The Conundrum of Israeli-Arab Citizenship by Mordechai Nisan
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The Conundrum of Israeli-Arab Citizenship by Mordechai Nisan ssued in the midst of a sustained attempt by the IPalestinian Arabs to destroy it at birth, Israel’s 1948 declaration of independence urged them “to participate in the upbuilding of the state on the basis of full and equal citizenship and due representation in all its provisional and perma- nent institutions.”1 The invitation to these inveterate foes to be fellow citizens was based on the Photo: Frank Scherschel belief that once their aggression Golda Meir (center) congratulates Moshe Sharett after had been defeated, they would signing Israel’s declaration of independence, May 14, 1948, as David Ben-Gurion (left) looks on. Israel promised resign themselves to a minority its Arab citizens “full and equal citizenship.” But many status in the nascent Jewish state. Israeli Arabs openly challenge the principles underpinning Seventy-two years on, the Israel’s existence. fulfillment of this assumption seems as remote as ever. Not only has Arab integration in Israeli society not led to general acceptance of the legitimacy of Jewish statehood, but the more affluent and more established the Arab population has become, the stronger its Palestinian identification to the point of openly challenging the fundamental principles underpinning Israel’s existence. 1 “The Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel,” Provisional Government of Israel, Tel Aviv, Official Gazette, no. 1, May 14, 1948. MIDDLE EAST QUARTERLY Summer 2020 Nisan: Israeli Arabs / 1 This seemingly unbridgeable gulf between eight in 1992 to fifteen in 2020, confirming Israel’s Arabs and Jews raises the need for the general trend of Arab progress and a profound redefinition of the concept of participation in Israel’s public life. citizenship in a way that would satisfy the These major advances notwithstanding, Arabs’ national identification and protect opinion polls, despite their fallibility, offer a their civil and religious rights without en- more complex picture. Since the late 1970s, abling them to undo Israel’s Jewish national and all the more so after the launch of the character. Oslo “peace process” in 1993, Israeli Arabs have increasingly self-identified as Pales- tinians and revealed their emotional and Israel’s Arab Citizens and ideological distance from the Jewish state. A Their Political Leadership survey from May 2001 found that 46 percent Since Israel’s establishment, its Arab of Arabs rejected Israel’s Jewish identity, citizenry has grown twelvefold—from while a 2006 survey claimed that 56 percent 156,000 people in 1949 to just over 1.9 of the Arabs were not proud of their Israeli million in 2019 although its relative size has citizenship with twice as many of the remained virtually unchanged (growing from respondents feeling greater attachment to the 5 18 to 21 percent of the total population).2 In Palestinian people than to Israel. A 2012 line with the declaration of independence’s survey by Sami Smooha of Haifa University commitment to “complete equality of social found that 70 percent rejected Israel’s right to and political rights to all its inhabitants maintain a Jewish majority, preferring a 6 irrespective of religion, race, or sex,” the binational state over a Jewish one, which the official, state-financed Arabic language Israel Democracy Institute corroborated in educational system promoted both literacy 2017, reporting that 67 percent opposed 7 and the communal identity and cohesion of Israel’s Jewish character. A recent survey the Arab minority. Some 16 percent of the from 2020 shows a growing Arab acceptance total university population is Arab.3 Arabs of their “Israeli” identity and a decline in constitute 38 percent of the pharmacists in their “Palestinian” identification; yet this Israel, a third of the doctors, and 20 percent finding is compromised and complicated by of the nurses.4 The number of Arab members of the Knesset jumped from two in 1949 to 5 Asher Arian, “Israeli Public Opinion on National Security,” Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 2 “Population, by Religion,” Population: Statistical Tel Aviv University, memo. no. 60, Aug. 2001, Abstract of Israel 2019, no. 70, Israel Central p. 19; Uzi Arad and Gad Alon, “Patriotism and Bureau of Statistics (ICBS), Jerusalem, Sept. 26, Israel’s National Security Survey 2006,” Institute 2019. for Policy and Strategy, Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya, “Key Findings.” 3 “Students in Universities, in Academic Colleges and in Academic Colleges of Education among 6 Sami Smooha, Lo Shovrim Et ha-Kelim: Madad Persons Aged 18-29, by Sex, Age, Population Yahasei Arvim-Yehudim be-Israel 2012 (Haifa: Group and Degree,” Population: Statistical Haifa University, 2013), p. 14. Abstract of Israel 2019, no. 70, ICBS, Sept. 26, 7 2019. Tamar Hermann, Or Anabi, William Cubbison, Ella Heller, and Fadi Omar, A Conditional Partnership: 4 The Times of Israel (Jerusalem), Aug. 24, 2015; Jews and Arabs (Jerusalem: Israel Democracy Israel21c (San Francisco), Oct. 31, 2018. Institute, 2017), p. 64. MIDDLE EAST QUARTERLY Summer 2020 Nisan: Israeli Arabs / 2 the majority denying the existence of a Jewish Temple on Jerusalem’s Temple Mount, and by implication—the millenarian Jewish attachment to the Land of Israel.8 When on March 9, 2020, Blue and White party leader Benny Gantz promised to form a “patriotic government,” Knesset member (MK) Ahmad Tibi censured this use of words as “unfortunate.”9 Israel clearly does not inspire patriotic feelings among its Arab citizens though most of them have indicated over the years that they would rather be in Israel—with its educational opportunities, social benefits, personal and political liberties, and material advances— than elsewhere.10 A personal utilitarian con- Knesset member Azmi Bishara was sideration coexists with an Arab nationalist suspected of passing security information to conviction. Hezbollah during the 2006 war and fled Israel to avoid prosecution. Many Israeli Arab students and politicians are as a Arabs do not exhibit patriotic feelings rule stridently anti-Israel. University cam- toward the state. puses in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and Haifa experience boisterous Palestinian nationalist demonstrations with participants waving Arab municipalities in Israel,” the effective Palestinian flags and denouncing Israel and leadership of the Israeli Arabs, issued a the Israel Defense Forces.11 Intellectuals and lengthy document outlining its “Future public figures from the community issued the Vision for the Palestinian Arabs in Israel.” Haifa Declaration in 2007 that called for The document rejected Israel’s continued Palestinian refugees to “return”12—the Arab existence as a Jewish state and demanded its euphemism for Israel’s destruction via substitution by a system that would ensure demographic subversion. For its part, the Arab “national, historic and civil rights at “national committee of the heads of local both the individual and collective levels.”13 MK Azmi Bishara, founder of the ultranationalist Balad party, proposed to 8 Pluralism Index 2020, The Jewish People Policy redefine Israel as a “state of all its Institute, in The Jerusalem Post, Apr. 21, 2020. citizens”—yet another euphemism for 9 “Tibi Meuchzav me-Gantz: ha-Bitui ‘Memshala Israel’s transformation into an Arab state in Patriotit’ Lo Mutslah,” Galei Zahal (IDF radio, which Jews would eventually be relegated to glz.co.il), Mar. 16, 2020. a permanent minority. Bishara was later 10 Daniel Pipes, “The Hell of Israel Is Better than the suspected of passing security information to Paradise of Arafat,” Middle East Quarterly, Spring 2005, pp. 43-50. 11 See, for example, The Jerusalem Post, Dec. 29, 13 2008, Nov. 14, 2019. “Ha-Hazon ha-Atidi la-Aravim ha-Falestinim be- Israel,” Ha-Vaad ha-Artzi Shel Roshei ha- 12 “The Haifa Declaration,” Mada al-Carmel, Haifa, Rashuyot ha-Arviyot be-Israel, Nazareth, 2006, 2007. p. 9. MIDDLE EAST QUARTERLY Summer 2020 Nisan: Israeli Arabs / 3 Hezbollah during the Hanin Zoabi 2006 Lebanon War and Arab Knesset members joined the armed pro- fled Israel to avoid have behaved dislooyally Palestinian Mavi Marmara prosecution. in a variety of waays. ship to Gaza in 2010, The Islamic Move- whose “peace activists” ment in Israel is reli- violently attacked Israeli giously and rhetorically soldiers.16 militant, inciting against the state and dis- Ayman Odeh was scheduled to meet crediting any sign of “Israelization” within with the presidents of Jewish organ- the Arab community. The leader of its izations in Manhattan in 2015 but northern branch, Raed Salah, was imprisoned refused to enter the appointed room for aiding Hamas in 2003 and yet again in adjacent to the Jewish Agency offices 2020 for encouraging and supporting terror because of its Zionist mission and the attacks by his followers. The spirit of display of the Israeli flag.17 incitement undoubtedly contributed to the Basil Ghattas was apprehended in July 2017 murder of two Druze police 2016 and sentenced to two years in officers in Jerusalem by two Arabs from prison for attempting to smuggle cell Umm al-Fahm, Salah’s home town. He also phones and SIM cards to incarcerated accused Israel of conspiring to destroy al- terrorists whom he visited.18 Aqsa Mosque and to deny free Muslim Jamal Zahalka off the Balad Party worship on the Temple Mount (even though pledged solidarity with Hamas and the Muslim waqf or endowment has Hezbollah. In August 2018, in re- administered this most sacred religious site sponse to the new Basic Law: Israel 14 for the Jewish