Enhancing the Rule of Law and Guaranteeing Human Rights in the Constitution
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IFES White Paper Series on Electoral Fraud
IFES Briefing Paper | January 2011 Elections in Tunisia: Key challenges for credible and competitive elections Tunisia: Briefing Paper No. 1 International Foundation for Electoral Systems 1850 K Street, NW | Fifth Floor | Washington, DC 20006 | www.IFES.org January 25, 2011 Background Elections in Tunisia: Key challenges for credible and competitive elections Despite the challenges it faces in finding a cohesive consensus, the newly appointed Tunisian government has acknowledged it must address important transitional issues for democratic reform. Politically and constitutionally, one of its primary tasks will be to prepare for elections to determine the choice of a new president. There have also been calls that parliamentary elections, scheduled for 2014, should be sooner.1 While there has been a wealth of analysis in recent weeks on the political and democratic implications of the January events in Tunisia, there has been little focus on the key issues that may emerge in relation to the conduct of these next elections. This IFES briefing paper provides a preliminary overview of those issues. Introduction Previous elections, including the 2009 presidential and parliamentary elections, were held in a repressive environment and under a legal framework that was “tailor-made”2 by the then-ruling party to ensure its political dominance had a veneer of electoral legitimacy, ensuring participation of a number of tolerated ‘opposition’ parties and candidates. Despite the changes brought about by recent events, persons opposed to the previous regime may question the credibility of any election held under the current flawed framework or run by persons associated to the previous regime. Unless Tunisian authorities make an effort to show political will for improved opportunities for credible elections, the elections are likely to fail to meet public expectations and stakeholder demands of democratic change in Tunisia. -
International Bureau for Children's Rights (IBCR)
Making Children’s Rights Work in North Africa: Country Profiles on Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco Country Profiles on Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia and Tunisia Making Children’s Rights Work in North Africa:Making Children’s Rights Work Making Children’s Rights Work in North Africa: Country Profiles on Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia The first version of this report was posted on IBCR’s website in March 2007. This second version has been reedited in August 2007. International Bureau for Children’s Rights (IBCR) Created in 1994 and based in Montreal, Canada, the International Bureau for Children’s Rights (IBCR) is an international non- governmental organisation (INGO) with special consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). IBCR offers its expertise, particularly in the legal sector, to contribute to the protection and promotion of children’s rights in conformity with the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and its Optional Protocols. The expertise of IBCR resides in the sharing of knowledge and good practices and in the development of tools and models to inspire implementation of children’s rights. IBCR’s expertise also lies in raising awareness about children’s rights to persuade decision-makers to adopt laws and programmes that more effectively respect the rights of the child. In recent years, IBCR’s main successes include its exceptional contribution to the elaboration of the Guidelines on Justice in Matters Involving Child Victims and Witnesses of Crime as well as their adoption by the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC Res. -
Tunisia: Freedom of Expression Under Siege
Tunisia: Freedom of Expression under Siege Report of the IFEX Tunisia Monitoring Group on the conditions for participation in the World Summit on the Information Society, to be held in Tunis, November 2005 February 2005 Tunisia: Freedom of Expression under Siege CONTENTS: Executive Summary p. 3 A. Background and Context p. 6 B. Facts on the Ground 1. Prisoners of opinion p. 17 2. Internet blocking p. 21 3. Censorship of books p. 25 4. Independent organisations p. 30 5. Activists and dissidents p. 37 6. Broadcast pluralism p. 41 7. Press content p. 43 8. Torture p. 46 C. Conclusions and Recommendations p. 49 Annex 1 – Open Letter to Kofi Annan p. 52 Annex 2 – List of blocked websites p. 54 Annex 3 – List of banned books p. 56 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX) is a global network of 64 national, regional and international freedom of expression organisations. This report is based on a fact-finding mission to Tunisia undertaken from 14 to 19 January 2005 by members of the IFEX Tunisia Monitoring Group (IFEX-TMG) together with additional background research and Internet testing. The mission was composed of the Egyptian Organization of Human Rights, International PEN Writers in Prison Committee, International Publishers Association, Norwegian PEN, World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters (AMARC) and World Press Freedom Committee. Other members of IFEX-TMG are: ARTICLE 19, Canadian Journalists for Free Expression (CJFE), the Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Studies (CEHURDES), Index on Censorship, Journalistes en Danger (JED), Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), and World Association of Newspapers (WAN). -
E Wilberforce Society Cambridge, UK 1 Www
e Wilberforce Society www.thewilberforcesociety.co.uk 1 Cambridge, UK September 2012 Proposed Constitutional Framework for the Republic of Tunisia The Wilberforce T W S TWS Society About this report Chief Drasperson: Dr. Riddhi Dasgupta Chairman: Mr. George Bangham Senior Editors: Mr. Niolas Crawford Mr. Millad Matin Editors I Ms. Wen-Zhen Low I Mr. Samuel Goodman I Mr. Maximilian Bulinski I Ms. Eliane Bejjani I Mr. Justin Kempley I Mr. Joseph Sanderson I Mr. Pragesh Sivaguru I Ms. Anisha Polson I Mr. P.J. Welsh I Mr. Luke Woodward I Ms. M.D.C. Fernandez-Fernandez I Ms. J. Youngs I Mr. Jake Richards I Mr. Alastair Wooder I Mr. C.T. Kwan I Ms. Laura Edwards I Ms. Aya Majzoub I Mr. H.J. Dadswell I Mr. Juan Zober de Francisco Rasheed I Mr. Adam Shutie I Mr. Vincent Scully I Mr. Kwan Ping Kan I Ms. Vanessa evathasan With Special anks to: Prof. George Joffé, Prof. Laurence Tribe, Lord Wilson of Dinton GCB, Mr. Raza Habib, Prof. Kevin Bampton, Mr. Alexander McLean, Ms. Anna Triponel Mr. David Baynard. © Dr. Riddhi Dasgupta and Mr. George Bangham copyright 2012. You may re-use the text of this report free of charge in any format or medium. Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at: [email protected] and [email protected] is publication is available for download at: http://www.thewilberforcesociety.co.uk/policy_paper/proposed- constitutional-framework-for-the-republic-of-tunisia About The Wilberforce Society e Wilberforce Society was founded in 2009 by students at the University of Cambridge. -
12 08 16 LA Tunisia
Tunisia: Draft Law Amending and Completing Specific Provisions of the Penal Code on the Criminalisation of Offences against Sacred Values August 2012 Tunisia: Draft Law Amending and Completing Specific Provisions of the Penal Code on the Criminalisation of Offences against Sacred Values Executive summary In this analysis, ARTICLE 19 calls upon the Tunisian Constituent Assembly to reject the Draft Law on the Amendment of the Penal Code concerning the Criminalization of Offences against Sacred Values (Draft Law) due to its illegitimate and excessive restrictions on freedom of expression. ARTICLE 19’s analysis highlights three critical problems with the Draft Law. First, the Draft Law seeks to impose broad restrictions on freedom of expression which go beyond what is permitted under international law, in particular by seeking to protect “sacred values” and “symbols” that do not enjoy protection under international law. Second, the Draft Law is conceptually flawed as it is written in vague terms, despite providing a detailed list of sacred symbols. The nature of the proposal leaves the provisions of the Draft Law open to extensive and overly broad interpretation. Third, ARTICLE 19 observes that the Draft Law runs contrary to the growing global consensus amongst states and UN human rights bodies themselves who have agreed that prohibitions of defamation of religions and protection of symbols and beliefs are not only contrary to guarantees of freedom of expression, but are also counterproductive and prone to being abused against the religious minorities that they purport to protect. ARTICLE 19 argues that if adopted, the Draft Law would represent a serious setback to democratic transition in Tunisia and a blow to Tunisians who had suffered enormously from censorship and restrictions on their freedom of speech under Ben Ali regime. -
Tunisia's Constitution of 1959 with Amendments Through 2008
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:51 constituteproject.org Tunisia's Constitution of 1959 with Amendments through 2008 Historical This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:51 Table of contents Preamble . 3 Chapter I: General Provisions . 3 Chapter II: The Legislative Power . 6 Chapter III: The Executive Power . 11 Section I: The President of the Republic . 11 Section II: The Government . 15 Chapter IV: The Judicial Power . 16 Chapter V: The High Court . 17 Chapter VI: The State Council . 17 Chapter VII: The Economic and Social Council . 17 Chapter VIII: Local Authorities . 17 Chapter IX: The Constitutional Council . 18 Chapter X: Amendment to the Constitution . 19 Tunisia 1959 (rev. 2008) Page 2 constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:51 • Source of constitutional authority • Motives for writing constitution Preamble • Preamble In the Name of the people, We, Habib Bourguiba, President of the Republic of Tunisia, Considering the decree of December 29, 1955 (14 Djoumadal 1375) establishing the Constituent National Assembly; Considering the decision of the Constituent National Assembly of July 25, 1957 (26 Thul-hidja 1376); and With the approval of the Constituent National Assembly; Promulgate the following Constitution of the Republic of Tunisia, the content of which is as follows: • God or other deities In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate, -
Crafting Political Society the Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’S Democratic Transition
Crafting Political Society The Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’s Democratic Transition By Brittany Dutton Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego March 30th, 2020 Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Maureen Feeley, for her invaluable expertise, support, and guidance throughout this entire academic journey. I will be forever grateful for the opportunity to indulge my obsession with Tunisia and write a thesis under her incredible supervision. I would also like to sincerely thank Dr. Daniel Butler and Dr. Kaare Strøm for their extremely help feedback and suggestions during this process, with additional thanks to Dr. Strøm for answering my virtually endless questions about electoral rules, party behavior, and coalition governments. I also extend my gratitude to Dr. Michael Provence and Dr. Dilşa Deniz for graciously lending me their time to discuss the role of political Islam in the Middle East and North Africa; to Annelise Sklar for providing invaluable research assistance last summer when I was preparing for my thesis; and to Michael Seese and my fellow thesis writers who provided feedback during the early stages of writing. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, my family, and my dearest friend, Sydney, for listening to endless iterations of my thesis for the past six months. I would not have been able to complete this journey without their support. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction -
2RP Responses to Recommendations and Voluntary Pledges
Promoting and strengthening the Universal Periodic Review http://www.upr-info.org Responses to Recommendations Senegal Session 31 Review in the Working Group: 9 November 2018 Adoption in the Plenary: 18 December 2018 Senegal’s responses to recommendations: (as of the 12th August 2019) In the Report of In the Addendum: During the plenary: Summary: the Working Group: Supported: 229 No Additional No Additional Information Accepted: 229 Noted: 28 Information provided provided Noted: 28 Pending: 0 Total: 257 Total: 257 Paragraph headers are as in the Report of the Working Group, but the nature of responses to recommendations may have subsequently been changed. List of recommendations contained in Section II of the Report of the Working Group A/HRC/40/5: 144. The recommendations formulated during the interactive dialogue/listed below have been examined by Senegal and enjoy the support of Senegal: S - 144.1 Ratify the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Albania) (Austria) (Portugal) (Switzerland), aiming at the abolition of the death penalty (Belgium) (Benin) (Montenegro) (Paraguay) (Rwanda) (Togo); S - 144.2 Consider ratifying the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, aiming at the abolition of the death penalty (Uruguay); S - 144.3 Abolish the death penalty for all crimes and accede to the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Iceland); 1 Promoting and strengthening the Universal Periodic Review -
Tunisia: Human Rights Situation
At a glance September 2016 Tunisia: Human rights situation Following the Jasmine Revolution, the EU called for a 'privileged partnership' with Tunisia due to its commitment to democratic reforms. Despite ongoing economic hardship and political instability, Tunisia managed to hold elections that got international acclaim and to adopt a new constitution in 2014. Significant improvements in civil, gender and other rights have accompanied the transition. The EU has commended Tunisia for its transition so far but calls for further efforts in areas such as reform of the penal code, gender equality, and security. Ratification of international instruments Article 20 of Tunisia's new constitution, adopted in 2014, grants treaties ratified by Tunisia a status superior to national laws but inferior to the constitution. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) highlights that Tunisia has ratified 14 of 18 key human rights treaties. In 2008, while still under the rule of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Tunisia had ratified a number of human rights conventions, but with insufficient enforcement. These are, among others: the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, along with its Optional Protocol, as well as the Optional Protocol to the Convention on All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The Committee on the Rights of the Child also welcomed the Tunisian government's removal of restrictions on Articles 2 and 7 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 2008. Following the Jasmine -
Human Rights in the Arab Region A-PDF MERGER DEMO
A-PDF MERGER DEMO Human Rights in the Arab Region Annual Report 2008 ) Human Rights in the Arab Region Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies Annual Report 2008 CIHRS Reform Issues (20) Publisher: Cairo Institute for Human President Rights Studies (CIHRS) Kamal Jendoubi 9 Rustom st. Garden City, Cairo, Egypt Mailing address: P.O. Box 117 (Maglis el- Shaab), Cairo, Egypt General Director Bahey eldin Hassan E-mail address: [email protected] Website: www.cihrs.org Tel: (+202) 27951112- 27962514 Executive Director Moataz El fegiery Fax: (+202) 27921913 Layout cover designer: Academic Advisor Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies Mohammed EL-Sayed Said Dep. No: 3730/ 2009 Index card Human Rights in the Arab Region Annual Report 2008 Publisher: Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) Reform Issues (20), 24cm, 224 Pages, (Cairo) Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (Authour) This Report is published with the generous financial support of the Dutch's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Open Society Institute ) Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) Human Rights in the Arab Region Annual Report 2008 ) Index Dedication 7 Acknowledgment 11 This Report 15 Preface: The Dilemma of Human Rights in the Arab Region Between a 17 Lack of Political Will and the Emerging Forms of Resistance / Bahey eldin Hassan Report Summary: 31 Deterioration of Human Rights: Reform Faces a Dead End Part I: Human Rights Situation in the Arab World 43 Chapter I Occupied States or States in Armed Conflicts 43 1- Iraq: …An Uncertain Future 45 2- The -
Briefing Paper 8
BRIEFING PAPER NO. 8 JANUARY 2011 OVERCOMING OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS IN TUNISIA: A PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS OF CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS INTRODUCTION In contrast to some other past transitions in other countries, there is no reference document—a pact, a The formation of the interim authorities and their actions charter or an agreed transitional programme—to map the have so far followed Tunisia’s constitutional framework. road ahead. Therefore it is to be assumed that the current Taking note of the ‘permanent vacancy’ of the presidency rules apply, including the Constitution. following Ben Ali’s escape to Saudi Arabia, the Constitutional Council vested Fouad Mebazaa, President Although it may not be absolutely necessary to revise the of the Chamber of Deputies, with the functions of interim Constitution in the short term, it is necessary to reform the President of the Republic on 15 January 2011. Mebazaa re- primary electoral legislation before elections are held. appointed Mohamed Ghannouchi, Prime Minister since Other legislation also may need urgent reform in advance 1999, to his office. of elections; e.g., the political parties’ law and media legislation. Not doing so runs the risk that the electoral However, a question arises as to whether it will be process will be seriously flawed as a result of possible to continue respecting constitutional undemocratic provisions. arrangements in view of the current political situation. Several critical factors impinge on this possibility: existing This paper examines some of the difficulties with the state institutions do not have democratic legitimacy; time current constitutional arrangements and offers some may be too short to organise democratic elections; and suggestions as to how these can be circumvented and there is pressure from the streets. -
Tunisia Page 1 of 18
Tunisia Page 1 of 18 Tunisia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2006 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 6, 2007 Tunisia is a constitutionally based republic with a population of approximately 10 million, dominated by a single political party, the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD). Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali has been the president since 1987. In the 2004 presidential election, President Ben Ali ran against three opposition candidates and was declared the winner with approximately 94 percent of the popular vote. Official turnout was higher than 90 percent, although observers regarded these figures as substantially inflated. In concurrent parliamentary elections, the RCD gained 152 of the 189 seats. A second legislative body, the Chamber of Advisors, was created in a 2002 referendum amending the constitution. In July 2005 indirect elections for the Chamber of Advisors resulted in a heavily pro-RCD body. The civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces. The government continued to commit serious human rights abuses. There were significant limitations on citizens' right to change their government. Members of the security forces tortured and physically abused prisoners and detainees. Security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained individuals. Authorities did not charge any police or security force official with abuse during the year. Lengthy pretrial and incommunicado detention remained a serious problem. The government infringed on citizens' privacy rights, continued to impose severe restrictions on freedom of speech and of the press, and restricted freedom of assembly and association. The government remained intolerant of public criticism and used intimidation, criminal investigations, the court system, arbitrary arrests, residential restrictions, and travel controls (including denial of passports), to discourage criticism by human rights and opposition activists.