to the ruling circles and decision study the war only from an Israeli used for a political initiative that has makers in Egypt, and shed light on perspective which can never reflect to follow such a military victory. This the story of Marwan and the secret the full picture. Especially one sense of calm is misleading, and the political negotiations that preceded should not ignore the Arab side nor political leadership is wrong now to the war. Israeli researchers do not give in to stereotypes about Arabs think that it is possible to outsmart follow publications in Egypt and are or hide behind them. In order to say history and that time is working in unaware of the existence of a lively something meaningful that does not Israel’s favor. internal Egyptian debate that deals just reproduce statements made Yoram Meital, the chairman of not only with such questions as to by politicians and members of the the Chaim Herzog Center, focused whether or not there was a victory intelligence services, one needs to on further basic methodological in the 1973 War, and Egyptian take the Arab perspective fully into questions stemming from Kipnis’ staple-food issues pertaining to consideration. book. Beyond its contribution to the the political process and the peace In his response, Yigal Kipnis revival of the public and academic treaty with Israel, but also with addressed the takeover of the debate about the war, the book many important issues such as memory by individual narratives does indeed raise central questions the Marwan case and the political and their entrenchment as the about Israel’s political conduct; negotiations preceding the war. exclusive historical story. Thus and in this sense, the renewed Meital elaborated on a publication the widespread Israeli focus on discussion points to old questions, from August 2012 that documents the military-intelligence channel more than it provides conclusive a controversy between Marwan and defined the boundaries of academic answers. The book focuses on the Heikal when they met in London in and journalistic writing on the war view that in the course of 1973 Golda 2006. Israel completely ignored this and led to the entrenchment of the Meir, Moshe Dayan and Yisrael documentation within which Heikal military-intelligence narrative, while
8 the political aspects of the war were is named after it, there is no official “earthquake,” and the myths of the marginalized. In his book Kipnis memorial day marking it, no heroes “miracle,” “the binding of Isaac,” and intended to change that state of and no victory albums. Through the “disillusionment.” historiography, by showing, among an entire world of associations While the previous speakers other things, how the political and images the memory of the addressed the place of the war conduct impacted the military and war is tightly connected to the in Israeli memory culture, Yoram intelligence aspects of the war, as remembrance of the Holocaust and Meital dealt with the memory of the for example the Egyptian initiative draws on the multi-layered trauma war in Egypt. Theoretical research to establish a secret diplomatic that recurred in Jewish history from on the politics of memory focuses on channel vis-à-vis Kissinger, while the time of Abraham Avinu and practices imparting memory, on the working through military means to the Binding of Isaac until the first acceptance among different groups propel and promote that channel. Lebanon War. Tirza Hechter dealt and social sectors, and on the The vantage point of the second with the process of mythologization ways in which such memory serves conference dealing with the war of the war, engaging in a theoretical current political interests. Meital set was the end of the fighting, or as discussion of the ways political out to demonstrate these aspects we titled it: “When the cannons fall myths are built. She talked about using as a case study the memory silent.” Speakers addressed broad the political narratives that stood at culture created in Egypt, in which regional and international strategic the center of the mythologization the representation and memory of aspects of the war, while others, process of the war, as for example, the war is completely different from scholars of cultural studies and the victory narrative which military the way it was inscribed in the Israeli sociologists, dealt with the way the men, politicians and journalists consciousness. This is reflected in memory of the war was inscribed in explicated and used to create the names given to the war in Egypt: Israeli society and its implications for solidarity. This narrative was “Ramadan War” and “October War.” civil society. Gideon Avital-Epstein shattered by Menachem Begin’s Another expression was the change (Kibbutzim College of Education, protest in the Knesset session, in of the national holiday, which until Technologies & Arts) talked about which Golda Meir defined the war 1973 marked the day of the Free the language of the war memory as a historical landmark; and it gave Officers Revolution on July 23, to and the epithets associated with way to the myth of failure targeting October 6, the day the war began. it attributing meaning, such as the leadership’s negligence and “The crossing” (al-‘ubur) is the “failure,” “earthquake” and “trauma,” flawed functioning. In Hechter’s main symbolically significant term that show how the war has been view, Begin’s protest constituted a associated with the war and the inscribed in Israeli public memory. turning point. From there on, the war way it was inscribed in the minds. In addition there are memory became a political text. She further It refers to the crossing of the Canal practices that essentially aim at talked about a number of other and Egypt’s ability to break through forgetting the war: hardly any street myths and metaphors, such as the the line of Israeli strongholds, as an expression of a historic victory, not merely in military or strategic terms, but mainly in psychological ones. Sadat’s assassination in 1981 during the annual parade marking the anniversary of the war added another symbolic meaning of this date. Moreover Sadat was buried within the monument of the Unknown Soldier, the official memorial site of the war, that is designed in the form of a pyramid. The monument is located on a busy main highway connecting the luxurious Heliopolis neighborhood with downtown Cairo, where the annual parade in memory of the war is held. Perpetuating of the ”When the Canons Fall Silent,” November 2013 war memory in Egypt is a project with various expressions: The
9 social order and for the individual, and the basic assumption that the war resulted from avoidable failure. Its founders aimed to achieve social and political change. Zaki Shalom (Ben-Gurion In- stitute) and Galia Golan (Interdis- ciplinary Center, Herzliya) dealt with broad strategic aspects of the war. Shalom presented the Israeli concept of power that was based on self-deception and served as the framework of policy decisions since 1967, as for example the consistent and uncompromising refusal to withdraw from the occupied territories, except in return for a comprehensive peace. ”When the Canons Fall Silent,” opening session The political opportunities after 1967 and especially after 1973 exposed that the Israeli leadership October anniversary stamp that the groups. The kibbutz movement, was prisoner of its ideology and its always contains Egyptian national whose members were prominent inability to see the situation and symbols, the October Panorama, representatives of the Zionist ethos deal with it in a realistic and practical the war museum commemorating and Israeli culture of bereavement, manner. Maintaining the status quo “the crossing,” as well as speeches perceived the war as a deep crisis as a central interest of American and ceremonies constantly that led to disillusionment and policy in the period between referring to Egypt’s achievements disappointment with the political 1967 and 1973 was perfectly in in the spirit of “the crossing” seen leadership. On the other hand, line with Israeli policy, despite as a historical milestone. Over trauma and personal or national its declarations of its willingness the years all of them have been crisis did not characterize the to withdraw from the occupied used for the political purposes of response of the right wing of territories. Golan concluded the present leadership, be it at religious Zionism, who saw the the discussion addressing the the time of President Mubarak, war as just another step in the international repercussions of the who, among other things, switch nation’s struggle to return to its war, its impact on the relations the myth of heroism from Sadat country. The founders of Gush between the Soviet Union and to the Egyptian army, in which Emunim, led by Hanan Porat, the United States during the Cold Mubarak served, or at the time of who used his war injury to shape War, and the damage it did to the President Morsi, who in a picture the organization’s ideological and détente policy. She elaborated on commemorating the war, added political character, saw themselves the political process that led to not only his own image but also as heralding a message of healing, tension between the superpowers those of members of the Muslim redemption and hope through due to their conflicting interests. Brothers (who were persecuted settlement in the West Bank, that That tension was unprecedented by Sadat and Mubarak) and of was presented as a continuation and similar to the Cuban missile al-Jama’a al-Islamiya, to which of the Zionist project. In their view crisis in the early 1960s. Golan Sadat’s assassins belonged. the trauma was the ceding of part emphasized the centrality of the Michael Feige (Ben-Gurion In- of the land within the framework of détente policy in Soviet interests stitute) talked about the war as the interim agreements. Some of which led the Soviet Union to initiate a turning point in Israel’s history them perceived this as the state’s and promote peace proposals in and elaborated on its impact betrayal of its historic goal and a order to maintain the status quo on different sectors of Israeli disruption of the Jewish people’s in international relations with the society. He claimed that the war historical trajectory. Peace Now US, while the latter prevented any was not necessarily a basis for saw these views as dangerous. The progress toward an agreement due social solidarity, but exposed and movement was shaped by the war its own narrow interests. highlighted differences between trauma, the threat it created for the
10 Bedouins in Israel
he conference Bedouin “indigenous” when the territory the Green Patrol, and the Citizens of the Jewish State: it inhabits comes under the rule Implementation Headquarters of T Toward Confrontation or of another people, and when the Prime Minister’s Office that Reconciliation was held in the the regime, norms, laws and collaborates with the National midst of the public debate over culture of the latter are imposed Security Council, perceive the the Begin-Prawer Report and the on it, while its existence as such Bedouins primarily as a security legislation bill regulating Bedouin (i.e., as an indigenous people) threat. This conveys a troubling settlement in the Negev. The is not recognized by the ruling message to Bedouins who conference was held against the majority. Indigenous peoples perceive themselves as citizens background of the increasing lack are disenfranchised despite and come thus to realize that of trust between Bedouin society their legal status as “citizens.” In a solution can only be attained and government institutions. particular many aspects of the by force. The Bedouin are not Alongside the academic debate on definition of indigenous peoples passive. They are speaking out basic historical, anthropological, formulated by Jose R. Martinez and offer alternatives appropriate legal and discourse issues Cobo are discernible in the to their culture such as individual related to the reality of the lives Bedouin population in the Negev: farms or agricultural cooperatives, of Bedouins in the Negev, the temporal priority (pre-invasion or but the state is not willing to enter conference included a special pre-colonization), the preservation into any dialogue with them. public session in which Atiya of cultural distinctiveness, the Manny Mautner (Law Faculty, al-Assam, the chairman of the self-view as indigenous, and Tel Aviv University) discussed a Council for the Unrecognized the experience of oppression, number of theoretical models of Villages in the Negev, and marginalization, dispossession, various countries, each of which Ami Tesler, responsible for the exclusion, and discrimination by represents a specific type of Community Department of the the dominant part of society. The relationship between “the state” Implementation Headquarters (the status of the Bedouin population and its indigenous peoples. executive unit established in the as an indigenous people actually The structural difficulty in the wake of the Begin-Prawer Report), stems from the fact that Israel relationship between nation states participated. defines itself as a Jewish state. and indigenous peoples lies in the The opening session dealt with Abu-Saad emphasized that he priority that is given to one human theoretical and historical issues does not reject the Jewish aspects interest: the preservation of the raised by a recently published of the state, but he objects to culture and national sovereignty of book, Indigenous (In)Justice: the violation of the Bedouins’ the majority group, without giving Human Rights Law and Bedouin collective and cultural rights by sufficient room to those with other Arabs in the Naqab/Negev (2013), means of ideological mechanisms. interests, such as indigenous edited by Ahmad Amara (New The public good is determined peoples, within the state territory. York University), Ismael Abu- by and for the Jewish majority The nation-state model pursues Saad (BGU), and Oren Yiftachel interests, while the treatment of a cultural standardization of all (BGU). The book places the the Bedouins, who are citizens its citizens, even if they do not Bedouin citizens in the Negev of the state, is inequitable in belong to the ethnic majority. Thus within the theoretical discourse on civic terms. Equality cannot be cultures of minority groups are “indigenous peoples,” including attained by specialized bodies erased and disappear; and when comparisons to other indigenous exclusively dealing with “Bedouin” culture is erased, also human populations in other societies. issues, but rather the Bedouins beings are erased, creating a lack Ismael Abu-Saad (Department of have to be a priori recognized as of correlation between mental Education, BGU) argued that the equal and given their collective categories giving meaning to discourse on indigenous peoples rights on an egalitarian basis. life, and reality itself. This has fits the situation of the Bedouin Such special bodies established serious implications, also in population in Israel, given the for the purposes of inspecting or material terms. Contrary to the common definition according promoting the Bedouin population nation state, a multi-cultural state to which a people becomes as the Israel Land Administration, recognizes the need to give room
11 trapped in these structural tensions and their rationale, and their situation is affected by them. For example, the narrative about the Bedouins shapes the way they are conceptualized in Israeli society. This narrative differs from the narrative regarding Israeli Arabs and presents the Bedouin as nomads who have no land rights. Institutions like the Jewish Agency, the JNF or the concept of Judaization of space, an informal institution, share the narrative’s rationale. Recent years have revealed a contradiction within that rationale itself when the state tried to establish order with regard to the Bedouin space and population, as in the Goldberg Report, but this to several cultures, but even this intervene to introduce change and attempt failed because Bedouin model tends to prioritize one progress, to improve the level of society has adopted a national human interest, namely cultural welfare in education and housing, identity and has undergone a interests, while ignoring other and to promote human rights, for process of Palestinization. Even human interests. The third model example, for women. the modernization processes in is the social-democratic state Guy Ben-Porat (Public Policy Bedouin society are distorted that embodies a combination of and Administration, BGU) pre- given that they include forced liberal theory inspired by John sented a sociological perspective settlement and the breaking of Stuart Mill, and socialist-Marxist on the structural and theoretical the Bedouin leadership, creating theory. This model combines the problems in the relationship a reality of poverty and crime with liberal assumption that people will between the state and the which the state can hardly cope. prosper if they realize their inner Bedouins. He stressed the The state cannot offer equality as potential and abilities, with the structural tension between Israeli long as it is a Jewish state; and the view that the state is the means citizenship and Jewish nationality, recognition of indigenous rights is enabling this self-realization, since especially with regard to the not on the agenda at the moment. it is the state’s purpose to facilitate state’s commitment to equality. However, there are possibilities of individual prosperity and thus the The tension that is unique to the action on the public management prosperity of all individuals in the State of Israel can be explained level to advance the rights of country. The social-democratic by a neo-institutional approach marginalized groups, as for model perceives the needs of that sees in institutions the rules example the adjustment of state human beings most accurately; of the game that direct and create policies to the group’s needs and it is the most desirable and values, norms of behavior and aspirations and/or its participation appropriate model, to ensure the practices shaping reality and in decision-making as an equal existence and prosperity of an order as well as the ways society partner and not only as a recipient, indigenous people. In that light functions. The institution relevant for a fair policy. Mautner argued that the state has to the discussion here is Israeli Ahmad Amara (Ph.D. candidate the duty to relate to the indigenous citizenship that is subjected to the at New York University) addressed people in civic republican terms, institution of the Jewish state, while several methodological issues and not as a majority state to a both institutions are facing the arising from the book he edited minority. Yet, the state must not institution of the democratic state. together with Yiftachel and Abu- accept oppression in the name In Israel the rationale of citizenship Saad, in particular the need to of conservation and preservation and democracy are subordinate to pay attention to the terminology of indigenous culture. It must act the rationale of the nation and the used in the discourse on the within the indigenous population to Jewish state. As an indigenous Bedouins. Amara focused on advance modernization; it has to population, the Bedouins are various fields of discourse
12 through which the uniqueness of led to the distribution of land set out to discuss the Bedouins, the Bedouins’ situation may be and tribal water areas, and over drawing on the changes in the seen. As the Palestinian Arabs time also to a regulation of land academic discourse since the in Israel, the Bedouin in the ownership. For that purpose, 1980s, and to use a more critical Negev have remained outside a legal system developed, perspective to present an informal the homogeneity created by the consisting of norms and practices local indigenous discourse and the nation state. The fact that Bedouin regarding the demarcation of way it shapes local awareness. society is characterized by a boundaries, the regulation of With regard to its significance, series of images, such as tribalism ownership, inheritance, sale, rent the struggle of the Bedouins is not and nomadism, that are located and mortgage, as well as rules only about the land in a physical in the periphery, the desert, and for conflict resolution. The system sense, but also about local associated with women and exo- also included practices pertaining identity, memory and belonging, tics, makes it object of a discourse to such diverse matters as the use raising the question not only to on development, modernization of different types of bills of sale and whom the land belongs, but also and social engineering regarding various arrangements conceived to whom the local past belongs. urbanization, modernization, as legal norms that are used Abu Rabia emphasized the education etc., as state projects. until today for resolving conflicts. cultural and identity value of land One possible approach is that of These norms were influenced among the Bedouins and the historical distributive justice, justice by Ottoman law, by traditional sense of belonging to the place, that rights the wrongs of the past, Bedouin law, and by rules that especially in light of the existing some of which are the expulsion were accepted and recognized establishment approaches that are and dispossession of land. among immigrants who arrived based on a nomadism narrative Postcolonial theories may present from Egypt, for example. This which assumes that Bedouins lack the condition of the Bedouins in system exists and is still valid a sense of belonging to the land the Negev as a form of internal today among the Bedouins. The or any memory culture related to colonialism, cultural superiority question is to what degree this land. Abu Rabia presented many and systematic discrimination, system is recognized by the State examples of how Bedouins speak through a series of political, of Israel, how the state relates to about the place and its history, historical and legal justifications customary law, and what happens of the memories and stories that regarding land rights, while the when the two systems meet in an spring to mind when walking in practice may be seen in the form Israeli court in the framework of a the area, the culture of visiting of displacement, alteration of land ownership claim. ancestral land, sites and tombs. space, house demolitions, etc. Safa Abu Rabia (Mandel Center They kiss the ground and walk it In her talk Noa Kram (Sapir for Leadership in the Negev) barefoot to feel it and to remember College) moved from the introduced an anthropological it, and in doing so mark it and theoretical plain to a historical- perspective, as she spoke about talk about its exact boundaries. legal discussion on a practical the relation of the Bedouins in the They tell their children the history level, focusing on the clash of Negev to the land that is deeply of expulsion and displacement. indigenous Bedouin law with the engraved in the minds of women of Another means is the preservation Israeli legal system over all claims the Nakba generation. Abu Rabia of documentation such as maps, to land rights. Kram pointed to mainly aimed to represent the aerial photos, and personal photos historical changes in the patterns Bedouins themselves, make their from the time they lived on the land of Bedouin settlement and the voices heard, present their point and adhered to a particular way transition from nomadism based of view, and add the indigenous of life. Research on the past and on animal husbandry to a semi- discourse itself to the discussion. the memory of the past is of great nomadic lifestyle that combines The hegemonic academic debate importance to the present and animal husbandry with agriculture. tends to discuss institutional the current political and land-right The gradual increase in the mechanisms working against the struggle, but also as a struggle volume of agriculture and land Bedouins and thus perpetuates against being silenced and against cultivation led to the development the hegemony, its mechanisms narratives presenting the Bedouins and expansion of rural settlements and its discourse in a range of without identity, belonging and and to a consolidation of concrete fields such as the legal sphere and history, and disconnected from concepts of territory and land. that of planning, that are wrapped the land. The documentation The gradual institutionalization in quite a few moral assessments. of these complex aspects may of the involvement in agriculture Abu Rabia, on the other hand, offer a national alternative that
13 includes the Bedouins’ story in the by Justice Eliezer Goldberg of the plan will eventually reach Nakba discourse that is usually placated the Bedouins; later a the Bedouins themselves, while associated with the northern and dramatic change in approach most of it is meant to finance the central regions. was introduced. Ehud Prawer’s compensation, the establishment In his lecture, Sandy Kedar (Law proposals set the tone; they were of the police units for the task Faculty, Haifa University) brought the basis for the various rounds of of destroying the villages, the the discussion back to issues of recommendations that essentially officials of the Ministry of the legal doctrine and in particular the aim at reducing the Bedouins’ Interior and the Green Patrol, state’s use of the Ottoman legal space. The disengagement and the establishment of the concept, known as mawat land, in 2005 was Prawer’s source Implementation Headquarters. to justify acts of dispossession of inspiration and tangibly The first part of the program of Bedouin land. Kedar placed demonstrated that the removal of that focuses mainly on house this particular practice into the thousands of people is feasible. demolitions is already being framework of legal geography and In Kedar’s view, a compromise implemented, destroying, in the its innovative critical methodology. solution with the Bedouins is name of the law, thousands of As mentioned, the State of Israel definitely possible. The problem homes and leaving these families relies on the mawat doctrine that is the absence of a language without any solution. is based on Ottoman law defining recognizing their civil rights and Tesler argued that al-Assam’s land in uninhabited areas as the details of the formulas for description presents the perspec- dead land. Ottoman legislation compensation payments, features tive taken by factors claiming to was vague and flexible about that create a lack of trust between represent the Bedouins while the definition of dead land not the parties. centering the entire discussion belonging to anybody, and thus Kedar’s lecture brought the on the 12 percent of the allowed for varying decisions discussion directly to the Begin- Bedouin population that have regarding the fate of the land and Prawer Report that was the topic land claims against the state. adjacent villages. The Israeli legal of a session held in an interview Tesler emphasized that with system, on the other hand, tends format. Dror Zeevi (Middle East the understanding that there is to use the mawat doctrine in a Studies, BGU) interviewed Atiya a serious problem that cannot narrow and rigid sense in order to al-Assam, the chairman of the be ignored, the state decided justify expropriation of land through Council for the Unrecognized that it must address the painful a legal interpretation that often Villages in the Negev, and issue of the Bedouins and their diverts from the interpretation of Ami Tesler, responsible for the condition, and is willing to invest experts of Ottoman law. According Community Department of the billions of Shekels for economic to the doctrine of the ‘dead’ Negev, Implementation Headquarters. development, including also the Bedouins have no historical land After describing the harsh reality development of infrastructure, ownership rights, and therefore of the Bedouins in the Negev, an infrastructure for education, all Bedouins living in permanent especially in the unrecognized an infrastructure supporting villages are trespassers. Moreover villages, al-Assam referred to the employment, and others, it was determined that since the hard feelings accompanying the something that has not been land is dead land, it belonged to intention to implement the report mentioned at the conference the Mandatory state, and now it that the Bedouins perceive as at all. The Implementation belongs to its legal successor, a plan to remove them from the Headquarters analyzes the namely the State of Israel. This land, destroying 30 villages, and situation on the ground and the assertion was the basis for a to concentrate them in existing physical data, for the intended situation where the Bedouin have communities where the situation is purpose of fairness, generosity lost in every legal proceeding already difficult, while establishing and justice. There is no intention against the state that, inter alia, Jewish settlements instead of the to dismantle concentrations of drew on the legal claim that it demolished villages. From the villages that include hundreds continues to implement Islamic- perspective of the Bedouins, the of families, but rather to give Ottoman and Mandatory law and program is not intended to improve such existing concentrations the preserves state land. In Kedar’s their socio-economic situation, but character of proper settlements by view the argument is incorrect in to evict them, concentrate them, building roads and developing the legal terms. Kedar then addressed and abandon them to their fate. infrastructure and by establishing the Prawer Report directly. In his Only a small part of the huge budget of new communities. The problem opinion, the initial report written earmarked for the implementation is that the discussion focuses
14 on those 12 percent, thereby deflects the debate from the main points, and is unconnected to reality. Moreover, those pursuing lawsuits are under the influence of non-Bedouins who drag the discussion to political issues, against the wishes of the majority, and thus cause them harm. These protesters have sometimes no knowledge of the subject, since many of them are not even familiar with the bill. Furthermore a significant portion of the claimants Tesler met explicitly say that there is room for dialogue. Tesler Unrecognized Bedouin village in the Negev is aware of the problem created by the lack of trust between the Bedouins and the state, but points electricity and infrastructure, while understands the hard feelings to the importance he sees in the an individual farm nearby that created by the phenomenon of implementation of the program in was illegally established not long house demolitions, but added that order to ensure the future of the ago, is connected to electricity this is a matter of law enforcement. children and young people among and water. The state’s policy is The Implementation Headquarters the Bedouins. discriminatory as it “whitewashes” want to reach a situation where When asked about the individual farms on the one hand, anyone whose house was importance the Bedouins attribute and destroys Bedouin homes on destroyed will be provided with an to land resources, al-Assam said the other hand – Why does the alternative, even temporarily, until that the Bedouins are interested state not “whitewash” in the same a new village is established, and in a solution, but not in the one manner Bedouin villages inhabited Tesler expressed his hope to find offered by the bill. They are by ten thousands of people? The a legal solution for that purpose. used to disappointments and it Prawer Plan does not propose Tesler stressed that contrary to is unclear how the state wants to the establishment of any new al-Assam’s presentation, the move populations from one place Bedouin village, while it aims at demolitions of illegal buildings are to another, based on erroneous concentrating the Bedouins in the not in the magnitude of thousands judgment, and thus worsen the existing communities. per year. situation of both, the villages to In response Tesler said that he Al-Assam reiterated the which they are brought, and the is aware of the feelings of mistrust, centrality of the house demolition existing ones. He addressed that at times may be founded, but in policy that is driven by insensitivity, a basic issue arising from the the village of Bir Hadaj, all of which for the growing distrust and argument that the state sees itself sits on state land, without any despair. The state should treat the as having exclusivity in finding a pending ownership claims, there Bedouins as citizens who have a solution. Due to this assumption are 300 plots ready for immediate problem, and not as a problem that the state does not engage in occupancy, but the Committee has to be dealt with. The Bedouins any dialogue with the Bedouins threatens everybody who wants have a plan, they want the state about alternative solutions they to move in and indoctrinates them to recognize the unrecognized themselves propose and that with lies. The reality on the ground villages and provide them with do not at all contravene Israeli is much more complex than the proper infrastructure. They want planning. Al-Assam pointed to the description presented here. An the state to make a plan in full sense of distrust stemming from additional aspect is the bureaucracy cooperation with the population, the state’s discrimination against that operates and fosters slow to rebuild trust based on equality, Bedouin villages. For example, Bir and cumbersome procedures real participation and dialogue, Hadaj was recognized by the state which hinder the program’s rather than the use of force. With 15 years ago, and it has still no progress. Tesler revealed that he this Tesler agreed.
15 Revolution and Protests in the Middle East: Israel and the Arab Spring (December 2012)
ndoubtedly the political failed to keep up with the pace continuously evolving events, we changes and upheavals in of the developments. Since the have to avoid clinging to paradigms U the Middle East that began conference we have seen the that often predetermine the shape in January 2010 mark crossroads ousting of Egyptian President of our observations. While in the in the history of the region. We are Mohamed Morsi, a representative last two years since the overthrow still in the midst of the developments of the Muslim Brothers, by a military of Ben Ali the conflict in Tunisia that unfold day by day, and it is coup, the continuing persecution had appeared to be a struggle clear to everybody that it will take of the Muslim Brothers by the between Islamists and secularists, a long time until some stability will Egyptian army led by Abdel Fattah it gradually became clear that reemerge. In December 2012, the el-Sisi, who also won the elections; the developing conflict created second anniversary of the outbreak an escalation in the war in Syria profound dilemmas regarding of the dramatic events that at times after myriads of civilian casualties, fundamental issues, such as the are now called simplistically the partly due to the use of chemical entry of civil society into the existing ‘Arab Spring,’ we held a major weapons; and the gradual conquest political frameworks in order to conference with the intent critically of Iraq by Jihadist movements, change the socio-economic reality. to discuss these events from such as Jabhat al-Nusra and ISIS Another issue stemming an Israeli perspective and even that fight also in Syria. from prevalent methodological connect them to the social protest Samir Ben Layashi, from Tel assumptions is the impression in Israel in the summer of 2011. Aviv University, dealt with the of overwhelming public support Our methodological premise was events in Tunisia that lit the spark for Islamist parties, such as that Israel is part of the Middle that ignited the region, discussing Ennahda in Tunisia. As the Muslim East, and therefore it is impossible them in comparison to the events in Brothers in Egypt, Ennahda won to disconnect what happens in the Egypt, especially with regard to the the elections and heads the state, country from the events unfolding constitutional developments in both but the election victory does not in the region. The first sessions of countries. Ben Layashi opened accurately reflect its support among the conference therefore dealt with with a critical methodological note the population, which is actually the events in the regions, paying pointing out that in light of the much more limited. This raises a attention to the way these events were seen in Israel, while the discussion in the other sessions focused on the sociological analysis of the protests in Israel, with the participation of researchers and social activists, past and present. This report was written in the summer of 2014, after Operation Protective Edge, which places the discussions at the conference into a fascinating perspective. The conference attracted much attention among students and faculty members at BGU. It was especially fascinating to reexamine the speakers’ insights, given that a year and a half have passed since the conference until the writing of this report, a time when the pace of thoughts, digestion Tahrir Square, May 2011 and documentation of events has 16 fundamental question, namely to the events expressed in simplistic All this indicates that the media what extent Islamists represent headlines like “The Last Battle themselves have become a player the population in comparison to over Damascus,” statements about in the game of various factors. the ‘silent majority’ belonging to Assad’s imminent downfall, or such A series of massacres led to civil society that is not organized in terms as the “Syrian Revolution” the disappearance of the Syrian political parties but in independent come to us via the media. This opposition, while violence and civic organizations. Over the discourse does not reflect the chaos reign on the ground. years civil society in Tunisia had complex and far more ambiguous According to Firro, the struggle difficulties bringing people out into reality. According to him, most in Syria is over the character of the the streets given the lack of trust in of the media reports we are fed state, and not over who controls politics and in the election process. are obtained from an opposition- it; that means the discourse in no President Morsi and the Muslim controlled media channel based longer a liberal, but an Islamist Brothers in Egypt have a similar in London, and that is how the one. The vast majority of dissidents problem of legitimacy leading to a narrative is presented. As is usually belong to Jihadist groups, headed second round of upheaval initiated the case with narratives, it is difficult by Jabhat al-Nusra; thus unlike by those who do not see the to break free of them. other countries in the region, radical Shari’a as the exclusive basis for The networks of Al-Jazeera groups affiliated with al-Qaeda, and legislation. and Al-Arabiya have adopted that not the Muslim Brothers, will take The revolution in Tunisia did not narrative and continue to show it, over if the regime falls. The Syrian only demand a reform of the political and maybe they are even creating revolutionaries wanted change, but system, but also a rebuilding from it; but about six or seven months it is already now possible to see scratch of the defective institutions ago, different information began that the developments are not what that operate since the colonial to appear. Most of the Arab media they wanted. The struggle in Syria period. In Tunisia, as in Egypt, support the Syrian revolution; is therefore much more complex part of this trend is the attempt to these include at least ten Islamist than could have been foreseen. draft a new constitution; but unlike television networks, most of which Mike Herzog addressed the in Egypt, in Tunisia there is a true are funded by Saudi Arabia. These challenge posed to Israel by dialogue between those in power networks are ideologically close the events of the Arab Spring, and representatives of civil society to al-Qaeda, and drawing on that not from an academic but a over the contents of the constitution discourse they create an influential policy perspective. He related and the centrality of the Shari’a as narrative according to which Assad to some aspects of the events sole source of legislation. Ennahda and his family are killing the Syrian and their implications for Israel. that finds it difficult to cope with people. This exemplifies Antonio The earthquake in the Arab world the persistence of civil society in Gramsci’s theory regarding the unleashed forces that had been the debate, once again incites the creation of cultural hegemony and suppressed for decades. Political debate over issues of identity and Michel Foucault’s concept of a Islam has become a significant culture, while the public demands regime of truth where the media force, switching from a suppressed to deal with economic and social create reality and perceptions, of opposition to the status of those in hardships. There is nevertheless which it is difficult to break free. power, especially in Egypt. This turn evidence that the distinction Only one independent station, raises questions about the degree between Islamists and secularists named Dunya, run by young of moderation and pragmatism is not accurate, and that it is more people who are not the product of that political Islam may adopt, accurate to present the struggle the Syrian education system and about the nature of the balance as one between the supporters of propaganda, has taken on the task to be struck between ideology civil society and those who want to to introduce another narrative and and governmental responsibility, strengthen the power of the state. even managed to convince viewers and about the implications of Kais Firro, from Haifa University, in Syria that the picture is different. this change for a movement like dealt with Syria, another country The differences in the reporting the Muslim Brothers. Another where dramatic events keep on the fighting were at the basis type of ‘force’ unleashed is the rapidly unfolding. Also Firro of the Arab League initiative to Jihadists that are continuously opened with a methodological note send a delegation of observers growing in number, despite the regarding the way we perceive to Syria, and as a result of its impression created by the killing the events, by referring to the failure the matter was moved to of Bin Laden. These tensions are images that the media engrave the UN Security Council and has prominent in Egypt, where Morsi in our minds. A narrow picture of become an international issue. assumed power, put himself above
17 governmental control, and tried to cooperate with the United States events were perceived in Israel. pass a constitution with the help in its fight against the Iranian Yoram Meital, Chairman of the of a committee that is Islamic in nuclear program or against al- Chaim Herzog Center, discussed nature, while on the other hand Qaeda, but these countries also the events in Egypt, while there is the authentic protest and support Islamist elements that also aiming to determine their opposition of the public that wants pose a challenge to Israel and the significance in the conceptual to speak out. West. This was also illustrated by context guiding policy and public These situations create acute the case of Gaza, when a coalition discourse in Israel, which he termed dilemmas for the West and Israel, was formed around its concerns, “iron wall,” drawing on the famous in particular regarding the kind of comprising Egypt, led by Morsi, article by Ze’ev Jabotinsky. The policy and dialogue to be pursued Turkey and Qatar that support overthrow of Mubarak has created toward political Islam. On the Hamas and Islamist factors in a new political game, the rules of one hand it is understood that the Syria. Hamas has lost its Iranian which may not be known for sure, Muslim Brothers are a factor, with backing because it did not support but its players are defined, and the whom one has to talk, for example Assad, but it continues to receive political struggle is focused. Egypt on issues important to the West weapons from Iran, that for the first is in a transitional phase after the such as human rights, but on the time has admitted doing so – an revolution, where the situation is other hand there are reservations admission Iran avoided making in fluid and constantly changing, yet regarding their ideology. From the the past in light of its conflict with the we can ascertain several major Israeli perspective, a dilemma has Sunni bloc. The situation in Gaza stages in the process, including arisen regarding the proper way to has become more complicated, among others, the agreement on a weigh the positive role played by given that the Egypt of the Muslim new constitution as well as elections Egypt in achieving a ceasefire with Brothers provides Hamas with in institutions and of the leadership Hamas, against the measures taken a protective shield, while under that enjoy broad legitimacy. The by Morsi that violate basic rules of Mubarak it supported Israel against struggle for legitimacy is currently democracy. The low-key response Hamas. The regime of the Muslim the main struggle in Egypt, and it is of the US also raises questions Brothers in Egypt is nevertheless centered on the Shari’a as source regarding the preference they interested in political achievements of legislation. give to the interest in maintaining in the conflict between Israel and Among other things, Meital relations with Israel, over the state the Palestinians, and has therefore addressed the difference and of democracy in Egypt. worked for a ceasefire between the distinction between the Muslim The weakening and disinte- two sides. Brothers’ rhetoric and their practice, gration of political frameworks For Israel, the outcome of and the tendency to distance and throughout the Middle East is the events will be determined in disconnect their normative founding another feature of the region’s four main arenas, Egypt, Syria, texts from the events of the last two reality. Syria is sliding into an the Palestinians and Iran. With years. The Muslim Brothers’ stand intra-sectarian war that will most regard to the Iranian issue, Israel with regard to Israel and the peace likely lead to a weak and fragile is approaching the moment of treaty, for example, is clear and well government and a fragmentation decision whether to pursue a known, and yet since they entered of the state. In Egypt, there are military option or a diplomatic one, parliament and since the election severe economic problems and a while being committed to taking of President Morsi there seems loss of government control over the into account the changing regional to be a consensus that the peace Sinai Peninsula; and in Libya and framework. In the Arab–Israeli treaty is in Egypt’s national interest. Yemen, there is a significant loss arena, two options begin to emerge. Nevertheless there appears to be of state control over the country. For one, Israel could wait quietly no change at all with regard to This situation may reduce the risk as long as the stormy winds are Israel’s image and Egyptian–Israeli of a classical military confrontation, around, or else—an option Herzog relations. In the past, Mubarak but it is liable to pose a challenge favors—it could see in the current supported attacks on Hamas, while to Israel, for example, in the form situation an opportunity for Israeli Egypt under Morsi’s leadership of irregular forces such as the initiative and activism, especially may impose restrictions on Israeli Jihadists operating on the Sinai with regard to the Palestinians. actions in the political and military Peninsula; a similar danger might The second session of the field, particularly with regard to the develop on the Golan Heights. conference, titled “From the Arab Gaza Strip. A new chapter has now In the regional context, a bloc of Spring to the Islamic Winter,” been opened also with regard to Sunni countries is emerging that reviewed critically the way the the PLO.
18 As for the internal Egypt context there are several issues on the agenda. One is the construction of a new hegemony which seemed to be the task of the Muslim Brothers and the Salafis, as the only organized political force; but they are unable to do so because of new political forces, led by the “power of Tahrir,” that now voice the slogan “the people want the overthrow of the regime” against Morsi. Another issue is the debate over the constitution as a document organizing the social and political order. The argument is not necessarily centered on the status of the Shari’a, given that the Social protest in Tel-Aviv, August 2011 Muslim Brothers announced that they would retain the clause from ‘thicker,’ as Israel is building high compared this situation to the the 1971 Constitution. With US walls without noticing that the Islamic Movement in Israel that assistance, it was the military council events also entail an opportunity learned that the reality seen from that steered the constitutional crisis for a new interpretation and vision the perspective of the head of and determined that the elections of political Islam that could lead to the council is totally different from will be held before the debate on further opportunities of choice. If it the one seen from the opposition the constitution. To Meital’s mind, does not embark on a reevaluation, benches. The attitude of the Arab the acceptance of this scheme by Israel will remain stuck with the society in Israel toward the events of the Muslim Brothers and the Salafis same worn statements about the the Arab Spring is divided between was a mistake. By establishing a deepening of the “Islamic Winter” opponents and supporters; and connection between the council that are clearly meant as a threat, sharp arguments are exchanged and the Muslim Brothers, the while the picture is actually far more about it in the public discourse and United States enabled the creation complex. Moreover, the difference in Friday sermons in mosques. The of a historical situation in which in policy positions between Israel majority supports the revolution, the military that for years had seen and the Muslim Brothers is much but there is a large minority of 40 the Muslim Brothers as enemies, smaller than assumed in Israel. percent who see it as mu’amara, became their partner in building a These differences stem from the that is a Western conspiracy, new order under their leadership. way in which the movement built imperialism in a new dress, and an This relates also to Israel. At the itself over the years, while today, alternative way to conquer the Arab beginning of the events, the Israeli as part of the regime, it has to be world. public was shocked and expressed pragmatic, especially in the current Moreover, there are the internal fear of the unknown. Gradually situation, where its very legitimacy political divisions between the the fear gave way to a more is called into question. three main groups: communists, realistic analysis. Nevertheless Wadeaa Awawdy, a journalist nationalist, and Islamists. These a policy began to emerge that working for al-Jazeeranet and groups struggle for hegemony while Meital defines as “iron wall” policy, al-Quds al-‘Arabi, dealt with the the Islamic Movement gets a boost characteristically found among inspiration infused by the events from the strengthening of political decisions makers, the government, into the political relations among Islam, especially in Egypt. On the and even the left wing of Israeli Israeli Arabs. He also sought to movement level one can actually politics. This is essentially a policy balance the image of the Muslim discern an increase in Salafists, of introversion and of building an Brothers in Israel and expressed although there are also reformists ‘iron wall’ between Israel and the his trust in political Islam’s ability that serve in the Tunisian case as Middle East, while foregoing in to act with pragmatism, precisely in a model for an open and pluralistic advance all opportunities that could situations where it is in a position Islam. Inspired by the Arab Spring, otherwise be used. Jabotinsky’s of power and has to pursue internal more and more young people are “iron wall” became ‘higher’ and and foreign policies. Awawdy taking the initiative into their own 19 hands and assuming roles and key positions also in the social sphere with the understanding that involvement and initiative are likely to bring about change. To Awawdy’s mind, this trend will have an impact on the Arab parties leading to greater democratization. However, there are also indications for a tendency among young people, who constitute about 70 percent of the Arab population in Israel, to abstain from voting in national elections in order to punish the Arab parties for their failure to understand the aspirations and prevailing trends among the young. ”The People demand social justice,” Tel-Aviv, August 2011 In his lecture on Iran, Haggai Ram from the Department of Middle East Studies at BGU dealt and the media, to the Israeli public. revolution; the nationalization of with the inspiration that the Green That ignorance leads us to push the oil industry under Mohammad Revolution in Iran in 2009 provided the debate on Iran to the areas Mosaddegh inspired Egypt’s to the events of the Arab Spring of radical otherness, where Iran struggle against the British and the and addressed the inability in is perceived as more exceptional nationalization of the Suez Canal Israel to examine rationally the than other Middle East countries. by Gamal Abdel Nasser in the Muslim world, and especially Iran. This situation even prevents 1950s; and the Islamic Revolution In a geopolitical situation where us from seeing that the events of of 1979 inspired current events. Iran emerges as Israel’s security the Arab Spring and the Green The connection between the nemesis, there is no room for protest movement in Iran after the Green Revolution and the events expressing the overall cultural, rigged elections in 2009 are closely of the Arab Spring was obvious for social and political complexities related and are part of the same Iranians, as many demonstrated in that constitute Iran’s past and social and political phenomenon solidarity with Tunisia and Egypt present. Iran’s name is missing in arising from the same conditions and for fundamental reform in Iran. the description of contemporary and circumstances. This is actually The solidarity is not surprising processes in the Middle East, and a crisis of the nation states given that many Iranians are facing so is any reference to the struggle established after the First World neo-liberal austerity regulations, of Iranians against the tyranny War that maintained class, gender censorship, government corruption, entrenched in their country. This and other hierarchies of the colonial high unemployment, rising inflation situation stems from the fact that period and enriched the juntas that and brutality of the security forces – the study of Iran in Israel is in came to power in these countries, conditions and circumstances that a subordinate position vis-à-vis at the expense of the welfare led to the uprisings in Tunisia and Middle East Studies; in a Euro- and freedom of the subjugated Egypt. American world, the history of Iran, population. The Green Revolution In light of this situation it is clear like other non-Western histories, is in Iran and the events of the Arab that the real threat that Iran poses approached with much ignorance. Spring are distinctly postcolonial to Israel pales in comparison to With regard to Iran the situation is struggles, and therefore need to be the threat that the Iranian leaders even more acute, given the tragic examined within a single political pose to their own people. The fact asymmetry between Iran’s centrality framework. that in Israel the debate focuses in the Israeli public discourse and In the events of the Arab Spring, on the Iranian threat that is more the enormous ignorance of those as in the modern history of the imagined than real, and not on the talking and writing about it. That Middle East, Iran has played an just struggle of Iranians against ignorance is widespread in all parts exemplary role in the post-colonial the regime, demonstrates that of the Israeli establishment, ranging and anti-colonial struggles. The there cannot be any truly critical from the security and intelligence Constitutional Revolution of discussion of the “Iranian threat.” apparatuses, via the academia 1901 was the first anti-colonial It is still difficult to assess what the
20 Green Revolution’s prospects for policy are unfounded and nothing and the implementation of a fiscal success are, but we can assess less than a ‘PR sham.’ Ministry of and tax policy that undermined the that the events in Iran in 2009 were Finance officials created confusion purchasing power of the middle a definite turning point, indicating among the public by talking class led to the outbreak of the an unmendable rupture, though the about breaching the expenditure protest in Israel. In accordance when and how are still unclear. framework, which caused everyone with the characteristics of a post- The second part of the to think that increasing the deficit industrial society, the protest in conference dealt with the Israeli and spending will inevitably lead to Israel was a consumer protest, social protest in the summer of a crisis. The Dror Israel Movement and not one of workers, given that 2011. The main speakers were that was behind the social organized labor did not participate Avia Spivak, who was a member of protest tried to refute the fiscal nor was it represented in it. the expert committee of the protest principle guiding the government In the French case, as in leadership and participated in the and to formulate a new, anti- the Israel, the question is how writing of the alternative report to establishment fiscal principle economic change is translated into the Trachtenberg Report, as well supporting a deficit increase. the political level. The convention as Uri Ram, from the Department The protest’s achievement was of the estates in France due to of Sociology and Anthropology, and that it stopped tax cuts, based on the king’s intention to change the Efraim Davidi, from the Department the understanding that this trend tax system led to the demand of Social Work at BGU. Spivak is destroying the welfare state. of reform that developed into a discuss the concept of a balanced Netanyahu’s eventual consent to revolutionary process. On the budget in light of the fact that one raising taxes and his declaration other hand, the protest in Israel of the protest’s demands was a pledging to restore welfare policy developed “upside down” precisely budget increase, a demand that were another achievement of the because of a lack of opportunity raises the question whether this protest. Spivak expressed his belief and a crisis of representation in calls for a deficit or a balanced that real change will come when the political system, the political budget. Spivak set out to challenge the gap between what the public parties and parliament. The some of the basic assumptions, on wants and the actual situation is understanding that the political which Israel’s economic policy has translated into political action. system is no longer a channel for been based since 2003 that was Uri Ram’s lecture, prepared the representation of interests and formulated by Netanyahu in a most in collaboration with Danny Filk ideas was at the roots of the non- eloquent and aggressive manner, from Department of Politics and political nature of the protest, in centering on the need to reduce Government at BGU, centered addition to the shortcomings of the taxes. The policy was premised on on a fascinating comparison socio-economic left and its political the vague “fiscal principle,” which— between the French Revolution collapse. All this meant that the as was clear from the outset— and the social protest in Israel protest was the only possible was bound to lead to budgetary that symbolically also began on channel, the deficiency of which problems. Spivak argued that July 14 – the day of the storming was actually proven when the the tax-reduction policy broke of the Bastille in 1789, followed by Labor Party adopted the message. the balance between revenues the declaration of the sovereignty The Enlightenment as an ideational and expenditures and caused the of the Third Estate. This symbolic framework of concepts of rights and deficit afflicting Israel’s economic vantage point enabled the two representation was at the center of situation. The social protest was scholars to attain a sharper view the French Revolution, while the mainly due to a decline in the level of the social protest’s features and protest in Israel was led by a non- of services that resulted from the implications. With regard to the ideological, apolitical generation. In policy based on the fiscal principle. French Revolution it is possible a consumer society with a crisis of An alternative approach was to identify a correlation between political representation, as in Israel, formulated by researchers at the economic and political changes. the generation’s language does not Van Leer Jerusalem Institute, The combination of a financial distinguish between commerce, who resolutely rejected the crisis, debts and deficit, following culture and politics. Yet the protests government’s basic assumptions a military adventure which led created a new language given that and argued that it is possible to to a change in the tax system, the cultural situation muted and raise taxes and thus allow for an scarcity and a steep rise in prices lacked political speech fitting the increase in expenditure. They also triggered the Revolution. A rise in circumstances. stated that the basic economic housing and food prices, the gap This was not a protest based assumptions of the government’s between wages and rising costs, on identities, but a protest using
21 are reincarnations of workers protests that had erupted in remote provinces against the privatization policy years before the current uprisings. In the case of Egypt and Tunisia, the protest was translated into political action in the form of the ousting of Ben Ali and Mubarak. In contrast, the protest in Israel did not originate in the periphery, but the center. Davidi rejected the characterization of the protest as Tel Aviv middle-class protest, arguing that it was a much more complex group. It did not go against the power centers of capitalism or the capitalist system in Israel and was careful to avoid ”The People demand social justice,” Cairo, August 2011 such issues as the occupation and an outright turn against the regime. The ramifications are to a rhetoric opposing ethnicity and this was the strongest protest in be found in the workers’ sector in hiding behind that a more important Israel, it was also weak, since it the form of new organizations of social class issue. In contrast to created no ideological alternative workers and employees, that gave the French case, the core group to neo-liberalism, but merely a “list relevancy to concepts from the of the protest in Israel belonged to of amendments” and a political world of labor, such as “collective the middle class, educated young bridge between groups that need agreement,” “works council,” people, who are not wealthy, in protection from capitalism and “trade union,” or “Histadrut” (trade relative terms. Pierre Bourdieu colonialism. union federation). To Davidi’s mind, would define this group as having In his lecture, Efraim Davidi these trends will not stop with a much cultural capital, and relatively made a connection between the change of government in Israel. little material capital. This group protest in Israel and the events of According to him, the protest in spoke in the name of the people the Arab Spring for a comparative Tunisia and Egypt is continuing and attracted the middle class discussion of these protests from despite the change of government, and the periphery; but it remained a global class perspective. He not only because the demands for a middle-class protest, leaving argued that the protests in the democracy and freedom have not many groups outside, such as Middle East have to be seen in the yet been met, but also because the ultra-Orthodox, the national- international context of the crisis the new rulers are unable to religious, and the working class. of capitalism that affects also the abandon the neo-liberal economic It was the first protest against world system’s periphery, such paradigm. Though radical, the liberal revolution that centers as Egypt, Tunisia, and Israel. The the Islamic message is also on Netanyahu’s privatization current regional crisis is mainly economically conservative. Trade policy, and against the breach of driven by the unemployed and by unions in Tunisia that used to be in the Republican social contract workers (and not the middle class), the opposition are now taking over which obliges the state to ensure and it spread to sectors in Israel peripheral cities. Trade unions in welfare, education, health care and who headed the protest that was Egypt support the Muslim Brothers, housing for the middle class. This essentially political. In Egypt and but unrest among workers led to is a class that has retreated from Tunisia the protest was offensive the formation of new radical trade political and public involvement to and resulted in the overthrow of unions. In Israel, the erosion of the the private domains of high-tech the government, while in Israel conservative bastion of organized and making money, and that is it was defensive with the intent labor is reflected, among other connected with the global elite and to preserve the existing political things, in the establishment of the Israeli capital in their support of order. In historical perspective, alternative organization Ko’ach the neo-liberal revolution. Although the protests in the Arab countries laOvdim (power to the workers).
22 All this provides a picture of the sociological context of the protest taking over the government. From protest extending beyond the and its identification with the among the recommendations, borders and being structurally Ashkenazi middle class in Tel Aviv; two are particularly noteworthy, related to the situation of workers and in particular, the question namely a differential allocation of throughout the capitalist world, whether the protest was directed resources to the periphery and while the final outcome cannot yet against the socio-economic weaker strata; and an explicit be foreseen. “system” in Israel or operated and specific approach to the Arab The conference was concluded within it, and to what extent it is and Bedouin population that was by a roundtable session with the appropriate and desirable to join its systematically discriminated. following participants: Reuven ranks in order to change the system This was undoubtedly a special Abargil, member of the “Black “from within.” Among other things, conference due to the close Panters”; Yuval Elbashan, it was argued that the protest was connection made between the chairman of Yedid (a network used by the establishment in order events in Israel and the turmoil and of citizens’ rights centers in to portray Israel as enlightened dramatic upheavals in the Middle underprivileged neighborhoods) and democratic, in antithesis to East, which are still unfolding while and social activist; and Yossi Yonah the protests in the Arab world, and these lines are written. It is yet from the Department of Education thus link it to the national Zionist another expression of the fact that at BGU, who participated in the context. Yonah also addressed the Israel is an integral part of the region writing of the alternative Experts’ report of recommendations that he in which it is located. Reading the Report. The discussants related wrote together with Avia Spivak, contents of the conference lectures to such issues as the impact of explaining that the report was is all the more fascinating in late the events of the Arab Spring on meant to reshuffle the cards and summer 2014. the protest in Israel; the ethnic- to offer a policy alternative, without
Political Islam and Transformation in Turkey
rofessor Jenny B. White of Boston University was a P guest of the Chaim Herzog Center and gave a lecture on political Islam in Turkey, in the framework of a conference on political Islam in the Middle East. White, a social anthropologist, focuses in her research on modern Turkey; she also writes historical novels drawing on her historical and anthropological knowledge and her command of Ottoman Turkish. Her academic books deal with women and the rise of political Islam in Turkey. Her lecture at the conference was based on her latest book Muslim Nationalism and the New Turks (2012) that was listed as one of ForeignAffairs. com’s Best International Relations Books in the Best Books on the Middle East category for 2012. The book examines the changes Jenny White, May 2013 in Turkey over the last decade and
23 through them also the conception of and since then it is necessary military coups occurred in the wake Islam, secularism and nationalism. to distinguish between the state of elections in which the winning White aims at challenging the and the elected government. This candidate was not backed by the tendency to oversimplify the feature is of great significance army. Conceptually these were not phenomenon of political Islam in for our understanding of Turkey, military coups in the strict sense, the Middle East and in particular in and its return to Ataturk. Contrary and it would be more accurate Turkey and thus problematizes the to conventional wisdom, he saw to define them as processes of interpretation that sees Turkey as a Turkey as a Western country that social and cultural change. The model of political Islam. In White’s is not necessarily a secular state, economic openness introduced view, political Islam in Turkey is not but rather one in which the state by the secular government led by a ‘model’ but rather a process that controls religion. Another mistaken Turgut Özal that opened Turkey has to be described and explained; conventional view is that there is to the market economy was a its unique features need to be no separation of religion and state powerful key process. This crucial discerned, in order to assess the in Turkey. Due to the idea of a change released tensions in potential implications for political unitary Western nation, there was the districts, facilitated business Islam in the Middle East. Turkey’s cultural oppression, as for example initiatives and removed restrictions economic situation is currently very of the Kurds, as well as social on foreign trade and on state good—its economy is growing, engineering pursued especially involvement in the economy. with the third highest growth rate by the army. The army took upon Businessmen, who were also worldwide; the country is more itself to shape the country in relatively conservative in religious prosperous than it was a decade accordance with its interpretation terms, opened many businesses, ago, or even five years ago; and of Ataturk’s views. It did this by grew rich and gained in strength it is a democracy. This process is means of coups with the intention and influence, but they differed very fast, comparable to similar to control the religious orientation, from big industrialists, who were developments in India, Brazil, while Islam as a faith and religion secular and Western, and among China, and South Africa. The was marginalized. These concepts other things backed the Islamic economic growth also contributed affected mostly non-Muslims who parties. Most of these nouveaux to social and legal change, as were perceived as disloyal since riches were from Anatolia, and clearly illustrated in the elections the First World War, as the enemy they were also more Anatolian in of 2002, where the ruling party “within” demonstrating the constant terms of culture. In many respects won by overwhelming majority. threat of dissolution to Turkish the commercial-economic boom No similar process has occurred national unity. had an Islamic orientation—an in the Arab world. Turkey was Many changes were introduced unprecedented phenomenon. established in 1923, but no after the coup in 1980; there was a Intending to show that they belong elections were held until 1950; lack of political stability, and several to the upper class, the emerging Islamic bourgeoisie created their own fashion style as well as new identities. Commercialization enabled people to choose how to be Muslims, as reflected in music, literature, and leisure culture. People were experimenting with how to live a Muslim life, a sort of modern, non-traditional Islam. For the first time women became active in politics, Muslim women fulfilled themselves as women and showed it in national terms. According to some observers, Erdoğan’s party won the elections thanks to these women. Another new trend was the Emanuel Sivan discusses ”Muslim Brotherhood and the Challenges theology of secularism that of Democracy,” January 2014 emerged in Ankara and influenced the Islamic party. In this framework
24 questions arose challenging the Islamic community work and again, but it wants to go back and common assumption widely held personal public work, providing become a world power, like Russia. among Christians that a religious tools for integration in the new In contrast to its past image as a person is necessarily an Islamist. economy. Pluralism is also a new police state, its current image has Being religious became part of a feature. The new elites created commercial-economic features. new definition of “personhood”: new, non-orthodox definitions All this led to the emergence of being religious Muslims does not of identity, such as the freedom a new understanding of Turkish make us Islamists, and it does not to choose what kind of Muslim nationalism that is no longer determine our decisions. According one wants to be, or what kind of perceived in purely ethnic terms, to this approach, political and Turk. This was accompanied by a but expresses a departure from other decisions can be made on return to Islam and to the Ottoman the Kemalist way. This is reflected a factual rational basis without heritage, that had been suppressed in the readiness to do business ideology. In this spirit Turks now by Kemalism. For example, this with Greece, Armenia and Cyprus, define Turkey as a secular republic finds expression in a television in the removal of the army from run by religious people. Also the series featuring Sultan Süleyman its traditional position that placed regime does not define itself as Kanuni and in public art in the Metro it above the government and Islamist, but has mainly redefined station on Taksim Square (the the severance of its ties with the secularism. This is a major change. location of the official ‘Monument government. Similarly, pluralism Yet another new trend is the of the Republic’) depicting the makes it possible to deal publicly intense proliferation of Islamic conquest of Constantinople. Post- with such sensitive issues as networks that appear as civil imperial Turkey does not want to the Armenian genocide and the networks and are engaged in go back and become an empire reconciliation with the Kurds.
The State Archive
he conference on The agendas. As an institution that presented various aspects of their State Archive: Knowledge, dominates and controls all official work in the archive and its role T Power, and History aimed to information on behalf of the state, in the interrelation of knowledge discuss critically the institution on the state archive gives only partial and power, drawing on innovative which the work of every historian access to documentation, not critical theories and on (mainly is based. Traditionally the archive merely by such simple measures their own) research experience is perceived as an institution that as secrecy laws, but also by in state, imperial and private contains knowledge embodied discursive means including rules archives. Ehud Toledano (Ottoman in the form of official documents and regulations, the conception and Turkish Studies, Tel Aviv which historians merely need of categories, catalogues and University) proposed a potential to collect and pick, like a ripe hierarchies that reflect an internal methodology for using the official fruit, in order to use them for discourse and constitute filtering archives of the Ottoman Empire reconstructing the past. These mechanisms stemming from the to enable the writing of a history assumptions were dismantled state’s priorities, its agendas, of marginalized groups like male by criticism of the modernist and its political and/or security and female slaves, reconstructing approaches in the humanities considerations. Technological their experiences and their and social sciences, including the progress and the means of voices precisely from documents discipline of history. It is clear today computerization and digitization produced by, and representing, that the archive, and in particular in archives should help historians the ruling political and bureaucratic the state archive, containing the navigate the endless ocean of elite. This is important because official papers, and documenting papers and files, yet they have these groups lacked the ability to the work of the state’s apparatus turned out to be powerful filtering document by and for themselves and its political system, cannot be mechanisms in the service of the and usually also lacked a real and seen as an institution embodying state officials’ priorities and the textual representation in the state a simple objective truth, but ideology of those at the helm. apparatus. The study of Ottoman rather as one participating itself The speakers at the conference, society, as the study of societies in the molding of knowledge and who were mostly historians, in the distant past, is undertaken
25 under conditions of cultural distance, and distance in time and space; in addition, Ottoman Turkish is a ‘dead’ language which the researcher has to master. Since Ottoman documents are strenuous for the eyes and difficult to decipher, the researcher has not only to put things into the right context, but also to examine circles of sources and layers of mediation other than the archives in order to fill the gaps in the documentation and to include material that is not distinctly archival. The researcher aims to recover voices from actions such as the escape of slaves, to Avi Rubin, Omri Paz, Ehud Toledano, ”The State Archive,” December 2013 understand what they indicate as well as the slaves’ motivations and the possibilities available to them, that only the reported crimes were digitizing in Turkish state archives, and offer scenarios for all of them. recorded. This limitation creates that assist historians, while at the Such reconstruction is possible the impression of a low crime rate, same time serving as very effective through a practice dialectically and hence a high level of security filter, especially with regard to linking the evidence to the in Ottoman society. One of the the study of Armenians and the historical context, in combination tanzimat achievements in this Armenian holocaust. The interface with the researcher’s imagination, field were bureaucratic changes between the researcher and the based on his/her knowledge that significantly increased the archive has improved immensely, and informed assessment, number of reported crimes. That specifically during the rule of empathy and the humanization in combination with changes in Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s party, of the studied subject. These the legal system created a large in terms of entry procedures and methodologies are of particular body of knowledge of criminal the locating of archive material, as relevancy and significance for the records, perfected a clerical well as the level of technological writing of social history. writing tradition on various levels means available to the researcher. Omri Paz (Middle East and shaped a specific culture of Yet this efficiency drive was Studies, BGU) dealt with the court hearings. All these reveal gradual, and it turned out to be a characteristics and practices of power relations, norms, rivalries, double-edged sword. To the same Ottoman criminal records in the disputes and conflicts among extent to which the state simply nineteenth century, and ensuing the various branches of law makes the past accessible to the problems. One manifestation enforcement, but also problems in researcher, it also filters, monitors of the overall systemic change the documentation itself. Among and conceals systematically and initiated by the Empire in the other things, the minimizing of effectively information on sensitive nineteenth century was the protocols for practical reasons topics, such as the relations to restructuring and expansion of seems sometimes to amount to the Kurds, and the deportation the bureaucracy, which entailed filtering and censorship. Despite and massacre of Armenians, not changes in the documentation all limitations, the organizational only from the time of the First systems, that is the archives. The culture of the nineteenth century World War, but also from earlier structural changes of the archive provides an unprecedented periods. The digitization process reflected the logic underlying the opportunity to zoom in on the is accompanied by the state’s reforms, particularly the process delinquent, the victim, and the efforts to publish its own version of centralization that placed all policeman, and thus assists in the of such issues, to the extent Ottoman government institutions reconstruction of social life in the that there may not even be any under the control of the center. nineteenth century. trace of them in the archive. The One of the main problems in the Dror Zeevi (Middle East Studies, archives in Turkey underwent study of crime and criminality in BGU) addressed current trends of thorough cleaning after which their the Empire derives from the fact efficiency, improved access and managers are not afraid to allow
26 researchers access. An historian as systematic institutionalized to be found in light of the limitations who works in an archive, knows policy. Yet, this association had imposed by digitization. it, and has learned to identify its also an institutional expression. Esther Meir-Glitzenstein (Ben- weak spots, is able to circumvent Zionist experience can be found Gurion Research Institute for these difficulties by cross- in the units of the British archive, the Study of Israel and Zionism, checking records from different documenting the various imperial BGU) focused the Joint’s sources, such as documents of offices, such as the Colonial, the archive, which she considers of missionaries, consuls, memoirs Foreign, or the War Offices. The paramount importance for the of people involved in the events link to Britain was also reflected study of Jewish immigration from or testimonies of survivors, and in learning the political culture and Muslim countries. Despite its thus can obtain indications and the culture of documentation. But suspicious attitude toward Jewish information about the massacres it turns out that the learning of nationalism, the philanthropic aid and deportations. If the archives the culture of documentation was organization worked initially also in are the institutional sites of mutual. The British themselves Palestine and, after the Holocaust, mediation between history and its learned the culture of Zionist cooperated fully with the Zionist narration and writing, the silencing archiving through the Haganah movement, though it consistently of the Ottoman archives means archives seized in an operation upheld its non-Zionist approach. that they are no longer actual sites known as ‘Black Sabbath.’ The After World War II, a focus of its of mediation between the historical aim was to get to the archive that activities was assistance to Jewish process and the writer; they are proves that the Jewish Agency communities in Muslim countries mere make-believe. This is an was behind the Jewish Resistance and Eastern Europe. Yet, the ongoing deception of researchers Movement. Contrary to the degree of the Joint’s visibility who believe that they receive Haganah archives in Jerusalem and presence in the study of the access to the original material, and Tel Aviv that were seized in this immigration from Muslim countries while filtered and censored operation, the important archive in is inversely proportional to the information containing a mere Yagur was destroyed before the centrality of its operations. This is fraction of the historical evidence British could reach it, and thus important in light of the common is presented to them instead. a major source for the study of narrative in existing research that Above all this is a shameful long- the period was lost. According to did not make proper use of the term deception of the Turkish Golani, the British learned from Joint’s archive. In this narrative public that wishes to know their the organizational method of the such immigration is perceived as a country’s history. Haganah archive and applied that rescue operation, as for example Motti Golani (Jewish Studies, knowledge to the National Archive the immigration waves from Tel Aviv University) opened the in London. Unlike the British Yemen and Iraq, and as the result discussion on Israeli archives archives, the Israeli archives are of negotiations between the State that assist in the writing of the still on the defensive, a trend of Israel and the Jews, as if there history of the State of Israel, that undermines their democratic were no other factors involved. and expressed his concern that nature. One expression of this Local Arab governments, the adopting an extremely critical is the use of elusive rules and world powers, the local Jewish approach may lead to a negation definitions for the categorization leadership, various Jewish groups of archives’ contents. In his of documentation as confidential and others thus disappeared talk, Golani made a comparison for ‘security’ reasons. This is from research. A visit to the between the Israeli State Archive often justified, but in the name of Joint’s archive reveals that the and the British archive known as security, also disorder is hidden, immigration from Muslim countries PRO. The latter was essentially an things are done that should not be was a much broader and more imperial institution that underwent done, and from the beginning, the complex story than commonly a process of ‘nationalization’ as historian is treated as a suspect. thought. The awkwardness of part of the gradual internalization In the British archives, on the the formal procedure required in British historical consciousness other hand, the rules are clear, for entering the archive, its lack that the British Empire no unambiguous and equal to all. of organization, and the fact longer exists. The basis for the Apart from these limitations and that it is not computerized may comparison made by Golani, apart from digitization, a visit to be part of the explanation for is historical, since Zionism was the archive as a social aesthetic the common narrative and the an imperial project that used experience is irreplaceable, and state of the research. In the the English–Zionist alliance therefore creative solutions need Joint’s archive, especially in its
27 New York branch, one can find Joint and its presentation in the and forms of scientific, political extensive documentation on the scholarly literature in the context of and moral authority, as well as organization’s activities in Arab the Jewish immigration from North forms of exclusion and denial, countries that has not yet been Africa. The Joint and its medical while reflecting and hiding power explored. This documentation branch helped in the construction relations. These connections are reveals explanations for the failures of the racial discourse regarding exposed when Israeli doctors of the immigration from Yemen, Jews from Muslim countries and officials adopted categories the hardships the immigrants and European Jews, especially of knowledge measuring and suffered and their difficult medical Holocaust survivors. Based on creating racial distinctions for situation, which the Joint’s archive his research experience, Nurieli Jewish immigrants who survived in Jerusalem made sure to hide. argued that while Jewish archives the Holocaust and those from The material shows the way in the United States reflect a global North Africa – categories that of conduct of the philanthropic worldview and consciousness, were created by American and organization that operated in the archives in Israel, such as the State European professionals of the shadow of British colonialism and and the Zionist Archives, reflect Joint’s medical branch. However, adopted some of its work methods a local national consciousness the archival discourse denies and perceptions. It was run by Eu- and represent a brief local in a discursive manner the ropeans with colonial-Orientalist history of Zionism in Eretz Israel. connection between the political views, employing documented Nevertheless institutions that action and the philanthropist measures of abuse, beating the Israeli and American Jewish one, by concealing the ties that and starving. So the story of the archives served, interacted existed between the Israeli Zionist immigration from Yemen exposes through networks of experts in Jewish representatives and the the dark sides of the organization’s population management, doctors, representatives of non-Zionist activities that have not yet been and officials, who intermingled Jewish organizations. American studied. The Joint’s archive is an in spaces of immigration and archives reveal how racial scientific invaluable treasure trove awaiting health care in the camps in knowledge and the cataloging of scholarly exploration because of North Africa and Europe. These physiological characteristics of the quality of the documentation networks reveal a discourse Holocaust survivors in comparison regarding the immigration, and dealing with the creation of racial to North African Jews, helped in also as a source for the study of hierarchies between Jews and justifying the Joint’s financial aid, the organization itself precisely non-Jews, with the biology of in directing the immigration goals because it is non-Zionist. Jews and the improvement of the of European and of North African Benny Nurieli (Politics & Jewish body. Drawing on critical Jews, and thus in pursuing an Government, BGU) continued approaches, Nurieli argued that official selection policy as part of the critical approach toward the the archive creates a discourse their immigration to Israel.
The Middle East in Trans-Regional, Trans-Imperial, and Trans-National Historical Perspective
t the beginning of June 2013 by Iris Agmon with the assistance These processes occur within the a nationwide workshop of of Liat Megid-Alon and Aviv Deri constant movement of people and A young scholars was held from the Department of Middle the transfer of knowledge, ideas, by the Department of Middle East East Studies at BGU. Research commodities and cultural products Studies at BGU, with the support students and faculty members from between regions, empires and of the Chaim Herzog Center. The all Israeli universities participated. countries. This important research workshop focused on research In recent years a growing trend seeks to look beyond the on the Middle East from a trans- number of Middle East scholars formal political frameworks that regional, trans-imperial, and trans- choose to focus on historical have been like scratches on the national historical perspective. The processes crossing ethnic, glasses of historians since the two-day workshop was organized cultural and national borders. nineteenth century. 28 The methodological approach students to discuss and revisit the on the tension between imperial underlying the workshop focused historical categories of space, time environmentalism and colonial on social networks and patterns and identity in the specific context civil society, drawing on the case of migration and of cultural and of the Middle East, the Ottoman study of members of the arborists economic exchange across territories and the Mediterranean association in Mandatory Palestine official geographical boundaries. basin, as part of the productive (Roi Bell, Idan Barir; discussant: The social role of mediation and engagement with these issues Avner Wishnitzer). the role of mediators as cultural pursued by scholars worldwide. The session on Bourgeois agents are particularly important The workshop was meant to Culture in the Middle East featured in this context. These mediators facilitate a dialogue between papers dealing with the sexuality simultaneously belonged to experienced senior scholars of female servants in Egypt, different communities and and young research students. bourgeois Jewish families in act in the social, cultural and The workshop was indeed a Egypt in the interwar period, and economic spheres between fertile and fascinating ground for female images of the Egyptian them. The use of mediation as discussion, joint deliberation and state in cartoons (Sharon Maftsir, category of historical analysis the establishment of ties outlasting Liat Megid-Alon, Keren Tsdafi; allows examining the territory of the workshop itself. discussant: Liat Kozma). The last an empire or state simultane- In the session on Intellectuals, session on Identity, Expertise ously in two dimensions: “from Mediation and Migration of and Knowledge in the Encounter below” – focusing on individuals Knowledge, the papers among between Colonialism and and communities who have lived, other things dealt with Arabic Nationalism included a lecture on worked and define themselves translations of European history, climate, environment and Jewish in ways that crossed political, the history of the Jewish people architects in Jaffa, and a paper ethnic and religious boundaries; in Palestinian thought during the on expertise, local Orientalist and “from beyond” – that is British Mandate, and intellectuals knowledge and the formation without an a priori assumption as cultural agents in Azerbaijan of modern culture in the area of boundaries between human (Nicole Khayat, Rafi Beihanov, between Jerusalem, Cairo and societies, such as communities, Eli Osheroff; discussant: Orit Jaffa (Aviv Deri, Netta Cohen; groups and political entities. The Ouaknine-Yekutieli). In the discussant: Smadar Sharon). historicization of boundaries and session on Memory and Culture The papers, lectures and the their conception as fluctuating, in the Tension between National constructive discussions that permeable and variable make it and Local Identities, the papers followed were not only fascinating, possible to examine the role of addressed the ethnic dimension but also provided a representative cultural mediators in the ongoing of the representation of Jewish survey of the research trends processes that create and shape orphanages in the Ben-Yehuda among young researchers, political boundaries and form Press, and the meaning of indicating the encouraging current individual and collective identities. expressions of alienation from trends in Middle Eastern Studies Hence, a complex concept of Arab states, drawing on the case in Israel, and an opening of the identity is also required, seeing of Moroccan Jews in Venezuela boundaries of political history. it, like borders, as entwined, (Tamir Karkason, Aviad Moreno; We hope that the workshop for fragmented and constantly discussant: Yoram Meital). In the research students will become a changing. The workshop sought session on Relations between tradition, and thus strengthen the to promote such a research the Periphery and the Empire, intellectual ties between them and perspective among today’s the papers focused, among other senior scholars, contributing to the research students, future scholars. things, on the Kurdish tribal revolts formation of an active community The workshop aimed to in the Ottoman Empire at the end of discourse in this field of encourage Israeli graduate of the nineteenth century, and knowledge.
29 Film Screening and Discussion Half a Century of Algerian Independence : The Battle of Algiers (1966/67)
The Battle of Algiers looks at a world, in which guerrilla and terror warfare have become legitimate means of national liberation movements, and asks where the limit is, what is allowed, and what isn’t. These questions, of course, relate to both sides in the war, [...] what is more immoral: to blow up cafés, or to destroy houses from the air, using planes; to kill policemen in the street, or to torture prisoners in order to obtain information about the organization? (Pablo Utin, The Battle of Algiers)1
symposium marking half a century and Algeria before, during, and after the Algerian War of Independence. of Algerian independence (1962) Sheleg used the analogy between the French occupation of Algeria and A was held on December 16, the Israeli occupation in the territories as a premise to suggest that the 2012, by the Chaim Herzog Center in Algerian case—where one million French settlers left Algeria after 130 cooperation with the Department of Middle years of occupation—is a possible evacuation model, in case the Israeli Eastern Studies at BGU. The symposium that was open to the public was attended by students from the Department of Middle East Studies, especially those enrolled in courses dealing with the history, society, and culture of North Africa, guests, and other interested students from the University. The screening of the film The Battle of Algiers (1966/67), directed by Gillo Pontecorvo, stood at the center of the symposium. The film served as axis for the discussion on colonialism and decolonization in Algeria and, more generally, in North Africa, as well as on the implications for Israeli–Palestinian relations. Before the screening Ruth Ginio from the History Department at BGU, who specializes in the study of French colonialism in Africa, introduced the film and its historical context. She outlined the history of the French occupation of Algeria and spoke about the making of the film, those who made it, and about the political issues raised by its making and screening. Denis Sharvit from the Department of Sociology, Political Science and Communication at the Open University, and Yair Sheleg from the Israel Democracy Institute and the newspaper Makor Rishon participated in the discussion held after the screening of the film. Sharvit dealt with the relationship between France 1 http://inside.jsfs.co.il/cinema_grade2sem1/the-battle-of-algiers [Hebrew]
30 the conflict created by guerrilla warfare of Third World countries in pursuit of their liberation from Western occupiers. Almost half a century before terrorism and the fight against it moved again to the top of the agenda in politics and the media, the film already looked at these issues in a complex, profound and uncompromising manner. The Battle of Algiers is not made in accordance with recognized cinematic formulas, and unlike similar films, it does not present the rebels and locals as caricatures, nor does it romanticize them; but rather it employs a form of realism, creating by cinematic means the effect of a documentary, which helped to turn it into an exemplary model. The camera angle gives the viewers the impression that they are inside the events themselves, watching them as they occur; the black-and-white film shot from a camera carried on public decides to withdraw from the as a model for political and radical the shoulder creates the effect of West Bank territories as part of a films, and as inspiration for artists real-time news reporting; and the peace agreement. from Third World countries who fact that there is no evolving plot The ensuing discussion, wanted to tell the story of their centered on a single character, chaired by Orit Ouaknine-Yekutieli, peoples’ oppression in a realistic and that the actors are non- dealt with the implications of the way, from their perspective, and professional, local Algerians – all Algerian–French case for Israeli– with effective cinematic tools. The this helps to create the impression Palestinian relations, and with film’s effect was enhanced by the of a documentary film rather the significance of the colonial context of the time, the processes than fiction, and to enhance that and postcolonial discourse. In the of decolonization in the Third World realism. The film also raises spirit of the film, the discussion in the 1960s, in the framework in ethical questions concerning the sought to confront such issues as which the images of Frantz Fanon violent nature of the struggle in settlements, evacuation, terror, and and Che Guevara became inscribed Algeria, such as violent terror occupation, while emphasizing their in historical memory and inspired operations against civilians, the complexity, without demonizing any a violent form of struggle, the use occupying army’s use of torture, of the parties involved. Thus the of terror and guerrilla warfare that and generally the institutionalized film depicting Algeria’s liberation characterized the war in Algeria methods employed by the struggle fifty years ago turned out documented in the film. Over forty occupying power, but also the to be also of particular relevancy years later, The Battle of Algiers counter methods adopted by for our contemporary reality. is again of major importance for oppressed civilians, as shown in When it was first released, The scholars and government officials, the quotation above. Battle of Algiers became important due to the way in which it describes
31 Tinghir-Jerusalem : Echoes from the Mellah (2012): Director Kamal Hachkar's visit to the Chaim Herzog Center on the occasion of the screening of this film
amal Hachkar was born issues, far beyond the simple of his Moroccan and Berber identity in Morocco, in Tinghir – a factual question of why the Jews that included the surprising and K city with a predominantly left the city. His film deals with puissant rediscovery of the place of Berber population; he is a Muslim migration, exile, displacement and Jews in Moroccan history. Through Berber living in France. When he loss, with memory and identity, and the Jewish identity of Tinghir’s was a child his parents emigrated with identity politics in Morocco. Jews, Hachkar finds his Berber to France, but they kept their The film also addresses political identity—a discovery that helps him house in the city, and over the questions regarding Jewish–Arab to feel comfortable and confident years they often came there to coexistence. Hachkar’s film was about his identity and origin. visit. Hachkar set out to trace his the first one raising the question It should be noted that Tinghir, family’s roots and history in the of the departure of the country’s located in the Southeast of city and soon discovered that until Jews to be shown on Moroccan Morocco, is a city mainly inhabited the 1960s there had been a large national television; and for the first by Berbers who speak Tashelhit well-integrated Jewish community time, the film addressed publicly, Berber. The city’s Jews were part in the city. Until he began making under the auspices of the state, of the Berber culture and spoke the film, Hachkar had not been the joint Jewish–Muslim history Tashelhit (that gave also rise to aware of that fact, and even more of Morocco that had always been the Israeli mocking derogatory importantly he did not know that present in people’s minds and expression “chleuh”); they lived there had been a vibrant Jewish memories, though it was not taught next door to Muslim Berbers, but community of some 250,000 people at school. The broadcasting of strictly preserved their Jewish in the country that constituted an the film by an official channel is religion, laws, and way of life based integral part of the social, cultural important not only because of the upon them. The Jewish presence in and economic fabric of Morocco relevancy of the topics shown to Tinghir helped Hachkar understand and its history. The research he a wide audience in Morocco, but that pluralism of identities may wanted to do on his family soon also because it reveals that today’s overcome the political barriers shifted its focus to the question public discourse in the country separating Arabs, Berbers, French of how it happened that the Jews is more pluralistic and open than men/women, Muslims and Jews, of Morocco, and in particular the ever before, allowing for multiple that were created by the national Jews of Tinghir, left suddenly and identities and combinations thereof. and nation-state discourse. It rather quickly. While making the Hachkar’s project that set out to should be pointed out that the film Hachkar realized that he was trace the family’s history in Tinghir story of the Moroccan Jews was raising profound questions and became a journey of self-discovery less than ideal, and that there were tensions in Muslim–Jewish relations, ups and downs; but the film demonstrates that it is important for people to remember the good things, and the most beautiful memories of Muslims and Jews of Tinghir are the memories of neighborliness, mutual respect and coexistence, as expressed in the film by the city’s residents who continue to live there, by the former Jewish residents now living in Israel, and by their children. Many of them remembered that with Kamal Hachkar (director), Yoram Meital, Andre Levy nostalgia mixed with sadness and
32 the king, as well as in the presence of Jews, though they are no longer physically there. Actually their absence makes them ever more present. Ouaknine-Yekutieli noted that the film reveals something beyond the Jewish–Muslim context in Morocco, referring to the crisis of modernity, where migration is part of the processes dictated by modernity, namely nationalism, that entailed the loss of a world and a past that will never return. In the story of Muslims, Arabs, ”Tinghir-Jerusalem” screening, May 2013 Berbers, and Jews in Morocco, it is necessary to consider also colonialism that determined pain about the displacement and only a loss for the Jews, as evinced identities and demanded singular the loss of a distant world, while by those who came to Israel, but identities. It was colonialism that, some even expressed their feeling also a loss for the Muslims and a for example, marked the Jews as of alienation in Israel, especially rupture in the history of Morocco. different and as agents of modernity, at the beginning, in light of the In the minds of Moroccans, Jews thus creating a consciousness that difficulties of integration. It turns are linked to Morocco’s distant entered the actual interrelations out that many children of Jews past that helps them to build between Jews and Muslims. who left Tinghir to live in Israel are their identity. There is a unique Hachkar helps to create an interested in their parents’ past and phenomenon in Morocco: many alternative Jewish–Muslim narrative document their history in Morocco. Muslims are of Jewish origin. in the Moroccan public discourse The memories of Tinghir’s That origin is welcomed since it that has been totally overshadowed Muslims and Jews shown in the indicates their veteran status as by the Israeli–Palestinian conflict film indicate the central role played Muslims. One of the discussants in recent years. In this context by Jews in the life and history of after the screening of the film, Orit Hachkar expresses young people’s Morocco. This leads to the eye- Ouaknine-Yekutieli, a scholar of search for multiple identities. The opening insight that understanding Moroccan history, observed that film is full of nostalgic descriptions Moroccan history is impossible the presence of Jews is part of the through which Hachkar seeks to without understanding Jewish– Moroccan mentalité, soul, in the convey a message of optimism and Muslim coexistence. The departure sense that people perceive their hope for his generation in Morocco of the Jews from Morocco was not world as being in the presence of and Israel.
ישראל/צרפת 2013 Linda Abdul Aziz Menuhin, ”Shadow in Baghdad,” screening and meeting, January 2014
33 EVENTS Ahmed Qurei (Abu Alaa) at the University Campus – A Visit Organized in Cooperation with the Chaim Herzog Center
hmed Qurei (Abu Alaa), a time when the Israeli government negotiations and at the same time a senior PLO member, criticized the establishment of a to expropriate land and to continue A who served as Palestinian Palestinian unity government in the settlement projects. Since 1988, Prime Minister in 2003-2005 and partnership with Hamas. During the PLO has decided to pursue in 2005/06, visited the Chaim his lecture and his talks with faculty a political program in the spirit a Herzog Center in spring 2014, just members and students, Abu Alaa two-state solution, “to which we before the end of the semester. repeated the official position of are committed.” According to this Mr. Qurei was one of the drafters the PLO and the Palestinian program that has won recognition of the Oslo Agreements, and few National Authority, calling for the from the Palestinian people, there know as much as he does about establishment of a Palestinian state will be a Palestinian state within the the secrets of the talks between alongside Israel. His comments 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem Israel and the Palestinians over made clear that any other option as its capital, and the right of return the last two decades. He was trying to avoid that solution would based on UN Resolution 194. The accompanied during his visit by Mr. be a waste of time. He reiterated Palestinians have no intention to Elias Zananiri, the deputy head of that the Palestinians want to end “flood” Israel with refugees, as the PLO’s Department for Dialogue the conflict and expect (and hope President Abbas (Abu Mazen) has with Israeli Society. for) a just peace agreement. pointed out, time and again. If there During his visit on campus, Abu Mr. Qurei noted that from his is agreement on East Jerusalem Alaa met with faculty members meetings with Israelis, he has the being occupied territory and on its and students, and the talks turned definite impression that most of future placement under Palestinian into fascinating discussions. The them want peace. The problem is sovereignty, then a compromise visit culminated in his lecture at not with Israeli society, but with the over Jerusalem may be possible. the Senate Hall and the following leadership that insists on continuing Mr. Qurei described the Arab discussion. The meeting took place to build settlements in the occupied Peace Initiative of 2002 as the best before Operation Protective Edge, at territories. It is impossible to hold framework to achieve a permanent agreement. Israeli willingness to accept the peace initiative would give Israel many advantages because it opens the door for Muslim and Arab recognition of Israel and for normalization. This is a plan acceptable to Arab countries because an Arab Summit Conference initiated it, and it was even approved by the Islamic Conference. The PLO recognized the State of Israel already in the Oslo Agreements that are the irreplaceable basis. This is of significance since Rabin kept his promise to implement the agreement, while Netanyahu Zvi HaCohen, Abu Alaa, Yoram Meital, Dan Goldenblatt embarked on renegotiations. Moreover, in each round of
34 negotiations with the Israeli already signed agreements with Palestinian unity government government since Oslo, Israel Egypt and Jordan as well as an in partnership with Hamas is demanded to reopen the agreement with Lebanon regarding unacceptable. Hamas is a part negotiations over what had already its troop withdrawal, without ever of the Palestinian people, and its been agreed upon. That is no way demanding its recognition as a leadership has agreed to pursue to conduct negotiations. In the Jewish state. This demand is reconciliation and actually to Oslo Accords it was agreed that unacceptable to the Arab side. Also comply with the treaty obligations both sides will refrain from taking the insistence on not releasing in relation to Israel. Reconciliation unilateral steps and proceed only prisoners that Netanyahu agreed with Hamas, that will hopefully through negotiations, which means to release is incomprehensible. succeed, will be based on the that unilateral steps are defined as Abu Alaa expressed understanding positions held by the PLO. harmful to the permanent status for the feelings of Israelis regarding Abu Alaa expressed his regret agreement. The establishment the release of prisoners, but that the current Israeli position does of the Palestinian National pointed out that there is also much not leave any room for optimism. Authority is an achievement. The sorrow among the thousands of On the other hand, he stressed Palestinians do not want to forego families of prisoners, to whom the that the situation in the region is this achievement, and therefore PNA is committed. changing and might lead to new both parties have no interest in Mr. Qurei criticized Israel’s constellations, and therefore it is in dismantling the Palestinian National opposition to the Palestinian the common interest of Israel and Authority. Since the Oslo Accords unity government. The Israeli the Palestinians to make a serious refer to two peoples, they also refer government includes the party effort to reach an agreement. to two states, which embodies also HaBayit HaYehudi, that does not According to him, the Palestinian the PLO’s recognition of the State at all recognize the Palestinians, leadership is most serious in its of Israel. The demand to recognize and yet the Palestinians are not intent to pursue peace, but there Israel as a Jewish state is an demanding that the party be is growing frustration in Palestinian obstacle meant to prevent progress removed from the government. society that may even lead to a toward a peace agreement. Israel Israel’s strong opposition to the reaction detrimental to peace. The Ambassadors Forum
The Indian Ambassador to Israel, H.E. Jaideep Sarkar visited the campus in April in the framework of the Ambassador’s Forum, organized by the Chaim Herzog Center in cooperation with Center for the Study of European Politics and Society. On that occasion, the Ambassador gave a public lecture in which he presented the relationship between Israel and India in historical perspective. He elaborated on the resemblance between the two nations, especially in their struggle for national liberation. He emphasized India’s commitment to HM Ambassador Sarkar addressing the forum the Palestinian cause and to a full partnership with Israel in matters of science, agriculture and advanced Sarkar emphasized Israel’s need to develop its ties with eastern countries technology and industry, in times and recommended increasing academic cooperation between the two of globalization. Ambassador countries.
35 Jama‘a Vols. 20 & 21
The International Journal for Middle East Studies – new Central Asian states. In his article, “The Egyptian Jama‘a, serves as a stage for graduate students, Historiography in the Nineteenth and Twentieth young scholars as well as established researchers. Centuries on the Egyptian Rule of Sudan during the The journal is sponsored by the Chaim Herzog Nineteenth Century,” Mustafa Badran discusses Center. Published since 1998, Jamaa positioned the evolution of Egyptian identity through modern itself as a leading Hebrew journal in Middle East historiography. The historiographical debate about Studies, enabling Hebrew readers (students that episode in Egyptian history enables us to and the general public alike) to come across discern the process of Egyptian identity formation cutting-edge research in the history, sociology, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The anthropology, language and literature of the third article, by Yossi Goldstein, titled “Turkey above Middle East. For faculty members, the journal all else: Ben Gurion’s Faith in the Ottoman Empire,” serves as a good indicator of what the younger places Zionist history in its Ottoman context and generation of scholars is engaged in these days, shows that after the ‘Young Turk’ Revolution Ben and contributes to the creation of a vivid academic Gurion, like many others at the time, believed in the community studying the Middle East. In December new regime’s democratic goals. 2013 volume 20 came out, and in May 2014 we From the onset of Jama‘a, we have dedicated published volume 21. a section to a Hebrew translation of an article we Volume 20 contains three original articles. Batir believe to be a milestone in the study of the Middle Xasanov’s article, “In Search of Chingis-Khan’s East. This year we decided to translate Andre Good Light: The Rise of Chingis-Khan’s importance Raymond’s seminal article “Islamic City, Arab and the ‘Neo-Dastan’ Discourse in Kazakhstan,” City: Orientalist Myths and Recent Views,” which deals with the rehabilitation of Chingis-Khan’s criticized the way Middle Eastern urban history image, reestablishing him as the forefather of the was studied by Western scholars. The translation
36 is introduced by Daniel Monterescu, who places Reymond’s contribution in a broader context. Volume 20 also contains a new column – an interview with a leading scholar in Middle East Studies. The first interview is with Prof. Roger Owen, who is introduced by Avi Rubin of Ben-Gurion University, outlining Owen’s legacy. Volume 21 also contains three original articles. Sharon Shitrit-Sason’s article, “Who is Afraid of Autobiographies? On Women’s Autobiographies in the Arab World – Fadwa Touqan and Haifa Bitar,” defines the main features of Arab women’s autobiographies through two very different writers. In “‘Eviction and Compensation,’ the Village of al- Samara, 1948-1951: The Relations between Israel and the Baha'i Community,” Shai Rosen focuses on the unique kind of relations of the young Jewish state with its Baha’i community. The last article, by Itamar Dubinsky, titled “Wife, Husband, and Two Children: Family Planning Policies in Tunisia and Iran,” analyzes family planning in two Muslim societies, Tunisia adhering to a secular ethos, and the Islamic Republic of Iran, and shows how each regime marketed family planning accordingly. The volume’s translated article is Constantine K. Zurayk’s “Ma’na al-Nakba” [The meaning of the Disaster]. This seminal work coined the term “Nakba” with reference to the 1948 War. Hillel Cohen, from the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, provides an introduction to both Zurayk and the short book that was published during the war itself. The volume includes an interview with Prof. Leslie Peirce, a leading Ottomanist. An introduction to Peirce’s work is provided by Amy Singer of Tel Aviv University. In the Food for Thought column, Haggai Ram’s contribution, titled: “On Thrillers, Boundary Crossing, and Crime in Mandatory Palestine,” suggests using fictional writings for reconstructing the social history of Mandate Palestine. Both volumes contain a review section. Please visit our new website at http://in.bgu. ac.il/humsos/jamaa/Pages/default.aspx and our facebook page: Jamaa Journal.
The Chaim Herzog Center Annual Scholarships Awards 2013
MA thesis Noga Mosco, Department of Soci- ology & Anthropology, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev In Search of “The Bedouin Adaptive Adult”: Developmental Goals of Mo- thers and Fathers from the Bedouin Society of the Negev
Eli Osheroff, The Hebrew Universi- ty of Jerusalem, Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies Where Did You Come From? The History of the Jewish People in Ear- ly Palestinian Historiography (1920- Maxim Yosefi, Michael (Mike) Herzog, Yoram Meital, Zvi HaCohen 1948)
37 Ph.D. Dissertations Maxim Yosefi, Department of Mid- dle East Studies, Ben-Gurion Uni- versity of the Negev Anthropology of the Traditional Bedouin Poetry: Social and Ritual Functioning
An Encouragement Scholarship Zmira Ron-David, Department of Hebrew Literature, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Love Stories in Conflict Zones: Personal Oral Stories; Letters and Postcards; Narratives of Love Sto- ”Art and Protest in the Middle East,” roundtable ries in the Public Sphere The Chaim Herzog Center Annual Scholarships Awards 2014
MA thesis Mor Tzaban-Bar Sheshet, Ben- Gurion University of the Negev The Study of the Qur’an and the Torah in the Medieval Middle East Ph.D Dissertations Nassim Khalaf, Department of So- ciology & Anthropology, Ben-Guri- on University of the Negev Al-Tarab: Poetics, Music and Com- munication in Constituting Cultural Identity In Egypt, 1904-1970 Yoram Meital, Mor Tzaban-Bar Sheshet, Isaac (Bougie) Herzog, Yossi Sucari Irena Fliter, Department of Middle Eastern and African studies, Tel Aviv University Ottoman Diplomats and the Cul- ture of Diplomacy: Ambassadors, Chargés d’Affaires and Dragomans between the Ottoman Empire and Prussia (1761-1821)
An Encouragement Scholarship Moshe Firrouz, Department of Je- wish Thought, Ben-Gurion Univer- sity of the Negev Studies in the Karaite Sage Judah Hadassi’s ‘Sefer Eshkol ha-Kofer’ (The Book of Cluster of Henna Annual Scholarships Awards 2014 Blossoms) 38 Calendar 2012-2013 (Selected)
November 7, 2012 May 27, 2013 Symposium: The Muslim Brothers: A Religious Screening and a Discussion of a Documentary Vision in a Changing Reality Film: Tinghir–Jerusalem: Echoes from the Mellah by Kamal Hachkar November 12, 2012 Symposium: The October War – Intelligential May 29, 2013 Errors and War Failures Symposium: Political Islam and Transformation in the Middle East November 28, 2012 Book Event: The Dream of the White Sabra by June 4, 2013 Meron Benvenisti Symposium and Annual Scholarships Ceremony: A Spring of Anger – The Art of the Painter Khader December 11, 2012 Washah Conference: Protest and Revolution in the Middle East – Israel and the Arab Spring November 13, 2013 Symposium: 1973 War: When the Canons Fall December 16, 2012 Silent Screening and a Discussion of a Documentary Film: The Battle of Algiers (1966) November 18, 2013 Symposium at the Hebrew University of December 24, 2012 Jerusalem: Judaism and Islam – Jurisprudence, Symposium: Translating the political – Senegal Thought and Practice in Comparative Perspective and Iranian literature in Israel November 19, 2013 January 7, 2013 Conference: Bedouin Citizens in a Jewish State: Book Event: To Mark the Hebrew Version of Towards Appeasement or Conflict She, Me and the Fall, by Salman Natour December 25, 2013 March 12, 2013 Symposium: State Archive – Knowledge Power Book Event: Jewish Life on the Nile – Sheikh and History Hamza Street No. 17 in Cairo, by Abraham Bar- Ab (Ben Tata) April 24, 2013 Book Event: A Tiger Made of Paper, to Mark the Hebrew Collection of Zacaria Tamer Short Stories by Alon Fragman 2013 NEWSLETTER 2014 For More Information
Writers and Editors: About the Chaim Herzog Center for Middle East Studies and Diplomacy, Prof. Yoram Meital its activities and conferences, research funding, scholarships Dr. Haya Bambaji-Sasportas or publications, kindly contact Haya Bambaji-Sasportas at: Translation and English Editing: Chaim Herzog Center, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Dr. Ursula Wokoeck Beer-Sheva 84105, Israel Graphic Design: Tel: 972-8-6472538, Fax: 972-8-6472922 Sefi Graphics Design, Beer-Sheva [email protected] Printing by: BGU Print Unit http://humweb2.bgu.ac.il/herzog/he; http://in.bgu.ac.il/hercen/Pages/default.aspx
39 Calendar 2014 (Selected)
January 5, 2014 May 19, 2014 Screening and a Discussion of a Documentary A Visitor Lecture: “Israel’s Asian Challenge,” Film: A Shadow in Baghdad (2013) by Linda P.R. Kumarswamy, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Abed el-Aziz Menuhin New Delhi India
January 8, 2014 May 26-28, 2014 Symposium: The Muslim Brothers and the An international Workshop: Jewish Thought in Challenges of Revolution and Democracy Arab Societies, 1880-1960
January 15, 2014 May 24, 2014 A Visitor Lecture: “State of Liberation: Hamas Concert: Um Kulthoum Forever, The Andalusian between Government and Resistance,” Mediterranean Orchestra of Ashkelon Somdeep Sen, University of Copenhagen June 10, 2014 March 19, 2014 Symposium: Ahmed Qurei (Abu Alaa), Israeli- The Ambassador Forum: “Relations of the EU, Palestinian Relations in Light of the Breakdown Israel and the Middle East,” Lars Faarborg- in Negotiations: What Lies Ahead? Andersen, Head of the UE Delegation to Israel June 19, 2014 April 2, 2014 Annual Scholarship Ceremony and a Visiting The Ambassador Forum: “India-Israel Relations Lecture: Yossi Sucari: “The Silenced Holocaust and Recent Developments in India’s Politics,” – Holocaust of Libyan Jews” H.E. Jaideep Sarka, India Ambassador to Israel
2014 Who’s Who at the Center
Scientific Committee
Chairperson: Prof. Yoram Meital ([email protected]) Prof. Yoram Meital, Dept. of Middle East Studies, BGU Academic and Administrative Coordinator: Prof. Haggai Ram, Dept. of Middle East Studies, BGU Dr. Haya Bambaji-Sasportas ([email protected]) Dr. Iris Agmon, Dept. of Middle East Studies, BGU Alon Dar, Assistant Dr. Avi Rubin, Dept. of Middle East Studies, BGU
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