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Sharps, Ronald LaMarr

THE EMERGENCE OF BLACK CULTURAL EXPRESSION IN THE ROMAN CATHOLIC LITURGY

The American University M.A. 1985

University Microfilms International300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106

Copyright 1985 by Sharps, Ronald LaMarr All Rights Reserved

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with with permission permission of the of copyright the copyright owner. owner.Further reproduction Further reproduction prohibited without prohibited permission. without permission. THE EMERGENCE OF BLACK CULTURAL EXPRESSION

IN THE ROMAN CATHOLIC LITURGY

by

Ronald LaMarr Sharps

submitted to the

Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences

of The American University

in Partial Fulfillment of

The Requirements for the Degree

of

Master of Arts

in

Performing Arts: Arts Management

Signatures of Committee:

Chairman

1985

The American University Washington, D.C. 20016

IKE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. © COPYRIGHT

BY

RONALD LAMARR SHARPS

1985

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE EMERGENCE OF BLACK CULTURAL EXPRESSION

IN THE ROMAN CATHOLIC LITURGY

by

Ronald LaMarr Sharps

ABSTRACT

This study is a historical analysis of organizational proposals and

programs for black artistic and cultural expression in the Roman Catho­

lic liturgy from colonial times to 1985. While the Church has remained

theologically consistent, Church responses to slavery, segregation, and

racial and cultural integration affected approaches to black expression

in liturgy. Organizations primarily included Jesuits, Capuchins, Oblate

Sisters of Providence, Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament, Josephites,

Divine Word Missionaries, Negro Catholic Congresses, Knights and Ladies

of Peter Claver, Federated Colored Catholics, Interracial Council,

National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice, Dominicans, White

Fathers, Liturgical Conference, National Black Catholic Clergy Caucus,

National Black Sisters Conference, National Black Lay Catholic Caucus,

National Office for Black Catholics and Maryknoll Fathers. Proposals

relevant to blacks and Catholic worship made during the Second Plenary

Council of Baltimore and the Second Vatican Council are treated as

significant reference points.

i i

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PREFACE

Liturgy is an expressive art form. It is ritual action. Dance,

drama, music, poetry may be' involved in its composition, but it achieves

its own aesthetic— a sacred aesthetic. Aesthetic is not the objective

of liturgy. Liturgy is not art for its own sake. The aim of liturgy is

dialogue with mystery, with the supernatural, with God.'1'

The Roman Catholic Church invites all people of the world to accept

her beliefs and approach God through her liturgy. But the people of the

world are of diverse races and cultures. Must they deny their race or

abandon their cultures to join with a universal humanity and a Catholic

culture?

There are constraints and inducements for creativity associated

with liturgical practice as with any other art form— some social, some

aesthetic, some technical. This paper will focus on the social and

historical developments of Catholic worship among blacks in America.

Rather than concentrate on aspects of other art forms in relation to the

liturgy, black expressive culture in general will be considered in

relation to the liturgy. Theological, pastoral, and magisterial

■''For developed arguments in this regard see Patrick W. Collins, "Liturgical Renewal, Twenty Years Later: Have We Learned That Liturgy Is a Form of Art?" Commonweal, June 1, 1984, pp. 330-34; Luis Maldonado, "Art in the Liturgy: A Theological Meditation in Response to an Ecumen­ ical Essay by Oliver Clement," in Symbol and Art in Worship, ed. Luis Maldonado and David Power (New York: Seabury Press, 1980), pp. 3-10; and John Tinsley, "Liturgy and Art," in Liturgy in Transition, ed. Herman Schmidt, S.J. (New York: Herder & Herder, 1971), pp. 71-77.

i i i

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Programmatic efforts to encourage and properly administer Catholic

liturgy to allow a fuller cultural expression among black congregations

in the United States are relatively new, but multiplying. Few individ­

uals know how to evaluate black cultural adaptations of liturgy or

understand why there needs to be such a liturgy, or even realize what

resources are avai lable and the impact that they may be having or have

had. I will not attempt to address the full scope of those problems in

this paper. Instead, I will attempt to develop historical parameters

within which one may begin to view the recent demand by many for black

contributions to Catholic liturgy. To my knowledge, there is no study

that has attempted to focus more or less comprehensively on the history

of blacks and Catholic liturgy. Nor do I know of any effort to record

the recent strategies relevant to achieving "black liturgies." This

study may not contain anything that is surprising, but it should assist

both those who seek affirmation and those who wish to know why these

efforts exist at all. It should assist program directors who wish to

move beyond the generalization of historical rationales offered on

behalf of such efforts to more concrete historical understanding and

justification. It should provide a sense of the structures, people and

beliefs with which interaction is required to achieve these ends. And

it should preserve the record of the beginnings of the black Catholic

liturgical movement.

The approach to this study is social history. This study will not

Magisterial refers to the authority claimed by the Roman Catholic Church as divinely inspired to teach true doctrine.

iv

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. focus so much on the actual practice of liturgy in the Catholic parish

but rather on the historical opportunities for cultural expression in

Catholic liturgy and the factors that both deterred and encouraged this

expression. It will be an institutional history focusing on the Catho­

lic Church.

Therefore, this paper will consider aspects of Roman Catholic

organizational structure. Among them will be the Vatican, national

episcopal conferences, dioceses, parishes and parish societies, reli­

gious missionary orders, lay organizations, independent organizations of

Catholic laity, religious and clergy. Theological and liturgical impli­

cations of cultural adaptation in relation to the "Universal Church,"

"Mystical Body of Christ," and the "Incarnate God" and the pastoral

implications of slavery, separate Negro churches, segregated pews, and

integrated congregations will be considered. Catholic devotions will

also be considered in this context.

Individual personalities will not be considered per se. Personali­

ties will be treated as spokesmen for the organizations which provide

them a forum. Broader church issues or black political and civil issues

will not be considered, though possibly implied. Relationships will not

be drawn between the Roman Catholic Church and the world at large, nor

will there be comparisons with other religious worship practices.

This is a study of black and Catholic liturgy from the eighteenth

century to the present time. It will begin with a description of the

interactions and outcomes of the Second Vatican Council (1962-64). The

Council was a pivotal moment in Catholic liturgical history and a deci­

sive moment in black Catholic history. The chapters will be organized

v

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. so that chronology is roughly maintained while generally developing

subheadings around different organizations and movements related to the

institution of the Roman Catholic Church.

Such a study as this can be expanded in many ways. While my

primary attention has been on national organizations, movements and

patterns among Catholics in the United States, a closer examination of

parish devotional and liturgical life would reveal the extent to which

Church legislation and organizational resolutions and strategies actu­

ally had an impact. A focus on diocesan activity might suggest the

influence of regional differences. Comparative and contextual studies

would certainly enhance the interpretations and understanding of the

currently researched material.

My principle research took place at three locations: the Josephite

Archives in Baltimore, Maryland, and the National Office for Black

Catholics and the Liturgical Conference, both in Washington, D.C. My

research technique was almost exclusively a publications search, indeed,

largely a periodical search. The Chronicle, Interracial Review, Freeing

the Spirit and Origins were consulted for most of the twentieth-century

material, although other periodicals, such as the Claverite, were also

consulted. Periodicals such as The Torch and the Josephite Harvest are

also deserving of attention, but were not used in this research. Other

periodicals, such as the Colored Catholic Tribune, the Jesuit Bulletin

and St. Augustine's Messenger, could be used more extensively when

researching the nineteenth century. Yet other research techniques would

have yielded a different set of material. Field research could be used

for parish-centered study using church records, diaries, etc.; or oral

v i

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. histories could focus on individual endeavors. An aesthetic critique

within the historical context would also be possible through, for

example, an analysis of the music used in black parishes. Within the

present format of the study, other organizations and movements might be

included or further developed, e.g., the St. Benedict the Moor Inter­

racial Charity Apostolate, the National Association of Pastoral Musi­

cians, the National Association of Black Catholic Administrators and the

many unmentioned men and women religious and laity who ministered to

blacks and advanced the cause of black expression and participation in

the Church.

The black Catholic liturgical movement represents an exciting

moment in the liturgical history of the Catholic Church, but it is only

the more recent culmination of cultural adjustments by blacks within the

Church. The history of black efforts to achieve expression in the

Catholic liturgy in the United States actually begins in colonial Amer­

ica and will persist as long as there is a Catholic Church and a black

identity within it.

vii

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT...... i i

PREFACE ...... iii

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Chapter I. VATICAN I I ...... 6

Third World Involvement ...... 6 American Involvement ...... 8 Outcome...... 12

II. SEGREGATED COVENANT ...... 15

Proselytizing Slaves and Freemen ...... 15 Separate Negro Churches ...... 25 Missionary Orders ...... 30

III. COLORED CATHOLIC LAY MOVEMENTS...... 37

Negro Catholic Congresses ...... 37 The Knights and Ladies of Peter Cl a v e r ...... 41 Federated Colored Catholics ...... 43

IV. THE INTERRACIAL MOVEMENTS...... 60

The Interracial Council ...... 60 National Catholic Conferencefor Interracial Justice . . 73

V. CANONIZATION MOVEMENTS ...... 81

Martin de P o r r e s ...... 81 Uganda Martyrs ...... 92

VI. THE LITURGICAL MOVEMENT...... 101

Pre-Vatican I I ...... 101 Post-Vatican I I ...... 109

VII. THE BLACK CATHOLIC MOVEMENT ...... 115

National Office for Black Catholics ...... 115 Missionary Orders ...... 125 Black Bishops...... 134

viii

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APPENDIXES...... 153

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 167

ix

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. INTRODUCTION

The black Catholic liturgical movement has been underway for

approximately 20 years as a means of asserting the presence of Afro-

Americans in the Church and as a means of contributing to the Church's

development as a whole. Ultimately, black Catholics are seeking a

closer unity with the Church, a greater sense of belonging, rooted in

the fusion of culture and faith.

Yet the effort of many blacks to overcome alienated liturgies

lacking authentic expression of their communities has been confronted

with numerous obstacles and uncertainties."*' There have been and remain

theological and pastoral problems related to this effort. And these

problems are further encumbered by the complexity of the organizational

structure and social context of the Roman Catholic Church.

Documents produced by the United States Bishops' Conference to

facilitate development of sacred music and art in Catholic parishes in

response to the Second Vatican Council allow for expression of the faith

by blacks in communal worship. Thus, according to the bishops' guide­

lines in Environment and Art in Catholic Worship #8: "The art of our

own days, coming from every race and region, shall also be given free

scope in the Church, provided that it adorns the sacred buildings and

■*This is not a problem faced by blacks alone. "Liturgy, which ought not to be anything other than the authentic expression of the community . . ., has gradually been detached from the community through­ out the centuries," writes Cyrille Vogel, "An Alienated Liturgy," in Liturgy: Self-Expression of the Church, ed. Herman Schmidt, S.J. (New York: Herder & Herder, 1972), p. 11.

1

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o holy rites with due reverence and honor." Equally, if not more specif­

ic, is the bishop's statement in Music in Catholic Worship #41:

A musician may judge that a certain composition or style of compo­ sition is good music, but this musical judgment really says nothing about whether and how this music is to be used in this celebration. The signs of the celebration must be accepted and received as meaningful for a genuinely human faith experience for these spe­ cific worshippers. This pastoral judgment can be aided by sensi­ tivity to the cultural and social characteristics of the people who make up the congregation: their age, culture and education. These factors influence the effectiveness of the liturgical signs, including music. No set of rubrics or regulations of itself will ever achieve a truly pastoral celebration of the sacramental rites. Such regulations must always be applied with a pastoral concern for the given worshipping community.3

There is a recognition and encouragement of new forms of music and

art for worship among people of differing social backgrounds. However,

there is a caution concerning black liturgies— "desacralization." The

caution may stem from Pope Paul Vi's 1967 address to the Commission for

Implementing the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy on obstacles to

liturgical renewal. Though he did not specify blacks, Pope Paul VI

stated his fear that the Liturgy could be deprived of its sacred charac­

ter ("desacralization") during experimentation to achieve an authentic

prayer life on the community level following Vatican II reforms.

Those who feel that black liturgies may lack "sacred character"

perhaps believe that these liturgies do not appropriately "grow organi­

cally from forms already existing" (as required in Section 23 of the

Sacred Constitution on the Liturgy). The situation is perhaps

2 National Conference of Catholic Bishops, Environment and Art m Catholic Worship (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1979), p. ~Sb

3Bishops' Committee on the Liturgy, Music in Catholic Worship (Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1983), p. 18.

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aggravated by the fact that Catholic liturgies have traditionally been

European.

At almost every turn there is some charge against black attempts to

inculturate the liturgy. In respect to music alone there are several

charges.

Catholic use of black gospel songs, spirituals and art songs, which

are traditionally Protestant, has led to the charge of Protestantization

of the service. The introduction of jazz has been accused of being a

secularization of the Mass. Attempts to draw upon African musical

rhythms have been construed by some as being a false identification, a

denial of the Americanization of the black in this country (while the

Africans must fear the charge of unduly making the Catholic rite pagan).

Some have recognized that what may be called the black music idiom

is not a specific style but an approach which typically characterizes

music from a number of black cultures. But even here the complaint is

that such music produces Masses which are too emotional if not too loud

to be Catholic.

Too often whites are looking for a single response from black

Catholics, and preferably one which does not recognize any distinction

besides skin color (i.e., culturally blacks are considered to be just

like whites).

Indeed, there are those blacks who prefer not to inculturate the

Mass— after all, indigenization is not the same as inculturation. Some

blacks who deny the need for inculturation are suffering the pathologies

of racism (what is black is bad, what is black is uncivilized, what is

black cannot be Catholic). Yet, without divesting themselves of

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blackness, others may simply prefer, e.g., the Latin Mass.

What is important to realize is that blacks are no more culturally

monolithic than whites and blacks need not simply assimilate white

expressions to be Catholic. Black composers and liturgists should be

allowed to innovate without the consuming anxiety of facing a charge of

being either inauthentically Catholic or inauthentically black.

Black folk music, particularly the gospel songs and spirituals, has

been a primary resource for inculturation in predominantly black

parishes, perhaps because it is at least Christian in origin. Some

aspects of jazz have also emerged, as have some aspects of African and

Caribbean music. These latter sources seem to be restricted to special

occasions or to parishes composed of congregants from Haiti and perhaps

other islands of the West Indies.^

There is also classical music produced by blacks for the Church,

such as the baroque music composed by eighteenth- and nineteenth-century

African slaves in Brazil, but such sources are rarely known or used.

Contemporary black composers working in parishes often attempt to draw

from or combine European and Afro-American musical styles. However,

some liturgy planners, especially working with mixed congregations, say

they get better cooperation by introducing creative ideas without stat­

ing the source at all.

Indigenization should involve cultural sharing, the objective being

to generate a greater sense of belonging in the Church and the building

^Indicative of this trend is the compilation of a "participants questionnaire" completed by 147 registrants from parishes in 19 states during the 13th Annual Workshop in Afro-American Culture and Worship sponsored by the National Office for Black Catholics on July 31-August 5, 1983.

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of community. Presently, on the parish level, unless the congregation

is of one cultural group, efforts to achieve indigenization through

inculturation have often led to the celebration of Masses which appeal

to different groups at different times of the worshipping day.

This is not altogether negative, but in ways it thwarts community.

A fuller respect for, and acceptance of, the contribution to be made by

blacks and other ethnic groups will better move the Church toward its

universal ideal.

The National Office for Black Catholics (NOBC), an organization of

black clergy, religious and laity, has provided programming in the area

of liturgical adaptation since .1970. Efforts to achieve a synthesis of

black culture and Catholic worship that existed prior to the formation

of NOBC's Department of Culture and Worship had minimal impact on Catho­

lic and especially black Catholic parishes in the United States. Still,

it must be noted that an independent association concerned with renewal

of Christian worship, the Liturgical Conference, first brought the work

of liturgical composers Father Clarence Rivers and Eddie Bonnemere to

national attention during the mid-to-late sixties. They were pioneers

in Catholic liturgies drawing upon black sources.

In order to gain some assessment of the current status of black

expression and participation in the Catholic parish service, an explora­

tion of certain principles of liturgical adaptation, aspects of Catholic

Church structure and the history of black Catholic worship must be

attempted.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I

VATICAN II

Third World Involvement

Voices for a distinctive black spirituality in the Catholic Church

are heard more strongly today than ever before. Consequently, cultural

adaptation of the Catholic worship service among black congregants in

the United States has become especially evident over the past decade.

The Second Vatican Council (1962-65) is accorded much of the current

impetus for increased liturgical participation and expressiveness of

black Catholics.

From the year 325 to 1965 there were approximately 21 ecumenical

councils. Composed of the bishops and religious superiors of the Roman

Church (and those Eastern Churches recognizing the primacy of the Pope),

they are historically called by respective pontiffs to deal with serious

doctrinal and disciplinary concerns of the Church. The Second Vatican

Council, the more recent of these, was perhaps the most liberal minded

and reform oriented of any such council. More specifically, in the

words of John W. O'Malley, S.J.,

We can say that the desire to bring the Church up to date and to make it effective in the contemporary world was the pervasive theme of the Council. Such desire argues a greater alertness to histori­ cal and cultural differences than any previous council had shown.

1John W. O'Malley, S.J., "Reform, Historical Consciousness, and Vatican II's Aggiornamento," Theological Studies, December 1971, p. 589.

6

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Two thousand five hundred council fathers gathered in Rome to

attend sessions of Vatican II. Of the 296 participants from the African

Church, 118 were black, and of the 374 representing the Church in Asia,

126 were native Asians. In contrast, Vatican I (1869-7 0) was attended

by 80 0 council fathers, with no blacks or Asians among them. Since

Vatican I, the Catholic Church had grown from a membership of

100,000,000 to 617,000,000. The shift in numbers reflects a change from

a highly Europeanized Church to a more culturally diverse group of

believers. By 1962, at least half of the Church's membership resided in

the Third World.

Gary MacEoin notes that

. . . between 190 0 and 1940, a bright future was anticipated for the Church in what was then the colonial world of Asia and Africa, as well as in independent countries like China in a semicolonial relationship to the West. Statistics showed a rapid advance almost everywhere.

Consequently, the Latin rite was instituted among people whose culture

is fundamentally different from that of Greece or Rome. But the origi­

nal intent of assimilation to this Western pattern of worship began to

2 be altered in the aftermath of World War II.

"A revival of indigenous cultures followed the withdrawal of the

imperial powers," notes MacEoin. "A new dynamism and even militancy of

the old religions developed." In order to survive, programs to de-

Westernize the Church had to be and were attempted. It has been said

that the African and Asian bishops looked up to the traditionally

Gary MacEoin, What Happened at Rome: The Council and Its Implica­ tions for the Modern World (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1966), pp. 121-125.

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3 Catholic countries for inspiration, knowledge and guidance. Yet

MacEoin finds that at the Council, Bishop Joseph Blomjous of Tanzania,

Archbishop Jean Baptiste Zoa of Yaounde, Archbishop Eugene D'Souza of

India and Maximus IV Saigh, Melchite Patriarch of Antioch, were espe­

cially concerned with the outcome "if the Church failed to discard its

Western dress in non-Western cultures." Translation and updating were

not sufficient to ensure the meaningfulness of the Liturgy; it required

going directly to the Scriptures for a fresh start, allowing the Church 4 "to incarnate itself where it exists." Consequently, Xavier Rynne

observes that "African bishops almost in a body" were "in favor of

changes of all kinds" and contributed to a sense of "revolution" within

the Church.3

American Involvement

MacEoin notes that a small number of well-spoken Catholics from the

United States, France and elsewhere stated their opposition to liturgi­

cal reform. In determining the causes for their response to the sugges­

tion of reform, MacEoin concludes that

many of the opponents stressed the "Protestantization" of the Church, as though it were somehow disgraceful to proclaim at this late date with Christian humility that in this respect the demands of the Reformers were just. Others found change irksome. They had developed habits and they wanted to die with them. Others again, and this was the biggest problem, had not had the reasons explained

3Rock Caporale, Vatican II: Last of the Councils (Baltimore: Helicon Press, 1964), p. 68.

^MacEoin, pp. 121-125.

5Xavier Rynne, Letters from Vatican City (New York: Farrar, Straus, 1963), p. 116.

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to them. They had always been taught that the Church was unchange­ able, and suddenly everything was changing.6

Yet, responses of U.S. bishops at the Council were mixed and per­

sonal. The individuality of response perhaps in part was due to the

fact that many of the American dioceses were established before the

development of federal sentiment. U.S. bishops continued to strongly 7 identify with their dioceses and the states in which they were located.

Once at the Council, American bishops decided to hold weekly meetings at

the North American College. Initially dominated by Cardinals Spellman

of New York and McIntyre of Los Angeles, other bishops were soon realiz­

ing the educative value of the Council sessions and some rose to contest

O their influence.

American Bishop Robert E. Tracy, then ordinary (episcopal head) of

Baton Rouge, Louisiana, was surprised that the Italian, Spanish and

Irish bishops believed that all U.S. bishops would be conservative

toward the Liturgy. This was in part because, although favoring active

lay participation in the Mass, Cardinal Spellman "was known to favor

keeping the Mass as it was and against using the vernacular, and after

all, wasn't he the Voice of America." Cardinal McIntyre supported

Spellman's position. Also, few of the U.S. bishops were prepared to

participate in the doctrinal debates and were equally unfamiliar with g Roman procedure. They were, therefore, slow to speak on the issues.

6MacEoin, p. 71. 7 Caporale, pp. 63-64.

8Rynne, p. 106.

^Robert E. Tracy, American Bishop at the Vatican Council (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), pp. 64-65; Thomas Timothy McAvoy, C.S.C., A History

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Those U.S. bishops who favored the proposed liturgical reforms

(including Tracy and Archbishop Paul Hallihan of Atlanta, the only

member of the U.S. hierarchy to sit on the Council Commission on the

Liturgy) repeatedly relied upon the support of Cardinal Ritter of St.

Louis. Tracy observed that "it was necessary to have a cardinal take

the lead in the matter to make it clear to the Fathers as a whole that

the leadership among the U.S. bishops was not all in one camp."''-®

The first question to be considered by the Council was why the

Sacred Liturgy needed renewal. In his recollections after the Council,

Tracy articulated his own feelings and those shared by others open to

reform. According to the bishop, the layman's role had become static:

The layman was to simply observe and carry out assignments given him by the clergy. He was not allowed to worship in his own tongue (he must be protected from possible "disunity"); he was not allowed to read aloud or make comments at Mass (he must be protected from the insidious idea of a "priesthood of the laity"); he must let trained altar boys and a trained choir represent and act for him (to protect him from making embarrassing liturgical mistakes)!

Edward Schlink explains that lay participation had increasingly

been "reduced to silent adoration and reception of the consecrated host,

but even in regard to communion, the Council of Trent had discouraged

use of both wine and bread together at the Mass." Indeed, he concludes

that "a large number of Masses, in fact the majority of them, are

of the Catholic Church in the United States (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1969), pp. 461-62; Rynne, pp. 100, 113. MacEoin finds it reasonable to conclude that "there were few totally closed minds. The Fathers tried to judge each issue on its merits. This would add to the significance of the fact that the majority was almost always overwhelmingly in one direction, namely, in the direction of the advance as outlined by Pope John" (pp. 18-19). i o Tracy, pp. 64-65.

11Ibid., pp. 43-46.

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celebrated in the Roman Church without a reception of the sacrament,

except for the celebrant." Preaching the sermon, which at least

stresses the link between congregation and clergy in worship, is also

deemphasized by the Tridentine Mass.12

As a response to then growing liturgical abuses, it had also been

the task of the Council of Trent to assure uniformity of the Mass rite,

including the use of Latin as the official language of the Church and

its liturgy. Such uniformity, writes William O'Shea, S.S., D.D., was

"secured to an extent and to a degree never before achieved." This was

accomplished through fairly rigid control. Vatican I had largely

endorsed continuance of this pattern. From the outset the modern litur­

gical movement had attempted to reverse certain aspects of this pattern,

says Schlink. Pope Pius I had called for "active participation" of the

laity during Mass as early as 1903. Schlink finds, however, that it 13 proved difficult to put into practice.

Conservatives at Vatican II not only argued for general retention

of the liturgical legislation but also for the continued use of Latin as

a symbol of the Church and a bond of unity among its members. But

others found it to be a "great barrier and also a great nuisance."

Thus, Tracy finds that one bishop jokingly agreed that "it was indeed a

unifying force, because no matter where you go in the world, it is

12"0n the contrary, the sacrament may be offered in other services without consecrating the element in those services. Previously conse­ crated wafers are distributed" (Edmund Schlink, After the Council, trans. Herbert J. A. Bouman [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966], pp. 52-56.

13Ibid., pp. 56, 58; and William J. O'Shea, The Worship of the Church: A Companion to Liturgical Studies (Westminister, MD: The Newman Press, 1958), p. 134.

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equally unintelligible!" At the Council itself, Latin was not readily

understood even by many of the assembled bishops.^ As Tracy states,

"The worship imposed was a worship developed centuries ago, a Roman-

style worship which centered about the celebrant as though he were a

temporal prince or a grandee of some kind." This monastic rather than

parochial design "caused considerable difficulty," notes Tracy, "espe­

cially in mission lands, where the image of the priest must be that of a

father and where prince-images evoked only the unpleasant overtones of

colonialism." A confusion in cultural symbols also resulted, e.g., in

Africa "the color of a wedding ceremony or any joyful event is black,"

while "white is the color of mourning," and in Japan, while "a genuflec­

tion means nothing," a profound bow means "courtesy and diplomacy."

Outcome

Those who were conservative on the issue felt that certain reforms

were "imaginative and even dangerous," representing "a radical departure IS from the regular traditional approach to divine worship." A debate on

the schema of the Sacred Liturgy continued from October 22, 1962,

through November 13, 1963. The tone of the debate seemed "hopelessly

compromised" and reform a "dead letter." But the schema favoring reform

•I CL met with a near unanimous vote of approval in early December of 1963.

Antoine Wenger identifies three specific gains of the reformers:

1. Decentralization of authority, i.e., while the Pope and the

■'•^Tracy, pp. 45-46; and Rynne, p. 101.

15Tracy, p. 42.

16Antoine Wenger, Vatican II: The First Session (Westminister, MD: The Newman Press, 1966), pp. 57-59; see also Tracy, pp. 53-66.

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bishops are said to be the only competent authority for litur­

gical reform by legal concession, this right can also be

granted to a supra-diocesan, territorial episcopal authority;

the adaptation and execution of the general principles would be

entrusted to this authority

2. Modern languages, i.e., the principle of Latin was to be main­

tained but vernacular was a viable alternative

3. Cultural adaptation, i.e., the Church was not to be "indissolu­

bly linked with superstition or error," but was to encourage

"the gifts and spiritual qualities of the different peoples and 17 nations"

Msgr. William H. Shannon states that the process of liturgical

renewal intended by the Second Vatican Council was ordered in four

distinct and successive, though interrelated, phases for implementation:

(1) liturgical research to recover the authentic liturgical tradition of

the Church; (2) provision for new Latin rites and service books reflec­

tive of this research while designed to meet contemporary pastoral needs

(subsequent implementation would be built upon these rites); (3) trans­

lation of these Latin texts into the vernacular and their authorization

for a period of trial usage; and (4) cultural adaptation of the liturgy

to the various nations of people composing the Catholic Church. The

latter two phases are achieved primarily through the efforts of the

national episcopal conferences— the fourth, perhaps, being the most

significant. However, even the Council fathers could not have antici­

pated the full consequences of their vote in regard to cultural

■^Ibid., pp. 59-63.

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adaptation, especially in the highly heterogeneous national episcopacy

1 ft of the United States.

■^William Shannon, "Cultural Adaptation in Liturgy," The Sounding Board 2 (March 1981) :10, 12.

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SEGREGATED COVENANT

Proselytizing Slaves and Freemen

Documentation on black Catholic worship prior to Vatican II is far

from complete. Yet fragments of the history of black Catholics in

America indicate some of the possibilities and constraints on such

worship.

Much of the early Catholic conversions of the Negro was the result

of planters' obligation to their slaves. Catholicism in colonial Amer­

ica and during most of the antebellum period centered in Louisiana and

Maryland. Two Catholic countries, France and Spain, controlled Louisi­

ana until acquisition by the United States in 1803. In 1724 Bienville

published the first French Code Noir for the Louisiana colony. Reli­

gious sections of this code required that all slaves were to be baptized

Catholic, instructed in the faith, attend Sunday Mass and observe feast

days. The Spanish Black Code of 1789 made similar stipulations, but

emphasized that Catholic slaves were to be married by priests. These

practices continued after the United States' possession of Louisiana.

Legislation was necessary since colonizers were often lax in meeting

their obligations to the slaves. In the English colonies the same

expectations of slaveholders were maintained to ensure slave catechism,

15

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baptism and attendance at religious services.'''

The Maryland slaveholders' fear that baptism of slaves would result

in manumission was alleviated by Lord Baltimore's edict in 1676 explic­

itly stating the contrary. However, it was also asserted that planters

who failed to allow Negroes and other slaves to receive the holy sacra­

ment of baptism for the remission of their sins would "have the great

displeasure of Almighty God and the prejudice of the souls of those

2 people."

Although planters may have seen in the imposition of Catholicism a

means of achieving docility among the slaves, the Church authorities saw

baptism as the way to salvation and attendance at Mass an essential 3 obligation of the faith. However, priests tended to go among the

plantation slaves infrequently, and then only to perform sacraments.

Therefore, they remained distant. Although there was a shortage of

priests, no effort was made to develop a clergy from among the planta­

tion slaves. Laity could not administer the sacraments through grace

alone, and knowledge of Latin and liturgical rubrics necessitated

special training. Nonetheless, historian Randall Miller notes in his

research that a few planters permitted "trusted" slaves to preach as an

accommodation to black needs. However, Miller states that Bishop John

■'’Dolores Egger, "Jim Crow Comes to Church: The Establishment of Segregated Catholic Parishes in South Louisiana" (M.A. thesis, Univer­ sity of Southwestern Louisiana, 1965), p. 6; Michel Laguerre, "The Failure of Christianity among the Slaves of Haiti," Freeing the Spirit 2 (Winter 1973):14.

^Joseph Butsch, S.S.J., "Negro Catholics in the United States," The Catholic Historical Review 3 ([n.m.] 1917):7. 3 Egger, p. 6.

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England opposed such a practice for fear that Catholic doctrine would be

debased, and Bishop William Henry Elder of Natchez believed blacks too

morally low for the priesthood, "entirely animal in their inclinations"

and "engrossed in their senses."^

Not all Catholics shared this attitude toward the Negro. In

describing night prayer offered by a female slave in Kentucky before an

assembly of the master's family and slaves prostrated around her, Catho­

lic historian Ben Webb was so impressed that "when we arose from our

knees . . . I felt that I would like to ask that Christian woman's

blessing."5

The slaves of religious orders were perhaps exposed to Catholic

rituals more than other slaves. The Capuchin had slaveholding planta­

tions in early eighteenth-century colonial Louisiana. The Jesuits also

had slaves on their plantations in colonial Louisiana and in Maryland by

1711 if not as early as 1694. It is also known that the Ursuline nuns

had slaves. The Jesuits and Capuchins began to instruct Negroes in

Catholicism from the beginning of their arrivals in the American colo­

nies.®

^Randall M. Miller, "A Church in Cultural Captivity: Some Specula­ tions on Catholic Identity in the Old South," in Catholics in the Old South: Essays on Church and Culture, ed. Randall Miller and Jon Wakelyn (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983), p. 39.

C Nathaniel E. Green, The Silent Believers: Background Information on the Religious Experience of the American Black Catholic with Emphasis on the Archdiocese of Louisville, Kentucky (Louisville, KY: The West End Catholic Council of Louisville, 1972), p. 37.

®Richard R. Duncan, "Catholics and the Church in the Antebellum Upper South," in Catholics in the Old South: Essays on Church and Culture, ed. Randall Miller and Jon Wakelyn (Macon, GA: Mercer Uni­ versity Press, 1983), pp. 89-90, 126; Peter Edward Hogan, "Catholic

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Catholics regarded the Negro slave as a child of God and a moral

and spiritual equal of his white master. The condition of slavery was

considered a consequence of original sin, justly allowing a master

"right of use" over a slave's labor rather than ownership of his person.

Such distinctions between ameliorated slavery and chattel slavery failed

to explain the facts altogether "for under the law, when a master bought

or sold a slave, he did not merely buy or sell the right to dispose of

the work of the slave, he bought or sold the person himself." Nonethe­

less, the common Catholic teachings encouraged administering the sacra­

ments to the slaves as "equally children of the same heavenly Father and 7 brethren in Christ."

Consequently, it was not unusual for Negro slaves to worship

together with whites, though separate instruction and services might be

provided for a large number of slaves. But the imposition of Catholi­

cism did not result in the immediate eradication of distinctive African

traits.

Describing Church and culture in the antebellum South, Miller

states that

Catholic feast days, the use of candles, burial rites, and liturgy all provided disguises for African religious traditions. The syn­ cretism that occurred, however, largely took place in and around New Orleans, which had a large concentration of black Catholics and fresh infusions of African culture. There are examples of slaves

Missionary Efforts for the Negro before the Coming of the Josephites" (Baltimore: Society of St. Joseph, 1947), p. 28. (Mimeographed.)

^John Francis Maxwell, Slavery and the Catholic Church: The History of Catholic Teaching Concerning the Moral Legitimacy of the Institution of Slavery (London: Barry Rose, 1975), pp. 32, 34, 38, 87.

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who elevated Catholic priests to the status of healers, thus com­ paring them with the healer/exhorter of West African religions.®

However, Miller continues,

Catholics in the rural south lacked the properties necessary for the emergence of a vigorous, syncretic Afro-Catholicism. Catholic feast days and religious ceremonies were observed too infrequently and after the American acquisition of Louisiana, the Gulf South was overrun by Afro-American slaves carrying an Afro-Protestantism that effectively challenged Catholic teaching among slaves.®

Catholicism was sometimes viewed as "the magic of whites" by Negro

slaves.'*'0 Still, the possibilities for a significant fusion of African

and Roman Catholic religions are especially apparent in the actual

development of vodun or voodooism in the West Indies, Latin America and

Southern Louisiana. During the first 35 or 40 years of slavery on the

North American mainland, most of the slaves came from Africa by way of

the West Indies, where many baptisms took place. Also in the eighteenth

century, numerous slaves had been converted to Roman Catholicism even

before leaving the African continent. Thus regular infusions of tradi­

tional black religious practice already acquainted with Catholicism was

assured during the early stages of slavery in America.

In discussing slave religion, Gayraud Wilmore states that the vodun

among West Indian slaves at the end of the eighteenth century was much

like an organized church "with its temples, its bokono (magicians) and

vodu-no (priests) who had been trained in Africa, its elaborate ritual,

®Randall Miller, "The Catholic Church and Black Catholics," in Catholics in the Old South: Essays on Church and Culture, ed. Randall Miller and Jon Wakelyn (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983), p. 164.

9Ibid.

■^Michel Laguerre, "An Ecological Approach to Voodoo," Freeing the Spirit 3 (Spring 1974) :11.

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ceremonial dancing, and hymnody." Wilmore believes that it had probably

been influenced by Roman Catholicism but "subsequently was recreating

out of Catholic Christianity a religion with a distinctively African

flavor, much more sensitive to the reality and immediacy of the super­

natural, and more aware of the nebulous demarcation between the secular

and the sacred."'1''1'

The objective of the faith was freedom from evil through belief in

the great vodun. Simultaneously the slaves revered the lesser loa who

surrounded vodun. These latter subjects of veneration were eventually

identified with Roman Catholic saints. "Rather than merely a vengeful

stratagem to punish those one hated (although it served that purpose in

insurrections), vodun was as much a religion as the Christianity of the

plantation owners and missionaries," states Wilmore. "The vodun was a

god of goodness, not of satanic evil." Wilmore goes on to say that

voodoo must be understood "to some extent as responses to the demoral­

izing conditions of slavery and one means by which slaves made some

adjustment to the condition of their bondage."12

Still, voodoo could not have served explicitly as Catholic worship,

even from a black perspective. It was an expression of resistance to

the colonizers' religion, if not an excitation for revolt.'1'2 Nonethe­

less, instruction in Roman Catholicism itself was repeatedly associated

1'1'Gayraud S. Wilmore, Jr., Black Religion and Black Radicalism (New York: Doubleday, 1972), pp. 19, 48.

12Ibid.

23Michel Laguerre, "Voodoo as Religious and Revolutionary Idealo- gy," Freeing the Spirit 3 (Spring 1974):23.

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with slave insurrection, e.g., 1712 in New York, 1730 in Virginia, 1739

in Maryland, 1739 and 1740 in South Carolina and 1741 in New York.

Catholic teaching may have stimulated the desire for freedom to a

certain extent, e.g., Wilmore notes possible Catholic propaganda from

Florida by the Spanish to instigate certain South Carolina revolts.

However, Protestant prejudice must be accounted for when assessing such

claims, e.g., the 1712 revolt in New York was blamed on catechism

classes by an agent of the Catholic Society for the Propagation of the

Gospel, but Wilmore states that blacks from two West African tribes

initiated the plot with the help of a conjurer and perhaps marginal

involvement by black Catholic slaves. Such associations alone increased

Protestant pressure upon Catholics to constrain slave worship.^

Catholic as well as Protestant slaveholders tended to be concerned

about controlling their slaves, thus bringing specific constraints

against black expression in worship. As early as 1685, the Black Code

was instituted in French American territory (even before the founding of

the Louisiana colony), forbidding all forms of public worship except

Roman Catholic service. By 1750 there were interdictions against

certain dances connected to voodoo and slave revolt. 15

In 1801, Catholic slaveholders in Maryland accused Father John

Souge of "inciting Negroes to insurrection, even teaching them to sing."

Fear of revolt was not the only cause for suppressing particular forms

of Negro expression in worship, nor was intimidation and violence the

■^Wilmore, pp. 46-48; also see Maxwell, pp. 85-86.

15Laguerre, "Voodoo as Religious and Revolutionary Idealogy," p. 24.

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only means of controlling the slaves. In 1823, Louisiana pastor

Marcellus Borella "succeeded by his advice and talks in converting many

to Christianity and of stopping something that had long been obnoxious

to him, the slave's practice of performing Congo dances in the open

1 f t space before the church on Sundays." One former Louisiana slave,

Elizabeth Ross Hite, complained in a narrative that a French-trained

preacher was disliked because he would not allow the slaves to "shout

an' pray lak ya wanted to."17

In Louisiana was to be found a distinct caste of black Catholics—

Creole free persons of color. The Catholic Creoles de couleur were the

result of miscegenation and clearly established themselves as a group 18 apart in New Orleans by 1724.

Civil marriages between whites and blacks were not permitted,

blocking the right to inheritance. However, "white persons of Latin

extraction, more conscientious of morals and word of honor," arranged

Catholic marriages to avoid the stigma of prostitution. Progeny carried 19 the name of their parents and could receive the sacraments.

By 1830, they lived in almost every Louisiana parish and were

economically independent. However, Randall Miller notes that though

they proudly evidenced their French and Spanish heritage, the Creole

preferred not to be identified with their African roots and thus

■^Hogan, pp. 18, 30.

■^Miller, "The Catholic Church and Black Catholics," pp. 161-63.

18Ibid., p. 151. 1 Q Rodolphe Lucien Desdunes, Our People and Our History (1911; reprint ed., Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1973), p. 109.

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"devised racial and cultural boundaries to further separate themselves

from all other blacks including their own black slaves."20

Although "from the very beginning it was forbidden for persons of

color to trace their origins," the Creole had attained a position of

status that only began to waver in the 1840s and '50s. 21 Dolores Egger

provides an enlightening contrast between the slaves and free men of

color in worship— the status of Creoles of color in society encouraged a

limited equality in the Church not extended to slaves:

According to old family reports, the choir at St. Augustine's in New Orleans was composed of free men of color and white people. In some New Orleans parishes first communion classes were mixed at the altar rail regardless of race. The occasional observation by antebellum visitors to New Orleans that masters and slaves knelt together in church is probably inaccurate; most likely the Negroes referred to were free people of color. In 1842 about half of the pews in the newly completed St. Augustine's Church in New Orleans were rented by free Negroes. Slaves, on the other hand, sat in small pews on the side aisles which had been set aside for them.

Specific liturgical contributions by Creoles of color to Catholic

worship are difficult to identify. Rodolphe Desdunes states that

Creoles of color produced excellent musicians and composers,- but in

presenting several biographies, he does not mention any contributions to

the Church by these persons. It is known that a Creole named Eugene

Warbourg created works of art for the clergy, including a sculpture

placed in the St. Louis Cathedral and elaborate gravestones in New

Orleans cemeteries. But his success resulted in extreme hostility from

9 n Miller, "The Catholic Church and Black Catholics," p. 151.

21Desdunes, pp. 109, 111.

22Egger, p. 9.

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other artists, eventually forcing him to leave for Europe.

Another Creole contribution was the building of the third Catholic

church in northwest Louisiana by Augustine Metoyer and his brother Louis

in 1829. This was the first Catholic church designed and built under

the direction of nonwhites in America— the chapel of St. Augustine on

the Isle Brevelle. "Throughout the nineteenth century, Spaniards,

Frenchmen, Indians and Anglos, poor and prominent, heard Mass at St.

Augustine's, where the front pew was always reserved for Augustine and

his family and where the whites took a back seat to these men of color

with no sense of affront." Yet the Metoyers were ambivalent in the

assertion of their race. Metoyer stipulated that his people would

choose those "Catholic priests who will suit them and not the others,"

but in 1848 all nonwhites were required to remain seated after Mass

until whites left the church, and a separate holy water basin was to be

provided for use by the "coloreds." Though the Metoyers repealed the

decree the following year, in their determination to define their dif­

ference from blacks, "they ruthlessly stamped out Africanisms among the

slaves and insisted that all men, slave and free, practice their brand

of Catholicism."^

^Desdunes, pp. 69, 82.

94Miller, "The Catholic Church and Black Catholics," p. 167; see also Gary B. Mills, "A Colored Catholic Community in the Antebellum South," in Catholics in the Old South: Essays on Church and Culture, ed. Randall Miller and Jon Wakelyn (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983), pp. 176-78.

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Separate Negro Churches

Following the emancipation, Catholics were free to evangelize more

actively among blacks. Until this time, Catholic missions among blacks

had to be confined largely to Catholic plantations. Since blacks could

freely choose their religious affiliation, Catholics would have to have

been prepared to respond to the expressive preferences of blacks in

worship and engage them in the life of the Church.

After the Civil War, former Catholic slaveholders, finding them­

selves impoverished, "dropped their paternal attitude toward their

Negroes." They no longer derived any economic benefits from them and

consequently assumed no religious obligations toward them. Similarly,

Catholic priests failed to address Negro needs, concentrating instead on

the increasing tide of white Catholic immigrants. Even during the

antebellum period, priests had been only transient figures in the lives 25 of the slaves.

Black Catholics who did not defect from the Church engaged in

worship with white Catholics, but, especially in the South, could only

sit in segregated pews (usually placed at the rear or in the gallery) or

stand in the rear, even when pews were empty. They could only take

communion after the whites and could not otherwise participate with

whites in parish activities. Even confessions were often given in

segregated confessionals, if at all.

9 R Theodore Maynard, The Catholic Church and the American Idea (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1953), p. 167.

9fiJohn T. Gillard, The Catholic Church and the American Negro (Baltimore: St. Joseph's Society Press, 1929), p. 262; James Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 193; Joseph

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Legislation to ensure the uniformity of the Church during the

nineteenth century was enacted by the prelates in the United States in

seven Provincial Councils of Baltimore (1829, 1833, 1837, 1840, 1843,

1846, 1849) and three Plenary Councils of Baltimore (1852, 1866, 1884).

Although they called for Church unity, the situation of black Catholics

was not formally addressed by the body of bishops during the First

Provincial Council. After the Civil War the plight of the Negro was a 27 primary consideration. The Second Plenary Council of Baltimore in

1866 is regarded as a turning point in Catholic Negro Mission work. It

asked the bishops of the United States to appeal to priests of their

dioceses and called for the formation of orders of priests and reli­

gious, dedicated to the service of Negroes. It appealed to bishops

abroad to send missionaries devoted to Negro conversion. They debated

the formation of separate churches and the establishment of an "eccle- 28 siastical man" charged with the care of the Negroes.

During the Second Plenary Council, Bishop John Martin Henni of

Milwaukee proposed that Blessed Peter Claver (beatified July 16, 1850,

by Pope Pius IX) be canonized a saint and declared principal patron of

T. Leonard, Theology and Race Relations (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1963), p. 225; Miller, "The Catholic Church and Black Catholics," p. 159; Green, p. 46.

2 7Peter K. Guilday, A History of the Councils of Baltimore (New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969), p. 81. Provincial councils are meetings of the bishops of a province, while plenaries are national or councils of bishops of several ecclesiastical provinces assembled under the presidency of a papal legate ("Provincial Councils" and "Plenary Councils," Catholic Almanac [1980], p. 364). 7ft "Filling in the Background" (original minutes of the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore, 1866, recorded by Thomas A. Becker, Secre­ tary) , Josephite News Letter, November-December 1966, January 1967.

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the Negroes. It was further agreed that St. Benedict the Moor, of

Philadelphus (beatified in 1743, canonized in 1807 by Pope Pius VII) and

Blessed Martin de Porres of Lima (beatified March 19, 1836 by Pope

Gregory XVI), both Negroes, be added as secondary patrons. In conse­

quence, the stories of their lives were to be translated into English 29 from the French and Spanish "for the enlightenment of the Negroes."

Nonetheless, few other innovations for evangelization among the

Negroes were accepted by the councils that would in the least suggest

inculturation or indigenization. Approaches to ensure the salvation of

the Negroes were left to the individual bishops, while proposal for a

unified Negro Mission in America ended in acrimony. The Second Plenary

Council's call for religious instruction of the Negro was generally

ignored.n 30

The Mill Hill Fathers were secured for Negro Missions in America in

1869 by the Tenth Provincial Council of Baltimore. In 1884, the Third

Plenary Council of Baltimore introduced the idea of lay catechists who

would help prepare the way for priests in the Negro apostolate by "gath­

ering their neighbors together, teaching the catechism and hymns, and

thus cooperating in a more fruitful ministry." The Council also decreed

an annual collection from all dioceses for the Negro and Indian Missions

and initiated the Commission for the Catholic Missions among the Colored

People and the Indians to be responsible for administering those funds.

The establishment of the Commission and the collection, however, greatly

Peter Claver was canonized in 1888, Martin de Porres in 1962. *3 n Daniel Callahan, The Mind of the Catholic Layman (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1963), p. 37.

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affected the funding of separate churches and schools for blacks since

monies were specifically targeted.^

However, the first Catholic edifice for use by an all-black congre­

gation in America was a chapel in Baltimore, which predated the Second

Plenary Council. From 1836-57 the chapel of the Oblate Sisters was used

by French-speaking San Dominican and Haitian refugees. In response to

the growth of this congregation, the basement of St. Ignatius Church was

dedicated under the patronage of Blessed Peter Claver in 1857. A Uni-

versalist church, which they named the Church of St. Francis Xavier, was

purchased by the congregation in 1863 and dedicated in 1864. Thus it

became the first Catholic church for Negroes. Previous to this, in

1844, the Chapel of the Nativity in Pittsburgh had been dedicated for

the use of Negro Catholics, but within a year had to be closed and those

who attended went to St. Paul's Cathedral until another church was

opened for them in 1865.32

Activity at St. Francis Xavier, Baltimore, is indicative of parish

and liturgical life of the separate Negro church. Detailed instructions

were given on the nature of and actions involved in particular services.

Besides paying regular pew rents, the congregation donated candles,

crucifixes and Christmas ornaments. The Negro congregation could fully

participate in processionals carrying statues and banners and chanting

hymns. Services were held to honor Blessed Peter Claver, "the Apostle

of the Colored race in America"; St. Joseph, patron of the order of

priests who served the congregation; and St. Francis, to whom the parish

^Green, p. 47.

32Leonard, p. 225.

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was dedicated. Special children's liturgies were conducted. Special

collections, exhibitions and concerts were held for St. John's Benefi­

cial Society, Missioners of St. Joseph's Society of the Sacred Heart,

Oblate Sisters of Providence Orphanage, and the Mutual Relief Society.

Church members could freely make confessions. They also could be

engaged in different parish societies such as the Ladies of the Sanctu­

ary, St. Francis Society, St. Benedict's Society, St. Francis Xavier's 33 Sodality, Good Samaritan Society and the Burial Society.

Still, it was not until after the Second Plenary Council of Balti­

more that separate Negro churches began to multiply, e.g., in Charles­

ton, South Carolina (1867), Louisville, Kentucky (1870) and Washington,

D.C. (1874). The numbers steadily grew until 25 churches for special

use by Negroes could be cited in 15 dioceses by 1890, 40 churches in 18

dioceses by 190 0 and 112 churches in 26 dioceses by 1918 (680 churches

in 72 dioceses were reported by 1976).

In addressing the education and conversion of newly emancipated

slaves, the Second Plenary Council determined "that priests be on hand

for all who seek the sacraments; that by all means a place be provided

in which all who wish may attend the august sacrifice of the Mass on

Sundays and holy days." But whether this was to be through separate

Even so, there were those who felt compelled to join secret societies, though they might have been condemned in the Church and threatened with excommunication. St. Francis Xavier announcements, January 1870 and January 1872.

34Leonard, pp. 229, 237; see also Negro and Indian Missions Annual Reports (Appendix A).

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churches or integrated churches was left to the Ordinary of each dio-

cese.35

The Roman Catholic Church could not sanction the kind of separation

found among Protestant churches because of differences in church struc­

ture. As Dolores Egger writes:

Complete separation of races into independent and autonomous orga­ nizations would be impossible, for one bishop has jurisdiction over all Catholics within the geographical boundaries of a diocese. Separate congregations, however, are possible. The ordinary authority determines whether a new congregation will be formed, and controls the appointment of pastors.36

Nonetheless, whether the separate Negro churches were the occasion for

segregation or of more complete participation in parish life was a

matter of contention among black Catholics. Consequently, some blacks

left the Church altogether; some continued attendance at territorial

churches; while still others acquiesced to the new situation or peti- 37 tioned for separate churches.

Missionary Orders

The formation of certain religious orders with a ministry among

blacks also encouraged the development of separate black churches but

seemingly failed to inspire culturally adapted liturgies. The formation

of separate Negro parishes became most evident after the Second Plenary

Council of Baltimore in 1866. Prior to this time, missionary efforts

among the Negroes in the United States were "only faintly organized"

35 "Filling in the Background."

36Egger, pp. 34-34.

37See Appendix B, "Implications of National Parishes for the Negro in the Catholic Church."

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activities conducted in colonial Maryland and Louisiana, and largely

"individual efforts" after the American Revolution. Among the few

exceptions are the formation of the Oblate Sisters of Providence in 1829

and the Sisters of the Holy Family in 1842— religious orders of colored 38 women in Maryland and Louisiana, respectively. (There was a failed

attempt to organize a colored sisterhood as early as 1824 by Father 39 Charles Nerinckx in Loretto, Kentucky.)

The Oblates were formerly Negro lay women teachers who assisted the

Sulpician Fathers in their work with Haitian and San Dominican Catholic

refugees in Maryland. The Sulpician Fathers, escaping the anticlerical­

ism of the French Revolution, had begun their work with these West

Indians in 1796 because they shared the language of the French-speaking

refugees also fleeing from revolutionary unrest. Their chapel in Balti­

more became the primary gathering place for blacks in the diocese. The

Sisters of the Holy Family began work among the Negroes in New Orleans

in the 1840s.4®

The Josephites became the first order of Catholic priests to be

dedicated exclusively to work among the Negroes in America. Originally

connected with the Mill Hill Fathers in England, they arrived in Balti­

more in 1871, at the invitation of Martin John Spalding, Archbishop of

Baltimore. They agreed to assume administration of St. Francis Xavier

70 Hogan, pp. 21-22, 30.

®®Green, pp. 15, 19, 30.

4®Josephite Fathers, "Position Paper," Washington, D.C., 3 Septem­ ber 1970, p. 181 (typewritten); and Hogan, pp. 21-22, 30.

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Church, an all-black parish dedicated in 1864.41

The Mill Hill Fathers came "not to labor for the white population—

not to assist the pastors of America in laboring for the blacks within

their parishes or district," but bound by the vow "to labor for the

black population alone," stated Father Vaughan in his departure ceremony

from Mill Hill in 1871. The motivations of the Mill Hill Fathers are

also made evident in the same sermon:

England, before God, is stainedwith the blood of the Negro. . . . We owe to Africa a reparation of Christian charity and Christian zeal— It is our duty to obtain from Africa our absolution from the wrongs which we have committed: and I trust that the work to which these Reverend Fathers will go will not only be to labor among the Negroes of the South, but to found in America a Missionary College like to this, in which the African population may there be trained to carry the Faith into their own land. We are now going to send into the U.S. a vanguard. We are taking up an advanced and advan­ tageous position for the purpose of acting not so much upon America as upon Africa..42

In 1893, the Mill Hill Fathers in America formally split from the

parent order, forming instead the St. Joseph's Society of the Sacred

Heart (commonly called the Josephites). This was to gain yet greater

focus on serving blacks in the United States without consideration for

ultimate missionary efforts in Africa. Nonetheless, the primary intent,

to work exclusively with blacks, required separate Negro parishes.

Bishops of Louisiana sought religious communities to undertake

missions among the Negroes shortly after the Second Council of Baltimore

had met in 1886. The bishops had been refused by diocesan and religious

order priests because they feared that their work among whites would be

threatened if it was known that they were associated with blacks— "even

^Josephite Fathers, "Position Paper," pp. 176, 183-84.

42Ibid.

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a priest working among the Negroes loses caste and is ostracized."^3 An

appeal was made to the Assumptionists for work among the Negroes in

1892. It was believed that the Assumptionists' ability to speak French

would be advantageous in the Archdiocese of New Orleans and that being

French natives, apprehensions of the local French clergy would be

calmed. The Assumptionists were installed in Klotzville, Louisiana, in

1895, where a separate chapel was provided for the Negroes. But all 44 sacraments were still administered at the main church with whites.

Once the Louisiana bishops appealed to the Josephites, they too had

to assure the establishment of separate parishes to guarantee general

care and attention to black parishioners. The Josephites arrived in the

Archdiocese of New Orleans in 1897. Although in principle the Joseph­

ites were committed to conversion of pagans and Protestant Negroes, most

of their work consisted of reclamation and preservation efforts among

black Catholics lacking in care. Much of this reclamation work was used

as the basis for conversion activity among the Negroes. In the South,

Josephite missions were conducted primarily in urban areas with large 45 concentrations of blacks and Catholics.

The bishops of Louisiana also appealed to a new order of Catholic

nuns, the Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament for Indians and Colored

People, founded in 1891. As in the case of the Josephites, the Sisters

required separate parishes to carry out their ministry to blacks.

Leonard, p. 227.

^Egger, pp. 30-31, 49, 53.

Fr. Peter Hogan, interview with Ronald Sharps, February 1985.

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Blessed Sacrament Sister Katherine Drexel, daughter of a Philadel­

phia banker and an heir to his fortune, sent money to New Orleans to

help build schools and eventually parishes for the Negroes even before

she established the Blessed Sacrament order. 46 St. Katherine's, the

first all-Negro parish in the city of New Orleans, was dedicated in

1895. In 1889, this same order had begun St. Peter Claver Church for

Negroes in Philadelphia.

Although not exclusively devoted to the Negroes, the Holy Ghost

Fathers, an international order, began their work among blacks in the

United States in 1872 and subsequently founded several Negro parishes.

Similarly, other orders began to work among blacks, such as the Society

of African Missions (White Fathers) in 1907.^

The Society of the Divine Word, another international missionary

congregation, started working among Mississippi blacks in 1906. Stress­

ing the development of indigenous clergy, in 1920 they began a seminary

specifically for the formation of black priests first located in Green­

ville, Mississippi, and in 1923 moved to Bay St. Louis, Mississippi, as

St. Augustine Seminary. Their first graduating class was in 1934.

Prior to the formation of the Divine Word Seminary, only nine

American Negroes had been ordained and assigned to work in the United

States: the brothers James Augustine Healy (1854, Paris), Alexander

Sherwood Healy (1858, Rome) and Patrick Francis Healy (1864, Belgium);

46 Katherine Drexel was one of three daughters. One, Mrs. Smith, died early. Katherine and Mrs. Morrell shared the income of the estate after the death of Mrs. Smith. Both used their money extensively in Negro and Indian mission work.

^Clarence Williams, The Black Man and the Catholic Church (Detroit: The Academy of the Afro-World Community, 1977), p. 16.

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Augustine Tolton (1888, Rome); Charles Uncles (1891, Baltimore); John

Dorsey (1902, Baltimore); John Burgess (1907, Paris); Joseph Plantevigne

(1907, Baltimore); and Stephen Theobald (1910, St. Paul, Minnesota), who

was the first to be ordained as a secular priest in the United States.

Uncles, Dorsey and Plantevigne were each trained by the Josephites.

Burgess started with the Josephites but was eventually trained by the

Holy Ghost Fathers.^®

Most of these priests served congregations in the North, while the

majority of black Catholics, and indeed blacks generally, were in the

South. Furthermore, eight of these priests were deceased by the time

the first seminarians were graduated from St. Augustine's, and only

three others had been ordained in the interim.

In 1902, Josephite priest John R. Slattery attacked the American

clergy, particularly the Irish, for discouraging black vocations to the

priesthood. Even in 1929 William Markoe, S.J., noted that arguments

against the formation of a colored clergy persisted, sometimes on the

assertion that black laity would not tolerate colored priests. Other­

wise, it is simply given as "a general rule that the colored man should

not be ordained," though "mysterious reasons are sometimes advanced."49

Thus, with black priests so few in number, separated from the

larger black Catholic populace and trained in white seminaries, black

4R Harold Perry, "Black Catholic Clergy— History— 1930," Impact! (National Office for Black Catholics, December 1975), pp. 2, 6; see also Gillard, pp. 85-86. 49 Josephite General Conference Report 1971, p. 25; William M. Markoe, S.J., "Catholics, the Negro, a Colored Clergy," Chronicle 2 (December 1929):23-26; H. C. E. Zacharias, "Church and Caste in the Land of Liberty," Chronicle 5 (February 1932):31-32, 38-39.

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Catholics remained almost completely dependent upon white religious and

clergy.50

5 0 Miller, "A Church in Cultural Captivity," p. 39.

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COLORED CATHOLIC LAY MOVEMENTS

Negro Catholic Congresses

In 1888, a series of actions by the Catholic Church inspired black

congregants to organize a national conference.'*' On January 15, 1888,

Peter Claver was canonized by Pope Leo XIII and proclaimed Patron of all

Catholic Missions among the Negroes. Peter Claver had been born in

Spain in 1581 but left for Cartagena, South America, in 1610. There he

worked among the Negro slaves for 44 years, baptizing and instructing

approximately 300,000 Negroes. He had called himself "Slave of the

2 Negroes forever," despite opposition by colonists. As such, St. Peter

Claver symbolized the Church's outreach to the Negro. Also in 1888,

Pope Leo issued an encyclical against slavery and encouraged the Society

of African Missions (White Fathers) to form a Catholic antislavery 3 movement under the direction of Cardinal Lavigerie. In the United

States itself, the first annual collection of the Negro and Indian

Missions was taken that year.

1"Black Catholics in America: A History," Blueprint for the Chris­ tian Reshaping of Society 26 (September 1973) :l-7.

2"Peter Claver," Chronicle 3 (October 1930):240-41. The title Peter Claver was said to have given himself has also been recorded as "Slave of the Slaves"; see Leo J. Vashila, "Four Great Benefactors to the Negro in America," Interracial Review 6 (December 1933) :210.

O John Francis Maxwell, Slavery and the Catholic Church (London: Barry Rose, 1975), pp. 114-20.

37

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Daniel A. Rudd, son of a slave and editor of the black newspaper

The American Catholic Tribune, submitted a proposal to Archbishop

William Elder of Cincinnati, for a Colored Catholic Congress. The

Congress was held in January 1889, in Washington, D.C., revealing black

Catholic faith in "the truth of the Church," to "dispel the prejudices

of misguided people." All Catholics were asked to assist in the "moral,

social and intellectual uplift of the Negro race." In all, five con­

gresses were held (1889, 1890, 1892, 1893, 1894).4

The success of the first Negro Catholic Congress, in January 1889,

led to an invitation for blacks to participate in the first national

gathering of Catholic laymen in the United States ten months afterward.

Daniel Rudd served on the organizing committee. But Rudd objected to

including a talk on the Negro, preferring that blacks attend "as any

other Catholic and not be set apart by special interest." Still, while

at the 1889 Catholic Congress, Rudd motioned for acceptance of resolu­

tions including one which called for "the amelioration and promotion of

the physical and moral culture of the Negro race" and a pledge "to

assist our clergy in all ways tending to effect any improvement in their

condition." Apparently, liturgy was not discussed in this regard.

During the Negro Catholic Congress of 1892, delegates adopted a

plan for a permanent national organization, St. Peter Claver's Catholic

Union (i.e., Benevolent and Loan Association), to establish a fund for

benevolent purposes and loans for the construction of Catholic churches,

4"Black Catholics in America: A History," pp. 1-7.

5David Spalding, C.F.X., "The Negro Catholic Congresses," Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972):9-10; reprint from Catholic Historical Review 55~ (October 1969).

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schools and orphanages. James A. Spencer, a Negro from Charleston,

South Carolina, was elected president of the Congress and the organiza­

tion. In 1892 and 1893 the Congress addressed the issue of special

parishes. Spencer was cautious toward the idea of separate Negro par­

ishes. Considering the importance, necessity and results of separate

churches, he insisted that such parishes "should not mean an absolute

and entire colored congregation, any more than the establishment of a

Polish, German or Italian church should be looked upon as a special

white Catholic church." He believed that the hierarchy must of neces­

sity respond to not only the languages, but the various "characteris­

tics, peculiarities and customs" of the "several races or nations"

comprising the Church. The special parishes should serve as a "mark of

respect and appreciation" and an "opportunity and privilege of direct

representation and affiliation in religious affairs." Thus, Spencer

asserted that they should not be the result of discrimination, "it being

strictly a religious and not a social question."

Spencer quoted Father A. N. J. Peters of Natchez, Mississippi, as

an example of arguments asserting the benefits of special parishes. In

a circular letter Peters had assured Catholics of the diocese that "the

Catholic Church's places of worship were always and are still open for

all of her chi ldren of every race and color." However, in consideration

of the Negroes' own "feelings" and "social distinction," Peters advised

the need for special parishes.

6Thomas M. O'Keefe, "Third Congress of Colored Catholics," St. Joseph's Advocate, July 1892, pp. 160-61; and James A Spencer, "The Establishment of Churches for Colored Catholics," St. Joseph's Advocate, July 1894, pp. 630-34.

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We all know that when two different races are living together things will occur from time to time which, right or wrong, seem to hurt the feelings of either one, and which also for human weakness appear to affect, first of all their religious interest. . . . The Catholic Church has lost many of her colored children and lost them forever; then, in the second place it is to unite you more closely. In union there is strength. . . . It is to make you take more interest in your religion by working for it, by contributing to its support and by helping to spread it among others. Until now we may say you had no active part in matters concerning the welfare of the Church and the spread of our holy religion. . . . Your holy reli­ gion has not felt the effects of your energy and activity. The Church cannot yet boast of the good work of her colored children.^

Yet, Spencer concluded that "evil results" had to be weighed

against possible benefits of the separate Negro parish; the rise of

"unlawful customs," discriminatory practices which ultimately do not

allow the sacraments to be received by "certain members in certain

churches." Indeed, Spencer considered that such parishes are of evil

result when formed because of a cleavage between white and black, rich

and poor, denial to rent pews and the prescribing of seats for certain

people. Such practices went against Catholic teaching.

Spencer recommended that for the present, "as a preventative to the

growth and encouragement of this Church discrimination," no further

special churches should be formed for colored Catholics. Catholic

schools were to be built instead because of the importance of education

Q to the advancement of the race.

A special grievance committee was appointed in 1893 to document

claims of discriminatory practice in Catholic parishes and institutions.

The committee's findings and the conclusion of responding bishops were

revealed at the Fifth Congress. The bishops had insisted that no

7 Spencer, pp. 630-34.

®Ibid.

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diocesan rule discriminated against Negroes. During the Congress,

grievances were taken before the annual meeting of bishops. A letter

from Archbishop Francesco Satolli, first apostolic delegate to the

United States, was read in which he stated:

I cannot dissemble my convictions. . . . If the civilizing influ­ ence of Catholics had been exercised more widely and zealously upon the colored race from the happy day of their liberation from slav­ ery, their condition would be better today than it is.

Nonetheless, it is not known what might have been prompted by this

action. Officials of the St. Peter Claver's Union lamented that "the

Catholic Church was still looked upon by the non-Catholics of their race

as 'distinctly white.'" After the Fifth Congress the movement virtually

collapsed. Although members of the Union attempted a sixth congress in

190 0, the bishops would not approve it, possibly because of increased g militancy during the Fifth Congress.

The Knights and Ladies of Peter Claver

Although the Knights of St. John, a Catholic military benefit

society with Negro branches, was formed in 1886, 10 a black fraternal

1 I organization, the Knights of Peter Claver, was established in 1909 and

a Ladies Auxiliary of the Knights in 1917. Catholic liturgy and

Q "Black Catholics in America: A History," pp. 6-7; Spalding, pp. 11, 14-15.

^J ames Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United states (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 194.

11Bishop Edward P. Allen chose Peter Claver as Patron of the Knights "knowing full well that this Saint would look down from Heaven and be very much interested in the progress of any organization devoted to the advancement of his beloved Colored People"— see file on Knights of Peter Claver, Josephite Archives, 1130 N. Calvert Street, Baltimore, MD 21202.

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devotions were considered essential to their identification. Eligibil­

ity for membership entailed making one's "Easter duty for the First and

Second Degrees" and "approaching the Holy Sacraments not less than two

weeks previous to his initiation into the Third Degree." The order of

business included opening and closing prayers. Annual communion Sunday

was required of each subordinate council during the Easter season, at

which all members were to be present and receive communion. This latter

was considered so important that members unable to attend for any

"serious reasons" had to "file with his Council a 'rectificate' signed

by the pastor of the church in which he made his Easter duty." And in

respect to their patron, their constitution further declared St. Peter

Claver's Feast Day a national holiday for the fraternity, to be "cele-

brated in such a manner as the Sub-Councils may determine."12

Beyond these constitutional requirements, liturgical and devotional

exercises continued to be adopted as expressions of their Catholicity.

As a way of demonstrating a still closer relation to the Church, during

the sixteenth annual convention, in August 1926, the National Council of

the Knights of Peter Claver passed a resolution requiring all subordi­

nate councils to create volunteer teams of a minimum of seven members to

receive communion once a month.^

Nonattendance at Mass was a crucial concern of the Knights of Peter

1 ? Knights of Peter Claver, Constitution and Laws, sec. 21, art. 1 and 2 ; sec. 22, art. 1; sec. 24, sec. 5. 1 ? "Sixteenth Annual Convention, National Council, Knights of Peter Claver," resolution no. 4, submitted by Joseph Labat, Claverite 4 (Octo­ ber 1926):21.

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Claver. Knights saw it as their duty, although some among their leader­

ship were at times most negligent in this regard. Also, devotions to

Mary were especially stressed. The Claverite annually reminded members

of their October devotion to the rosary, particularly October 7, during

which all Clavers were asked to participate in the Feast of the Most

Holy Rosary, commemorating the Church's victory over heresy, which was 14 gained through the intercession of the Blessed Virgin.

Federated Colored Catholics

The Federated Colored Catholics was formed as a federation of

colored Catholic parishes and societies in the United States to achieve

national Catholic action. Each chapter of the federation was expected

to take no action that contradicted either the national constitution or

the resolutions endorsed during the national conventions. However, the

federation produced a journal, The Chronicle, which served as a forum 15 for the differing views of its membership.

The Federation, founded in 1925, actually had its beginnings with a

small group of black Catholics in 1917 as the Committee Against the

Extension of Race Prejudice in the Church and primarily maintained

letter-writing campaigns to members of the Catholic hierarchy and the

Catholic Press. In 1919 individual membership expanded and the name was

changed to the Committee for the Advancement of Colored Catholics. To

■^"Lay Movement and the Membership Drive," Claverite 13 (September 1935):2-3; "The Month of the Rosary," Claverite 12 (October 1934):44; "The Month of the Holy Rosary," Claverite 16 (October 1936):2. 1 R "The Federated Colored Catholics of the United States," Chronicle 4 (September 1931) :538-96; and H. M. Smith, "Federated Colored Catholics of the United States: A Historical Sketch," Chronicle 4 (September 1931) : 543-48.

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the use of correspondence and the Catholic Press was added the appoint­

ment of committees to visit persons of influence. In December 1925, they

held their first convention, resulting in permanent organization under

the name Federated Colored Catholics of the United States. They thus

added conference and discussion to strategies to overcome racial prob­

lems. At their fifth annual convention in September 1929, in Baltimore,

the Federation adopted the Chronicle as its official organ (originally

started as St. Elizabeth's Chronicle by Father William Markoe, S.J., in

1928).15

In the Chronicle, the issue of separate Negro parishes was debated

among members of the Federation. Much of the debate entailed comparison

with immigrant national parishes. Francis B. Cassilly, S.J., a white

priest, argued that colored Catholics preferred separate parishes

because social distinctions resulted in an overwhelming sense of infe­

riority among blacks when in a racially mixed congregation. In a 1930

issue of the Chronicle he equated Negro parishes with immigrant national

parishes in that such churches allowed blacks to associate with others

among whom they felt more "at home," permitted them "to express them­

selves," and was intended as transitory, i.e., only until social dis­

tinctions cease to exist which differentiated blacks from whites. Until

blacks had progressed beyond their current social status and acquired "a

greater degree of culture," they were asked to be patient. Presently,

however, Cassilly was convinced that without separate parishes, blacks

would generally attend no Catholic parish at all, preferring instead the

16Smith, pp. 543-48.

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Negro Protestant churches. 1 7

Other contributors to the Chronicle, e.g., Gustave B. Aldrich,

Arthur G. Falls and Constance E. H. Daniel, opposed Cassilly's view.

Daniel applauded Reverend Francis J. Gilligan, S.T.L., for taking a

stance against compulsory Negro parishes though allowing separate par­

ishes where groups of Negroes reside and their spiritual needs could be 1 R more efficiently ministered as with national churches.

When a predominantly Negro church arises as a natural consequence

of the formation of a territorial parish, there was no objection. How­

ever, Falls argued that, unlike national parishes, special Negro

churches are not formed because of the preference of the congregations.

Falls distinguished three categories of black Catholics: (1) those who

have been Catholic for four or five generations; (2) families whose

parents were converts, many better educated than their parents; and (3)

recent converts. Each group regarded separate parishes as evidence of

segregation and a denial of true Catholic teaching. The first group was

alarmed because it seemed a refutation of past experience; many had

never seen or heard of such a parish till recently. The second group,

many better educated than their parents, considered their parents mis­

guided in thinking that the Catholic Church stood for fair play. The

third group, once obtaining improved economic status and moving into

predominantly white neighborhoods, were disillusioned when confronting

17 Francis B. Cassilly, S.J., "Why Colored Churches?" Chronicle 3 (February 1930):39-40. Refuting claims of "segregation," Cassilly called special Negro churches a "privilege"; see Francis B. Cassilly, "Colored Churches Again," Chronicle 3 (April 1930):77. 18 Constance E. H. Daniel, review of The Morality of the Color Line, by Francis J. Gilligan, S.T.L., Chronicle 3 (January 1930):5-8.

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discrimination at "white" parishes. Falls determined that the movement

for special parishes resulted from the view of the colored Catholic as

"a separate problem of the Church, for whom special provision must be

made." Instead, such a policy led to the loss of blacks regardless of 19 the group.

Aldrich argued that special Negro parishes were not transitory as

Cassilly had suggested. The "superiority complex" of many whites and

the "timidity and backwardness" of many blacks in many congregations

fueled the desire for such parishes, Aldrich asserted. And as segrega­

tion in public institutions had led to increased racial hatred, Aldrich

warned that the same could be anticipated for the Church. Active par­

ticipation in the "so-called white churches" would assure dignity. The

separate churches, Aldrich complained, went against unity, "the most

prominent and outstanding feature of the Church."20

The Federation gave particular attention to the liturgy. In Novem­

ber 1928, the Federation published its constitution in the Chronicle and

included a description of four types of Masses prescribed by the Church:

(1) the Pontifical Solemn Mass, celebrated by a bishop, attended by an

assistant-priest, a deacon and a sub-deacon; (2) the Solemn High Mass,

sung by a priest, attended by a deacon and a sub-deacon and assisted by

a choir and acolytes; (3) the Missa Cantata, sung by a priest, with the

assistance of a choir; and (4) the Low Mass, no part of which is sung,

1 Q Arthur G. Falls, "Colored Churches," Chronicle 5 (February 1932) :26-27. p n Gustave B. Aldrich, "Another View of Separate Churches," Chroni- cle 3 (March 1930):55-57.

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but all of which is recited by the priest.2 1

At their sixth convention, in September 1930, in Detroit, the orga­

nization drafted the Platform of the Federated Colored Catholics to

clarify their positions to all. The platform in 1930 asserted a "desire

to attend Holy Mass and the services of the Church, to receive the

Sacraments, and hear the Word of God, without suffering humiliating

inconveniences based neither on the law of the land, nor on the practice

of the Universal Church, not on any objective, remediable conditions of

the group, but merely on racial considerations." Also, a sustained

interest in the liturgy was evidenced during the Federation's seventh

annual convention in September 1931, with a talk on "The Liturgical 2? Movement" by Rev. Gerald J. Ellard, S.J.

"Under the name of Liturgy is grouped that complex of the Catholic

Church, the public prayer, official prayer, Sacrament, all called the

Liturgy," stated Ellard. He urged colored Catholics to consider the new

movement underway to "bring about a better understanding of the liturgy 23 as a means to a more complete and active participation of it." Still,

no suggestion is made concerning inculturation of the liturgy. For that

matter, Thomas Wyatt Turner, then president of the Federated Colored

21Federated Colored Catholics of the United States, Constitution, published in Chronicle 2 (November 1929):27-29.

22"Platform of the Federated Colored Catholics," Chronicle 4 (September 1931) :549; and Convention schedule, afternoon sessions on "Catholic Actions," Monday, 7 September 1931, published in Chronicle 4 (September 1931) :554.

22"Resolutions of the Federated Catholics," Chronicle 3 (October 1930):232; Hazel McDaniel Teabeau, "Seventh Annual Convention of the Federated Colored Catholics Surpasses All Previous Meetings," Chronicle 4 (October 1931):604-7.

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Catholics since its founding, had already rebuffed the inference that

there was a peculiarly fervid worship style among black Catholics.

Josephite priest J. T. Gillard, writing in 1929, believed that

blacks were, by nature of African inheritance, especially social and

emotional in their religious settings. He therefore advised that the

Catholic Church offer blacks more, if not better, "social inducements"

than other denominations and advised Catholic missioners to consider the

"emotional life of the Negroes" by making greater use of congregational

singing. "The people (black Catholics) should be taught and encouraged

to sing at every service possible. They need it and they want it; they

should have it."2^

In a 1930 review of Gillard's The Catholic Church and the American

Negro, Turner writes:

In reviewing the religious evolution of antebellum Negroes, there is much dala of deep interest. It is quite difficult to see, however, in what way the numerous quotations from Woodson, DuBois, Thomas, and others, given the well-known manner in which Negroes have expressed themselves in their religious assemblies, can have a bearing upon the Catholic Negro. It is likewise an entirely erro­ neous impression that would make this kind of religious behavior a peculiarity of the Negro. It is an indisputable fact that ignorant congregations, white and colored, act in the same way when under the spell of religious hysteria, and that this character of reli­ gious expression changes only as ignorance disappears. Emotion, refined, guided, and controlled, brings satisfaction to man's spir­ itual and physical nature.2^

94Gillard, The Catholic Church and the American Negro (Baltimore: St. Joseph's Society Press, 1929), p. 289. nc Thomas W. Turner, review of The Catholic Church and the American Negro, by John T. Gillard, S.S.J., Chronicle 3 (September 1930):205-7. For similar criticisms see also Constance E. H. Daniel, review of The Catholic Church and the American Negro, Journal of Negro Life, August 1930, pp. 247-48; H. C. E. Zacharias, review of The Catholic Church and the American Negro, Chronicle 5 (February 1932):31-31, 38; John LaFarge, S.J., review of The Catholic Church and the American Negro, Chronicle 3 (July 1930):151-52.

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Indeed, Turner foresaw very damaging effects resultant of such an

interpretation. Thus he charged that Father Gillard was in substantial

agreement with the Protestant Southerner Answell. "Answell's thesis,"

wrote Turner, "is that lack of self-control is an innate and inescapable

characteristic of the Negro," and "he believed that the Catholic Church

is best suited to the Negro, as it has the best equipment to teach him

the kind of docility which will keep him in his place, and make him

useful to his white neighbors."

Arthur G. Falls confronts assumptions similar to those of Gillard

in a 1932 issue of the Chronicle. In "Some Misconceptions on 'Negro

Culture,"' Falls responds to an earlier Chronicle article by Father Mark

Moeslein. Falls complained that Moeslein had made the "fundamental

error" of regarding the colored people a homogeneous cultural group and

believed that if blacks "cling to their culture, as it is, only a

miracle of grace can bring about what the Federated Colored Catholics

urged so earnestly." There were different levels of culture among

blacks as with many other racial and national groups, said Falls. As

evidence that blacks were prepared to make their cultural contributions,

Falls cited the Negro spiritual "as the only true American music," and

use of Negro folklore in American drama.

More through the Chronicle than through resolutions or their con­

stitution, the Federation specifically addressed sacred music and art

with implications of their relevance to black culture. In January 1930,

the Chronicle reported on the one hundredth anniversary of the Oblate

2®Arthur G. Falls, "Some Misconceptions on 'Negro Culture,'" Chron­ icle 5 (April 1932):70-71.

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Sisters of Providence in Baltimore, Maryland, held November 24 of the

preceding year. The Solemn Pontifical Mass was celebrated with music by

the Boys' and Men's Choir of St. Augustine's Church in Washington, D.C.

Reputedly, the choir was "strictly liturgical and in every way . . . a

splendid exemplification of the ideal laid before us by our present Holy 27 Father Pope Pius XI in his recent Encyclical on Church Music."

The St. Augustine's Choir represented the liturgical objectives of

the Federation in regard to music. It was "promotion of Gregorian chant

and in general the directions of the Holy Father with regard to church

music" that was highlighted at the executive meeting of the Federation's

Detroit Convention on January 21, 193 0. It was not simply that they

wished blacks to follow a movement growing among white Catholics, but

rather that they "should take the lead and set a special and shining

example for all American Catholics to follow." This position was

reiterated by John LaFarge, S.J., in a June 1931 editorial in which he

lamented that the Gregorian chant was hardly known in the United States,

but that the "Federation plans to do its part in making it known." In

Africa, the Gregorian chant was already "prized as one of the glories of

Catholicism," and had already come under study by the Catholic African 28 Union formed in South Africa, observed LaFarge.

Promotion of Gregorian chant did not mean the total neglect of

black music as such; after all, the Federation, for example, included

27John LaFarge, S.J., "The Oblate Sisters' Centennial," Chronicle 3 (January 1930);3.

2®"Catholic Action as the Objective of the Federation," Chronicle 3 (March 1930):52; and John LaFarge, "Doing the Truth," Chronicle 4 (June 1931):463.

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the Negro anthem among its repertoire at the seventh annual convention;

published a tribute to "The Spirituals" by Edward F. Murphy, S.S.J., in

a 1931 issue of the Chronicle the previous year; and printed Hugh

Glover's article on the Negro Renaissance movement favorably acknowledg­

ing Negro expression in the spirituals, folksongs, jazz and blues. But

ultimately Negro folk music did not serve as sufficient proof of accom­

plishment in the Catholic Church. Perhaps Hazel McDaniel Teabeau cap­

tured it best when describing the Federation's Convention Mass in 1931:

The Convention Mass has made for a respectful attitude toward the members of St. Elizabeth's Parish and colored Catholics at large. The choir with its beautiful rendition of the Mass filled many white Catholics with wonder. The singing of the "Blues" is a matter of no wonder, nor particularly respectful appreciation. That a Negro can dance is a matter of common knowledge. But for white Catholics to know that Negroes can think, and can participate in the celebration of the Mass as other Catholics is of infinite value.

Sacred art was given more prominent attention in the Chronicle than

music. Gustave B. Aldrich wrote a general appeal for the production of

sacred statues using black features in January 1930. Believing that

"the eye is more lasting and more powerful in its effects than that of

the ear," Aldrich finds that "every converted race upon the face of the

earth has enriched the outer splendor of our Holy Mother Church with

representations of its spiritual heroes and heroines in clay, marble and

other materials." Aldrich suggested that colored Catholics follow the

example. The separate Negro Catholic churches allowed for veneration of

their own people without the need of recourse to whites. "This is one

29Edward F. Murphy, S.S.J., "The Spirituals," Chronicle 4 (June 1931) :463; Hugh Glover, "The Renaissance of the Negro: A Sketch of His Accomplishments in the Drama and Cinema," Chronicle 3 (April 1930):79- 80; Hazel McDaniel Teabeau, "Seventh Annual Convention," Chronicle 4 (October 1931) :606.

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thing lacking which we have in our own power to fill up— something which 30 is at the same time truly Catholic and truly Negro."

The Black Wise Man (King Melchior) was the only black statue that

Aldrich could then claim in the American Church, and this was only in

evidence during the season of Epiphany once the nativity scene was

erected. According to Aldrich, several benefits would accrue from the

production of black statuary for the Negro Catholic churches. They

would (1) serve to stimulate devotion and (2) simultaneously generate a

feeling that "we really have some part in the holy Catholic Church on

earth." They would (3) inspire "love of race as well as of Church among

the children who often wonder . . . why everything about their Church

must represent white people." And they would (4) reduce the charge

issued by many Negro non-Catholics that black Catholics were subservient

in religion to whites.

Aldrich drew attention to material available for such work from

within Catholic tradition itself. He identified saints and beati, e.g.,

St. Benedict the Moor, St. Maurice of the Roman Legion, Blessed Martin

de Porres, the Uganda martyrs; Old Testament figures, e.g., Abdenmalech,

who saved the prophet Elias; and figures of historical importance, e.g.,

Francisco de Luna, first Catholic Bishop in the New World, consecrated

in Panama in the seventeenth century. But the subject of black imagery

did not end here. Beyond the saints and other black men of faith,

Aldrich addressed the images of Jesus and Mary. Aldrich alluded to a

study by a black writer who had asserted that both Jesus and Mary had

o n Gustave B. Aldrich, "Negro Statues for Catholic Negro Churches," Chronicle 3 (January 1930):9-10.

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Africans among their ancestry and, therefore, were Negroes— "the Ameri­

can kind." But he did not rest the case there. Aldrich declared that

"most races and nations have their own conceptions of God and His

Heaven, and we are no exception. But we keep our conceptions secret as

though we were ashamed of them."

Two years later an article on "Dark Madonnas" by Joseph J. Ledit,

S.J., appeared in the Chronicle to resume the issue of black images in

the Negro Catholic parishes. He specifically identified 18 black

Madonnas throughout Europe and noted that especially France and Spain

have many more which he had not mentioned. He acknowledged that many

are said to be black because of the material or the age and use but he

questioned why the clothing of these same figures was usually still 31 multicolored if those explanations held true.

In response to Ledit's article, A. L. Maureau, S.J., wrote a letter

to the editor to add the American "Black Madonnas" to the list. First

noting that the Patroness of Mexico, Our Lady of Guadalupe, was dark,

Maureau reported that "in the Province of Haiti, not only the Madonnas,

but all the statues even the stations of the cross have dark or black

skins."32

The veneration of black saints and martyrs allows the liturgy of

the Church to focus on Negro concerns while drawing from sources which

are at once black and Catholic. In July 1931, the Federation applauded

Pope Pius XI's extension of the Feasts of St. Peter Claver and the

31Joseph H. Ledit, S.J., "Dark Madonnas," Chronicle 5 (January 1932):2-4.

A. L. Maureau, S.J., "American Dark Madonnas," Chronicle 5 (January 1932):53.

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Blessed Uganda Martyrs. The lives of St. Peter Claver and the Uganda

Martyrs, and indeed, of St. Benedict the Moor, St. Maurice of Africa and

Blessed Martin de Porres, were sketched in the pages of the Chronicle

prior to the granting of the petition. However, actual veneration of

this saint and those beati was too restricted considering the increased

mobility and viability of black Catholics. The extension allowed the

Feast of St. Peter Claver to be celebrated in all dioceses in the United

States and that of the Uganda Martyrs to be celebrated in all churches

and Catholic institutions established for the "spiritual and temporal

benefit" of black Americans. To facilitate and ensure the performance

of the special services, for the feasts of St. Peter Claver and the

Blessed Uganda Martyrs, the Chronicle published copies of the oration

for the Mass and the lessons for the office of the martyrs, albeit an

exact copy of the forms prescribed by the Sacred Congregation of Rights

in the untranslated Latin. 33

Fundamental changes affecting black Catholics in America were also

underway within the Federation's own organization. The character of the

colored Catholic lay movement had significantly changed, reported John

LaFarge, S.J., in the July 1932 Chronicle. The interracial character of

the Federation of Colored Catholics had come to the fore and demanded

new emphasis by the organization. LaFarge believed that the stress upon

revealing Catholic prejudice to Church authorities had been overtaken by

its implicit corollary that prevailing misconceptions and disordered

O O "The Pope Favors American Negroes, Extends Feasts of Saint Peter Claver and Ugandan Martyrs," Chronicle 4 (July 1931):487. Also note Francis Cassilly, S.J., "From Uganda to Omaha: A Radio Address," Chron- icle 2 (December 1929):9-11; and "Prayers and Lessons for the Feast of the Uganda Martyrs," Chronicle 4 (August 1931):517-18.

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race relations were an obstacle to improvement. For only through the

"harmonious, just, and charitable relations between the members of

different racial groups" could the Federation hope to achieve its goals,

LaFarge maintained. Thus he proposed that the organization become the

"National Catholic Inter-racial Federation" open to "every Catholic

organization and every Catholic parish" rather than those specifically 34 formed by and for colored Catholics.

That year the Federated Colored Catholics changed its name to the

National Catholic Federation for the Promotion of Better Race Relations,

under a new president, George W. B. Conrad. As the Federated Colored

Catholics, the organization had come to be regarded as destructively

militant and its relations with Catholic clergy strained, purportedly

because it placed greater emphasis on "the racial rather than the Catho­

lic idea." The tensions resulted in a change in name and objectives at

the Federation's eight annual convention, in September 1932. The new

president, appointed by the executive committee in December of that

year, asserted the Federation's new policies as a reflection of the

close cultural unity between black and white Americans and a strong 35 desire to support and cooperate with Catholic clergy and religious.

The strengthened interracial thrust of the organization was also

reflected in its endorsement of a new name for the Federation's official

publication— the Interracial Review, which continued to be edited by

Father Markoe. In February 1933, the Interracial Review editorial

^4John LaFarge, S.J., "Doing the Truth," Chronicle 5 (July 1932):130-31.

3 5"Executive Committee Meets in Chicago," Interracial Review 6 (January 1933):4.

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applauded the new orientation of the group. The former leadership of

Thomas Wyatt Turner was regarded as a betrayal of its cause by asserting

on a national scale the "curse of differentiation even in the sphere of

religion." Nationalism along class, cultural or racial lines was to be

opposed. The editorialist argued that, unlike immigrants, "the Negro is

not different, never had to be assimilated, because from the beginning

he helped create American civilization and culture. His only difference

is his fading accident of color." Although the fundamental objectives

of the Federation did not change, it was considered a mistake to orga­

nize the Catholic Negro "on the basis of his being an American who

happens to be colored." Instead, organization was to be on the basis of

his Catholicity.

By July 1933 the name of the organization had changed again. As

the National Catholic Interracial Federation, the organization reiter­

ated its position of interracial cooperation and asked its members to 37 "avoid all matters strictly controversial" at the next convention.

The Federation did not lose sight of the liturgical movement during

these changes, and they continued to give recognition to Negro folklore.

In March 1933 the Interracial Review editorial described the role of the

liturgical movement in respect to interracial cooperation:

The Liturgical Movement seeks to disseminate an intelligent under­ standing of the Missal, and to develop the correct idea of music in its true beauty as a part of the liturgy. The chapters of the Federation could not engage in a more praiseworthy or necessary

^®"The Negro and the Immigrant," Interracial Review 6 (February 1933):30.

Q 7 George W. B. Conrad, "National Catholic Interracial Federation: Message from the President," Interracial Review 6 (August 1933):143.

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form of Catholic Action, as a foundation for the promotion of better race relations, than by actively sharing in the work of the Liturgical Movement.

Attention was called to the Negro Catholic choirs already "exemplifying

the true ideal as regards church music." Indeed, Catholic liturgical

music "should be the 'spiritual' in the highest sense of the word,"

concluded the editorial.

At the Federation's ninth convention, held in September 1933,

Archbishop John T. McNicholas of Cincinnati called for a crusade of

prayer for the American Negro as the organization's first duty:

We should solicit the prayers of every parish, of the children of every school, and the Sisters of every community. We should beg the Bishops and the priests to include among their intentions in Holy Mass the conversion of our Negro people to the Catholic Church.^

He recommended that the Federation ask a community of nuns to inaugurate

this national crusade of prayer with episcopal sanction. McNicholas

also called upon the Federation to "consider first things first," and

give priority to "bring our colored brethren to a knowledge and practice

of the religion established by the Lord Christ," because "the Negro will

present no problem in the United States if he be won to the Catholic

faith." To achieve such a mission, McNichols believed that it was

necessary to reveal to the larger mass of Negroes "the surpassing beauty

of the Catholic liturgy and to prepare them for a real participation in

the acts of Divine worship." This could be done, proposed McNicholas,

if an imaginative but scholarly priest "who knows well the history of

op "The Liturgical Movement," Interracial Review 6 (March 1933):53- 54.

oq "Address of Archbishop McNicholas to the Catholic Interracial Federation," Interracial Review 6 (October 1933):174.

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the catechumens" were found to prepare a ritual of especial interest to

Negroes, drawing upon the finest offerings of the church.

Let our Negroes be taught to sing the Gloria and the Credo of the Mass in Latin, likewise the Psalms of Vespers and Compline. Let our young Negroes learn to sing the inspiring Latin hymns that are a part of our liturgy. To no group in America will the beauty of the Church's liturgy appeal more powerfully than to our colored people, once they understand its meaning. The processions of the Church, congregational singing will simply enthrall them. In no other Catholic churches of America will then be heard such inspir­ ing congregational singing as in the Negro churches. No other group will observe with more enthusiasm the majestic ceremonial of the Catholic Church. Let there be a great variety of church socie­ ties and sodalities, all members wearing their special emblems. There is everything in the Catholic Church to attract and to satis­ fy the special aspirations of the Negro nature.40

McNicholas's appeal did not fall on deaf ears. Among the resolu­

tions, the Federation pledged to inaugurate a national crusade of pray­

ers for the conversion of black Americans to Catholicism as well as to

induce all religious orders active in the United States to work toward

this cause. They also resolved to set aside Pentecost Sunday as the day

on which all chapters would hear Mass and receive communion as a body in 41 their respective localities.

Also by 1933, the Federation could claim sponsorship of the second

"Catholic Interracial Hour" in the United States. This second broadcast

was established through the Paulist radio station in New York. The

first "Catholic Interracial Hour" program from the St. Louis University

radio station continued to be broadcast. Negro spirituals were aired

over the musical program of the new broadcast. Nonetheless, there were

40Ibid.

41"National Catholic Interracial Federation, Resolutions Adopted at the Ninth Annual Convention," Interracial Review 6 (October 1933):187- 88.

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mixed responses to their inclusion. Several months after commencing the

broadcast, the Federation found itself defending its position against

those who questioned the use of Negro spirituals on a Catholic program

and demanded more Catholic church music in their stead.42

For the Federation, Negro folklore was considered proof that blacks

had a common bond with whites. Folklore was that unrecorded and unau­

thorized "learning of a people that is common to all," wrote Herman

Dreer in the Interracial Review that year. Negro folklore and folksong

were testimony to the spiritual and cultural contributions that blacks

had made and might yet make.42

42"Interracial Broadcasting," Interracial Review 6 (February 1933):31; "Church Music and Spirituals," Interracial Review 6 (June 1933):120; "Excerpts from the Broadcasts," Interracial Review 8 (March 1935):40.

43Herman Dreer, "An Introduction to Negro Folklore," Interracial Review 6 (March 1933):48-50.

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THE INTERRACIAL MOVEMENTS

The Interracial Council

The 1933 convention of the National Catholic Interracial Federation

(NCIF) was regarded by some as "the formal inauguration of a genuine

national Catholic interracial movement."'*' However, shortly afterward

the Catholic Interracial Council (CIC), formed on Pentecost Sunday in

May 1934, claimed that credit. During "the first Catholic Interracial

Mass" in New York an organizing committee was selected to create a

permanent interracial body with the approval and endorsement of Patrick

Cardinal Hayes, Archbishop of New York. The Council was to be devoted

to a program of public education on race relations, stressing the natu­

ral unity of the human race. An annual interracial Mass was to be a

primary programmatic effort, and central to its program was the doctrine

2 of the Mystical Body of Christ. "The spiritual aspects of the Catholic

interracial program flows from the common membership of all races in the

Mystical Body of Christ and the common expression of this unity in the 3 Church's liturgy," was to be read among its nine postulates.

1"An Important Convention," Interracial Review 6 (August 1933):148- 49.

^P. J. Mullaney, "What's in a Name," Interracial Review 32 (June 1959):106; and John J. O'Connor, "An Educational Apostolate," Interra­ cial Review 32 (May 1959) :89.

^"Postulates," Interracial Review 19 (January 1946) :1.

60

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Catholic efforts to deal with race relations prior to the Council

were said to have been organized "on an intraracial rather than an

interracial basis." The Interracial Council of New York served as the

hub of a network that identified itself as the interracial movement.

All totally black or totally white Catholic groups seeking association

with it were encouraged to integrate their membership. "The word

'interracial' gave definition and direction to the program," wrote P. J.

Mullaney.

The Council acquired the Interracial Review as its official organ

beginning with the October 1934 issue. Establishing a new editorial

board, the journal was to be the voice not only of the Catholic Interra­

cial Council of New York, but for the "Catholic interracial movement."

As such, editorial campaigns were waged not only against race prejudice

per se, but "social evils," e.g., lynching, communism, fascism and the 5 Ku Klux Klan in which race relations and Catholicity seemed pivotal.

There were many in the interracial movement who believed that the

solution to social and racial problems rested largely, if not solely, on

spiritual values.® The principal cause for Catholic concern of the

Negro was not merely for humanitarian reasons but that Negroes shared

membership in the Mystical Body of Christ, wrote Rev. Charles E.

Diviney. Consequently, any spiritual or material support given the

Negro "is his by right," not "charity."

4Mullaney, p. 106.

5Ibid., and Thomas F. Doyle, "The Interracial Review: A Story of Ten Years," Interracial Review 17 (October 1944):150-52.

^"Spiritual Realities," Interracial Review 8 (April 1935):53.

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Diviney explained that the Mystical Body of Christ was "not one

member alone, but many," nor was it the physical body of Christ nor

merely a moral body of a collective people. Instead, it was the union

of all baptized souls bound together by supernatural grace with Christ

as their head. "All that is necessary to become a member of this body

and to be incorporated into it is baptism. Membership is never lost

unless the soul dies in the state of mortal sin," asserted Diviney, for

it included not only the "living comprising the Church Militant," but

also those who have gone before, comprising "the Church Suffering in

Purgatory, and the Church Triumphant (the elect in Heaven)— all striving

and contending unceasingly for the salvation of as many souls as pos­

sible."

In terms of practical action, to be a true member of this Body of

Christ, one could not be indifferent or apathetic to fellow members of

the Body. Such would be "contrary to our supernature" as received in

baptism, for the souls of the colored Catholics were "nourished by the

same sanctifying grace and the sacraments." Even so, Diviney lamented

that the phrase "Mystical Body of Christ," though not new, had only

recently begun to achieve a more general currency and was not yet fully 7 comprehended.

A 1936 Interracial Review article by William Busch, L.Sc., M.H.,

described the situation:

For some time past we had not thought of the Church quite in that way, although that is the original and traditional view. For various reasons we had come to regard the Church more superficially as a society established by our Lord and endowed by Him with

7Charles E. Diviney, "The Mystical Body of Christ and the Negro," Interracial Review 8 (June 1935):86-88.

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doctrine and precepts and sacraments and always preserved by Him. He was always present in our concept of the Church, but more or less in the background, in the pages of the Gospels, or silently dwelling on our altars or occasionally received in holy Communion. We were not vividly aware of the very identity of the Church with Him as His mystical self— the doctrine explained so insistently by St. Paul and St. Augustine and the ancient teachers generally.8

Busch maintained that the doctrine of the Mystical Body conferred a

dignity that transcended demarcations of class and race. This was not

to disregard the existence of these distinctions. Busch even believed

that such lines would always be drawn between men, "but they tend to

disappear" or they are proportionately "limited to proper functional

services in the social organism" as the "Christ-Life" grows more deeply

in and among men.

Bush felt that the force of this doctrine in regards to the inter­

racial problem in America could be viewed from the perspectives of both

blacks and whites. The Negro would "gain immeasurable courage in the

consciousness that their cause is that of Christ who makes no distinc­

tion in calling to Himself all who are heavily burdened." But Busch

contends that the primary responsibility lies with white Catholics to

exemplify the doctrine because of their advantage in numbers and posi­

tion.

Yet, Busch warns against the "danger" of overemphasizing use of the

doctrine of the Mystical Body as an argument for the gaining of social

and economic equalities. Such secondary objectives can lose sight of

the principal end: "Christ must be sought for Himself." And since the

doctrine is primarily a religious solution, equal opportunity of

8William Busch, L.Sc., M.H., "Equality in Christ," Interracial Review 9 (March 1936):41-43.

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religious education and public worship must be in the forefront.

As the writings of Diviney and Busch indicate, the Catholic inter­

racial movement employed the doctrine of the Mystical Body of Christ to

minimize distinctions among the races. This approach persistently

influenced writings on the liturgy found in the pages of the Interracial

Review.

"The Holy Sacrifice of the Mass is the center of Catholic worship

and life," wrote Gladstone 0. Wilson in a 1940 Interracial Review.

Dying upon the cross, Christ had offered himself as the alternate sacri­

fice for the salvation of mankind. Through consecration of bread and

wine into the body and Blood of Christ the crucifixion is mystically

renewed during the Eucharist. Thus, "upon the Altar appears the same

High Priest and the same Victim as upon the Cross," placing the idea of

justice continually before the eyes of the assembled. But it is not so

much justice for the black race per se, it is justice for the total

"divine race, a new nation of men" created by this grace. In the

corporate worship of the Church, Wilson insists that all distinctions

fade, whether of "wealth, rank, power, learning, language, nation, tribe g or race."

To assert that the Catholic Church recognized no essential differ­

ence between whites and blacks had still further implications in regards

to liturgy. Maintaining that the Church "knows only one race— the human

race," a 1935 "Interracial Hour" broadcast on Catholic teaching

^Gladstone 0. Wilson, "The Mass and Interracial Justice," Interra­ cial Review 13 (February 1940):28-29.

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concluded that "God made every man to His own image and likeness."'*'®

Later that same year, John LaFarge found it necessary to qualify

this concept. In the article "In His Image and Likeness," God was

regarded as spirit and as such "has neither color nor complexion."

However, LaFarge observed, "we have to think of God in some sort of

bodily shape!" Consequently, the white man thinks of God . . . in his

own— the white man's— likeness . . ., the Chinaman thinks of the Creator

as resembling one of the sages seen in Chinese paintings, while the

Negro thinks of God as a black man like himself." Still, it would be a

mistake to confuse "the imaginative picture with the abstract mental

concept itself," determined LaFarge. Such is merely a physical or

psychological requirement. "The object of our Christian faith is not

the willful and variable imaginative symbol, but God known by the neces­

sary and unchanging concept of the mind." Human likeness to God was to

be essentially found in the attributes of intelligence and free will.

"Also these attributes are given equally to all— their exercise hindered

only by the accidental causes of infancy, illness, etc., none of which

are connected with race. And interracial justice is nothing more nor

less than the meeting of wills," concluded LaFarge. "And for the meet­

ing of wills there must be a meeting of minds. The reason that minds do

not meet, or meet with such difficulty at the present time, is that we

fail to recognize one another as persons with intelligence and free will

like ourselves."11

'*'0Elmo M. Anderson, "Catholic Teaching," Interracial Review 8 (April 1935):55.

11John LaFarge, S.J., "In His Image and Likeness," Interracial Review 8 (October 1935):150-51.

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The cultural contributions of blacks specifically through the plas­

tic (i.e., visual) arts was addressed in a separate Interracial Review

article that year. Under the heading "Art and Understanding," Rev.

Maurice Francis was cited for exhibiting the paintings and sculptures of

black artists to further interracial understanding. However, in 1936

the subject of Negro Christian art is addressed.12

The concept of Negro Christian art and that of the Mystical Body of

Christ are implicitly tied together by William Busch in another issue of

Interracial Review that year. The doctrine of the Mystical Body was not

to remain an abstract doctrine, according to Busch. The doctrine must

show its "actual consequences," first in the Church's public worship and

subsequently in social life. As the primary activity of the Mystical

Christ, Catholic liturgy would appeal to blacks not only through the

beauty of its ritual, but because it informs the intellect; it molds the

will; it is a conservatory of art and a school of superior culture in 13 all the ways of divine and human life.

Nevertheless, Busch found that the liturgy had been considerably

neglected in modern times, "so that its beauty and power have not been

fully expressed." Since only recently a movement had emerged to assure

more active participation by the laity, Busch stated that "Negro Catho­

lics may feel that they are entering upon a course in which the majority

of their white brethren are no more advanced." Indeed, Busch asserted

that the Church's liturgy was "within the range of all, so that it may

1 9 "Art and Understanding," Interracial Review 8 (November 1935):164.

13Busch, p. 43.

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be grasped effectively by children and the less learned, while persons

of higher education will find in it material for life-long study. The

liturgy makes no distinction of class or race." However, Busch reduced

the specific liturgical arts themselves to secondary concerns. "The

liturgy means far more than familiarity with ritual, with prayer-texts

and ceremony and music and religious art. These are but the surface."

The "deepest" meaning of the liturgy was that it "summed up the life-

processes through which our life individually and socially is assimi­

lated to God in Christ."

Though sparse, later articles appearing in the Interracial Review

in the 1930s became more explicit in dealing with Negro Christian art

but always with the effort to minimize distinctions among the races.

Another contributor in 1936 serves as an example. The writer dispensed

with (while not disregarding) consideration of the Christian social and

artistic possibilities which may be inherent in primitive Negro art as

was suggested in recent issues of the Belgian publication Le Bulletin

des Missions. He emphasized instead Negro talent for contemporary

approaches to art for decoration of churches, chapels and other places

of Christian worship:

The question of Christian art for the Negro is the same as that which confronts his white brother. He should strive to express himself as honestly as possible with due regard for limitations of his medium and the destination of the object he fashions. The rest lies within the power of his client who can give him an opportuni­ ty.14

A similar tendency to diminish suggestions of racial character in

the Christian works of Negro artists is evident in a eulogy of Henry

14"Negro Art," Interracial Review 9 (May 1936) :69.

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Ossawa Tanner and in an interview with Richmond Barthfe, both appearing

in the late 1930s. Hence, the painter, Tanner, is lauded as a

"proverbial example that genius, like all other genuinely human attri­

butes, knows no limits of race or nationality, and the black Catholic

sculptor Barthfe is quoted to say that "art is not racial. For me, there 15 is no 'Negro' art— only art."

The Very Reverend Ignatius Smith, O.P., Rev. Charles J. Keefe and

Mollie Brown, writing in the Interracial Review in 1936, 1937 and 1940

respectively, maintained that the Catholic worship style and the litur­

gical art of the Church should be particularly appealing to the Negro.

Through the "inspiring and satisfying forms of worship" and the "consol­

ing sacramental life of the Catholic Church, Smith contended that "the

Negro will find full happiness for his essentially religious mind and

heart." The articles of Keefe and Brown concurred. Keefe applauded

the Negro for the spirituality of his folksongs and charged that

. . . one cannot . . . reproach the Negro for what he has done with what he had been given. One can only regret that he has not been given more. . . . Had the Negro been taught Christianity ade­ quately [been made Catholic]; had he been taught to sing Mass and the office, what might he have done?"^

Acknowledging the spirituality and talent of the Negro in music (espe­

cially the spirituals), poetry, prose, sculpture and design, Brown

invited the Negro to participate in "the greatest action that can be

^Joseph C. Carpenter, "Henry Ossawa Tanner," Interracial Review 6 (March 1933):51; Amy Mackenzie, "Richmond Barthfe— Sculptor," Interracial Review 12 (July 1939):107-9. 1 fi Ignatius Smith, O.P., "The Role of Blessed Martin," Interracial Review 9 (June 1936):91.

1 7 Charles J. Keefe, "The Singing Negro," Interracial Review 10 (February 1937):20-21.

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performed on this earth, the most efficacious means to obtain assistance

in all the necessities and concerns of life— the Mass." And through its

"world of liturgical art," the Church would further stimulate the

Negro's already strong sense of beauty" and afford "opportunities for

its expression." Nor would this expression be felt just in music for

"the Church in her liturgy writes all the arts in one grand master­

piece . "'*‘8

Writing in the February 1941 issue of Interracial Review, Emanuel

A. Romero advocated use of the Missa Recitata or Dialogue Mass (also

variously called the Community or People's Mass) among black Catholics.

He believed that the Negro was "both musical and spiritual" and "the

liturgy of the Church appeals strongly to him." Responsorial Masses

such as the Missa Recitata would allow greater participation, apprecia­

tion and understanding of the sacred life of the Church among black 19 congregations.

Romero had been inspired after hearing the opening Mass (Dialogue

Mass) and closing Vespers of the joint conference for the Catholic

Laymen's Union of New York and the Catholic Interracial Council the

month before. These Negro Catholic organizations were celebrating their

fourteenth and sixth anniversaries respectively, with the participation

i o Mollie Brown, "The Catholic Church and the Negro," Interracial Review 13 (October 1940) :155-56. 1 Q Emanuel A. Romero, "The Liturgy and the Negro Catholic," Interra­ cial Review 14 (February 1941) :25. The Dialogue Mass is a service that allows the congregation to recite prayers of High Masses that are gener­ ally sung (Gloria, Credo, Sanctus and Agnus Dei) along with and in response to parts recited by the priest and/or server. Developed to afford greater lay participation in the Liturgy, the Dialogue Mass was officially accepted by Church authorities in 1935 and permitted in American churches at the discretion of the local diocesan bishop.

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of the combined choirs of the Schola Cantorum and the Blessed Martin

Choral Group. The Schola Cantorum was an all-white group under Dr.

Becket Gibbs, an authority on Gregorian chant and a prominent figure in

"the movement for a widespread and general use of the Liturgy by the

laity." The Blessed Martin Choral Group was composed entirely of "Negro

men and women singers, representing every walk of life.” Their director

was Father Cannon, O.P., and their manager, Father Norbert George, O.P.,

of the Blessed Martin de Porres Guild. The choir was originally con­

ceived by Father Edward L. Hughes, O.P., as part of the canonization

movement for Blessed Martin de Porres. Romero hoped that these groups

would visit other parishes to demonstrate how the laity may sing congre-

gationally as an expression of communal prayer. The Dialogue Mass,

given great impetus by the first Liturgical Week in the United States

the previous year, provided an ideal model, Romero contended.

The Blessed Martin Choral Group was again cited as an example

following the eighth anniversary of the Interracial Council. Mary L.

Riley observed the two choirs engaged in the antiphonal singing of the

Gregorian chant. "This music, so intrinsically a part of the Roman

Liturgy, was sung in strict accord with the phrasing, rhythm, and tempo

of the clearly enunciated Latin," wrote Riley.20

Although the Negro spirituals were favorably considered in the

Interracial Review, their adaptation to the liturgy or Catholic devo-

tionals tended not to be suggested. This was perhaps for various

complex reasons. The implication by Keefe was that the spirituals were

2 0Mary L. Riley, "Interracial Vespers," Interracial Review 15 (March 1943):41.

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not tenable because of their faulty Protestantism, or what Smith refer­

red to as "passing and man-made religions." Perhaps this is also why

Brown more readily spoke of the "rich heritage" that the Catholic Church

offered the Negro race for its talents— the "Masses, the Vespers, the

Motets, Latin hymns and Gregorian chant."21

Nonetheless, other Interracial Review articles of the 1940s by

black writers suggest additional reasons for the omission. In "Lest We

Forget Our Heritage," Ellen Tarry discussed the dislike of the Negro

spirituals by blacks themselves. The reason typically offered for this

disdain, according to Tarry, was that "any Negro can sing the Spiri­

tuals." Therefore, they were not a proof of talent, as for example,

singing "Opera!" She also said that they were unwanted reminders of

slavery. Tarry attempted to overcome the negative attitudes of many

blacks toward the Spirituals, but even she concluded that the Spirituals

should not be sung "to the exclusion of the Classics" and there should

be no "wish to turn back the hands of the clock."22

In "Frustration of Negro Art," Theophilus Lewis suggested another

factor: "The artist may reverence the spirituals as hymns and appre­

ciate their significance as folk songs, but he naturally resents singing 23 them under duress." The black singer sought to escape stereotyping.

Though not within the context of the Mystical Body doctrine or

2^Ignatius Smith, "Role of Blessed Martin," p. 91; Keefe, "The Singing Negro," p. 21; and Mollie Brown, "Catholic Church and the Negro," p. 155. 2 o Ellen Tarry, "Lest We Forget Our Heritage," Interracial Review 13 (May 1940):74-76.

23Theophilus Lewis, "The Frustration of Negro Art," Interracial Review 15 (April 1942):58-60.

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liturgical art, a shift in consciousness emerged in the pages of the

Interracial Review, addressing art by blacks in the 1940s. The change

is evident early in the decade in the articles by both Tarry and Lewis.

For them, the Negro artist must address himself first to the Negro

audience; "It would seem that our future success will come— not in spite

of being Negroes— but because we are Negroes," wrote Tarry.

If the American Negro did not recall his past, there was the fear

that he "will become a badly blurred carbon copy of the American white

man." This view is also evident in a 1941 review of a Barthfe exhibit in

which the amateur critic Maurice Lavanoux observed that the "artist's

power of expression was strongest in his African sculptures." Lavanoux

concluded that sculptors, and artists generally, will probably agree

that they are continually torn between two desires: "a very natural and

human desire for a share of the goods of this world represented by

lucrative commissions, and a desire to produce works of art which will 24 really mirror their secret aspirations."

By the latter part of the decade, the thesis "art is not racial”

had reasserted itself. Upon conferring the Interracial Council's James

J. Hoey Award to Richmond Barthfe in 1945, Bishop Vincent S. Waters of

Raleigh declared that God made man "neither Jew nor Gentile, stranger or

foreigner, neither of nation, or race or of class, but welded together

without distinction into one Universal Body." Waters praised Barthfe for

not limiting himself to Negro subjects for "by his artistic accomplish­

ment and by his universal acclaim on subjects of both races he has drawn

0 A Maurice Lavanoux, "The Barthfe Exhibit," Interracial Review 14 (July 1941) :108.

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both races together." 25 And in a 1946 issue of the Interracial Review,

a correspondent wrote that "the universality of Art, and its consequent

powers of binding together people from one end of the map to the other

is axiomatic." Therefore, it was felt that "Negro art, music and liter­

ature were powerful weapons against prejudice, potent arguments for 26 intelligent race relations."

To programmatically act upon this belief, in 1948 the Catholic

Interracial Council of Washington presented an interracial exhibit of

contemporary religious art by Negroes and whites showing paintings at

the Barnett Aden Gallery and sculpture at the Catholic University Art

Department. Henry Ossawa Tanner, Richmond Barthfe, Horace Pippin, Allan

Crite, Joseph Kersey, Teodoro Ramos-Bianco and William Edmondson were 27 the Negro artists.

National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice

In 1958 the interracial movement began a new phase in its work

toward racial reconciliation and integration— toward racial justice. 2 8

The first National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice was held

n c Vincent S. Waters, "Conferring the James J. Hoey Awards," Inter­ racial Review 18 (October 1945) :168-70.

2®Ruth Fox, "As Youth See It: Art for Whose Sake," Interracial Review 19 (December 1946):190~91.

27James W. Lane, "Contemporary Religious Art Exhibit," Interracial Review 21 (December 1948) :188. Also in 1948, St. Anselm's Church in Chicago performed a Requiem Mass for Claude McKay, a 58-year-old Negro writer who converted to Catholicism in 1942— see "Requiem for Claude McKay: Negro Poet, Author, Convert," Interracial Review 21 (July 1948):112.

n q John LaFarge, S.J., "Interracial Justice: Second Phase," Inter- racial Review 32 (June 1959):111-12.

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in August 1958. Determining the need for a closer unity, the member

councils instituted a permanent service organization of the same name at

the 1959 Conference. The National Catholic Conference for Interracial

Justice (NCCIJ) would sponsor all subsequent meetings and serve as a

voice for the movement. It was "strictly a lay organization" in that it

was not subject to any direct control from the bishops. But as in the

past, religious, priests and bishops worked closely with them and on the 29 organization's staff. The number of councils had grown from one to

thirty-five by 1958. Several conference reports recommended that coun­

cils "should take initiative in inaugurating practical research proj­

ects, such as community self-surveys, parish studies, studies of pat­

terns of segregation in housing, health, employment, etc." They called

upon councils to encourage every parish to "provide instruction in the

principles of interracial justice— from the pulpit, by talks and pro­

grams before parish societies, by instruction in the parish school, and 30 through pamphlets and similar materials. In keeping with the postu­

late on the Mystical Body doctrine, "greater corporate participation in

the liturgy" was urged and an international commitment to prayer was 31 called concerning the racial issue.

The stance on separate Negro parishes taken by NCCIJ was decisive.

29 Francis Mary Whelan, O.S.F., "Toward a Theology of the Layman: A Look at the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice," Interracial Review 38 (December 1965) :238-41.

*3 n Harold A. Stevens, "An Apostolate of Community Cooperation," Interracial Review 32 (May 1959) :93.

■'■"Re solutions Adopted at First National Catholic Conference on Interracial Justice," Interracial Review 31 (September 1958) :158; and "Commission on Parochial and Institutional Life," Interracial Review 31 (February 1959):33.

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Compulsory segregation was a sin. The charge consistently appeared in

the Interracial Review. Msgr. John P. Kleinz's 1960 article serves as

an example. He labels the act of segregation in the Church and society

"colossally unjust," "uncharitable," "a grand-scale insult," "impious,"

"scandalous," and foremost "sinful." Segregation impedes the conversion

of non-Catholic Negroes and turns away the Catholics in effect "to 32 maintain white superiority." But what of self-segregation among the

Negroes? The question was addressed in a 1959 Interracial Review edito­

rial— "this attitude is destructive of the unity which should distin­

guish all Catholics." The newly arrived black congregant fears the

attitude of the individual Catholic parishioner, and therefore "the

laity cannot afford to leave the entire responsibility to the pastor."

The laity must take steps "to bring colored members in Christ into their

groups . . ., into taking inner circles of friendship and Catholic 33 action." Existing parishes specially organized for certain national

language or racial groups, Msgr. Josiah Chatham believes, "will gradual­

ly be dissolved and that territorial parishes will eventually become the

uniform pattern throughout our country." Indeed, Chatham declared that

"the parish community should reproduce the life of the Universal Church

in miniature."3^ Ultimately, Catholic concern for segregation was not a

concern for discrimination.

32Msgr. John P. Kleinz, "Compulsory Segregation Is a Sin," Interra­ cial Review 33 (March 1960):70-71; reprint from Action Now (1958).

O *5 "Self-Segregation and Negroes," Interracial Review 32 (June 1959):110.

34Msgr. Josiah G. Chatham, S.T.L., "The Parish Community," Interra- cial Review 33 (March 1960):73-74.

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The interracial movement was not opposed to culturally distinct

worship within the Church. In 1961, Robert W. Gleason, S.J., warned

that in the Catholic Church "there can be no possibility of a national

Church for each race or nation any more than there can be the possibil­

ity of a different salvation or of a different God for each nation or

people." Although Gleason recognized the possibility of "ethnic differ­

ences in rite and liturgy," and even the ethnic parishes, "the Church

herself is neither Latin nor Oriental nor white nor black." Cultural

adaptation among the various peoples of the world did not allow the

Church "divisions of men in such a way as to betray the spirit of the

Gospel." In his November 1961 article, Gleason argued that "according

to the racists the Church must be obliterated because she is determined

upon world uniformity based upon a principle entirely different from

that of race."^

Also in 1961, an Interracial Review article appeared in which a

"new Catholicism of the twentieth century" was acknowledged. It was

"the Catholicism of the Mystical Body revival and the great renewals in

biblical study and catechetics, liturgy and lay apostolate." It was a

Catholicism which was in a position to see that out of simple Christian

charity a "new Christian culture, a culture not of the West but the

world," could grow. The mistake in the past had been that "we built the

culture of Western Europe and . . . we thought we had achieved the

ultimate." But the author found that "the culture of the West began to

crumble about us." Efforts to "prop up" institutions were thought to

35Robert W. Gleason, S.J., "The Immorality of Segregation," Inter- racial Review 34 (November 1961) :286-93.

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preserve Christian culture, but "the heart had gone out of that cul­

ture." It was a misnomer to believe that Christianity and Western

culture were one. The Church could "discard the human props that were

once thought so essential to the Faith and it can get down to the

essential task of preaching the Faith in all its divine simplicity." It

was contended that "the heart of a religious culture is the marriage of

religious faith and secular wisdom."3®

The concerns of the Catholic interracial movement had changed from

its focus on the Negro to include a broader range of minority groups—

Puerto Ricans, American Indians and Latin Americans. Attention to these

groups moved concern beyond that of race, to include an awareness of the

problems of cultural integration, which had not characterized the ^7 earlier phase of the movement."

Interest in Negro folklore and folksong continued in the pages of

the Interracial Review, but there was a growing recognition of their

direct value to Catholic liturgy. St. Augustine Seminary in Bay St.

Louis, Mississippi, encouraged its seminarians "to study and interpret

spirituals as part of the basic culture of their people," wrote Regina

Dolan in 1958. Still, as evidence of their value to the interracial

movement Dolan noted that the Society for the Preservation of the Spiri­

tuals was formed by a group of white singers in Charleston, South Caro­

lina. But even more, Dolan found that some "modern musical scholars

36"Crumbling Culture," reprinted from The Southern Cross (February 22, 1961) in Interracial Review 34 (November 1961) :282-83.

o n John J. O'Connor, "An Educational Apostolate," p. 91; and John LaFarge, "Interracial Justice: Second Phase," pp. 111-12.

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*30 look to the spiritual to supply great liturgical works in the future.

In 1959, Hugh Travers Tracey proposed the development of church

music on African norms. Tracey complained that the use of foreign tunes

for church music in Africa has been "coupled with a direct attack upon

all branches of indigenous art." Since the churches had condemned most

of the indigenous forms of culture over more than a hundred years,

Tracey concluded that such a proposal had been left "anathema to the

vast majority of culturally simple persons in both white and black

communities throughout the continent." Still, Tracey maintained that

"the only hope of a mature and aesthetically valid future for liturgical

music in Africa must be based upon the realities of African psychology."

The effort would require not only study, but that foreign priests and

teachers overcome their "tendencies to associate artistic symbolism of a

Western ' nation with the sincerities of religious devotion" and that 39 African Christians "rid themselves of the blind imitation."

Also in 1959, the first international congress on liturgical renew­

al and mission problems met in Nijmegen, Holland. The desire of the

participants was to address concerns of "adaptation of worship to needs

and understandings of every race and nation." In the effort to improve

prayer life of mission countries, missionary bishops considered particu­

lar problems relevant to Latin America, the Far West, Scandinavia, Japan

and Africa. In concluding a 1961 review of published papers from the

Nijmegen Liturgical Conference, Father Michael Meilach recommended the

*3 Q Regina Dolan, "Negro Spirituals and American Culture," Interra­ cial Review 31 (April 1958) :63.

Hugh Travers Tracey, "The Development of Church Music on African Norms," Interracial Review 32 (July 1959) :141.

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compilation "to anyone seriously interested in the timely question of

adaptation of Catholic worship to the very real and pressing needs of

the Church's newest members, in whom she places so much hope for the

future."40

Concern for African music in Catholic worship was not confined to

the African continent. By 1962, Father Joseph Fichtner could mention

the "hearsay . . . that the Church in France is already using African

music in her liturgy." But Fichtner also suggested that the Negro

spirituals offered a similar opportunity in the United States. Although

Fichtner lamented that spirituals did not represent African music "set

to the fully Christian script" (i.e., they are Protestant), he claimed

that they are like the Psalms— "the liturgical expression of a people

who felt themselves under oppression" and that "to examine the spiri­

tuals theologically is to find in them a wealth of Catholic doctrine."

In addition, he concluded that musically the Negro spirituals have a

similarity to traditional Catholic singing. They "have a surge almost 41 like the arsis and thesis of our Gregorian chant."

Discussions of this type were not confined to the pages of the

Interracial Review. In November 1962, Father Frederick R. McManus, a

liturgical expert at the Second Vatican Council, told reporters in Rome

that a proposal had been made to consider the use of Negro spirituals in

Catholic Church services. The proposal had been made at an earlier

40Michael D. Meilach, O.F.M., Review of Liturgy and the Missions, by Johannes Hofinger, Interracial Review 34 (July 1961):208-9.

4^Joseph Fichtner, O.S.C., "Negro Spirituals and Catholicism," Interracial Review 35 (August 1962) :200-203.

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meeting in Chicago to discuss possible liturgical reforms.^

^Amalia Castro, "Negro Spirituals and Catholic Liturgy," Interra- cial Review 36 (February 1963) :46.

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CANONIZATION MOVEMENTS

Martin de Porres

In January 1935, the Blessed Martin Apostolate began with a Solemn

Novena at the Dominican House of Studies, River Forest, Illinois, at the

request of Rev. Thomas M. McGlynn, O.P. Four months later the cause of

Blessed Martin de Porres, the first black American beatus, was announced

in an issue of the Interracial Review.1 A popular movement for the

canonization of Martin de Porres as saint had suddenly emerged in the

United States and was being merged with the interracial movement.

Martin de Porres was described as "essentially an American" in

spirit, tempo, action and prayer. As an American and a Negro, Martin de

Porres was to become a symbol of the interracial movement in the United

States. Blessed Martin's "life proves that both the white notes and the

black on the keyboard are needed to produce harmony," wrote Marieli G.

Benziger in 1936. Consequently, Brother Martin's example and interces- o sions could be of aid to racially troubled America. The cause of

canonization of Blessed Martin de Porres "is a challenge to the Catholic

spirit of the Catholics of the United States," wrote Edward L. Hughes,

O.P., that same year. "The very thought of bringing the Church to

i "Blessed Martin Devotion Shows Amazing Growth," Interracial Review 14 (March 1941):48.

Marieli G. Benziger, "That Human Being . . . Martin de Porres," Interracial Review 9 (January 1936):11-12.

81

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almost thirteen million Negroes in our country will enable one to com- 3 prehend the tremendous task awaiting Martin de Porres," Hughes added.

Illegitimately born in 1569 to a Castilian gentleman and a Panama­

nian Negro, Martin de Porres was despised by both parents for his

Negroid features. Yet, undaunted in his charity, he became apprentice

to a barber-surgeon and at age 22 became a Tertiary (laybrother) of the

Dominican Order in Lima, Peru. Not only did he beg charity for the poor

and tend to the sick and dying, he also cared for abandoned babies and

children, helped to establish the College of the Holy Cross and orga­

nized a "back-to-the-land" movement. Perhaps most significant to the

interracial movement was that he acted on behalf of all races and

classes.4

He was beatified by Pope Gregory XVI on March 19, 1836, for his

exemplary life and the many miracles attributed to him following his

death November 3, 1639. However, beatification only grants permission

to celebrate Mass with prayers referring to the venerated in the places

where he was known to have lived and performed miracles, unless special

indult is secured from the Vatican. Canonization would make public

ecclesiastical veneration of Brother Martin permissible for the whole

Catholic Church.5 Still, the canonization movement itself affected the

liturgical and prayer life of thousands of Catholics in the United

3Edward L. Hughes, O.P., "The Cause of Blessed Martin," Interracial Review 9 (January 1936):12-14.

4Marieli G. Benziger, "Blessed Martin de Porres: Pioneer," Inter­ racial Review 8 (December 1935) :189-90.

5The Catholic Encyclopedia, 1907 ed., s.v. "Beatification and Canonization," by Camillus Beccarl, S.J.

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States. ®

In 1889, with the assistance of the Dominican Sisters of St. Agnes

Convent in Sparkill, New York, Rt. Rev. Msgr. John E. Burke is credited

with having sponsored the first organized movement in the United States

for devotions to Blessed Martin. Burke did not intend the devotion to

be restricted to the Archdiocese of New York, however. He wrote about

Brother Martin's virtue and miracles in St. Benedict1s Home Journal, a

publication created to provide support for St. Benedict's orphanage. He

also circulated leaflets and medallions produced in honor of the Domini­

can brother. Burke's efforts won Papal approval for an indulgenced

prayer to Blessed Martin for use in the United States. Burke is further

credited with bringing to the attention of American Catholics the first

biography of Martin de Porres written in English— a work translated from

Italian by the English Catholic, Lady Herbert.

In 1924, Father William M. Markoe reprinted in pamphlet form a 1920

study on Blessed Martin by Father C. C. Martindale, S.J., which first

appeared in the English Jesuit periodical The Month. This significantly 7 spread knowledge of the black beatus. Later, in 1929, Markoe published

an appeal as editor of the Federated Colored Catholics' Chronicle to

study the life of Blessed Martin de Porres as a way of correcting the

attitudes of "many Americans" who "doubt if any real good can be found

in a Negro." Indeed, for Markoe, "the lives of many holy Negroes belie

Edward Hughes, "The Cause of Blessed Martin," pp. 12-13.

^Ibid., p. 13; and Charles M. Daley, O.P., "A Statue of Blessed Martin de Porres, O.P.," Chronicle 4 (1931):326-27.

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such popular imaginings."8

Through the Federated Colored Catholics' Chronicle in January 1930,

Gustave B. Aldrich appealed to black Catholics to look to black saints

and holy men including Blessed Martin de Porres to create statuary for

the Negro Catholic churches. In a January 1931 Chronicle article,

Charles M. Daley, O.P., described the influence of this Aldrich appeal

on Father Thomas A'Kempis Reilly, O.P., and eventually on Father Thomas

Matthew McGlynn, O.P., a student at the Dominican House of Studies in

Washington, D.C. McGlynn was encouraged to design and sculpt the first

statue of Blessed Martin to be made in North America, which was dis­

played by the St. Hilda Guild in an exhibition of Catholic liturgical

art in New York. There it evidently received much attention and favor­

able public comment. This inspired a broad revival of interest in the

United States, maintained through a movement sponsored by the Dominican g students at the Washington House of Studies.

Even so, in April 1935, Norbert M. Wendell, O.P., could write in

the Interracial Review that steps to canonize Blessed Martin seemed

"almost a complete secret" and questioned the concern of the American

Negro Catholic. "Are they to remain uninterested? . . . Perhaps the

Negro may not be able to do much for the cause in a material way but he

can beg God to give the Church this Negro, Martin de Porres." In

subsequent years the canonization movement was closely followed and

8"Blessed Martin de Porres," Chronicle 2 (November 1929):13-14.

8Daley, p. 326.

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strongly encouraged in the pages of the Interracial Review.10

Just five months later, Wendell was able to report that "almost

every Catholic newspaper in the United States has carried at least one

article on Blessed Martin." The initial article in Interracial Review,

having itself been reproduced in many publications, elicited numerous

favorable comments.11 By the end of the year, the Interracial Review

could report that the secular press, "impressed by the news value of

Catholic devotion to the humble Negro, has not been slow to give consid-

erable notice to this great spiritual movement." 12 Within the next two

years proponents of the movement could claim that their efforts had also

contributed to a reduction in attacks on the Catholic Church by many 13 Negro publications.

In September 1935, the Interracial Review announced that the St.

Albert's Guild selected Martin de Porres as the subject of its work for

1936. The Guild, operated by the theological students of St. Joseph's

Priory in Somerset, Ohio, typically selected a saint each year to whom

devotions would be encouraged among children through Catholic parochial

schools through the distribution of literature. Again this signaled the

strong popularity of the Dominican. It was the Guild's first departure

10Norbert M. Wendell, O.P., "An American Negro Saint," Interracial Review 8 (April 1935):56-57.

Norbert M. Wendell, O.P., "Cause of American Negro Saint Pro­ gresses," Interracial Review 8 (September 1935):134.

12"Blessed Martin de Porres Devotion," Interracial Review 8 (Decem­ ber 1935):181. 1 ^ John G. Kane, "The Catholic Interracial Problem," Interracial Review 10 (December 1937) :184-85.

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from selections of a saint already canonized.'1'4

In November 1935, the Interracial Review published an open letter

to the Queen's Work, the official organ of the Sodality Union of the

United States, with a proposal that (1) the cause of Blessed Martin de

Porres be actively fostered by all sodalists through parish sodalities

and (2) that all sodalists interested in devotion to Blessed Martin

resolve to show respect for him by demonstrating in their daily lives

the Christian attitude toward all the members of his race by refraining

from the use of offensive epithets. It was believed that if these

recommendations were followed it would "stimulate a greater interest in

this saintly Negro and would increase the popular respect to which the

Negro is entitled as a member of the Mystical Body of Christ." But that

was not all. "It would also indicate to millions of potential Negro

converts that the teachings of our Church regarding the essential equal­

ity of all men in the sight of God are more reflected in the conduct of

individual Catholics."1'’

In the summer of 1935, the Blessed Martin Guild was founded to

coordinate all efforts for the cause of canonization in the United

States. Dominican priests Edward L. Hughes, J. C. Kearns and Richard E.

Vahey served as directors of the Guild. They would write, preach and

lecture to advance the cause. The Guild was open to everyone interested 16 in the canonization without charge of dues or other fees.

14Wendell, "Cause of American Negro Saint Progresses," p. 134.

1'’"The Cause of Blessed Martin de Porres: An Open Letter to Rev. Daniel A. Lord, S.J.," Interracial Review 8 (November 1935) :163.

■^Hughes, "The Cause of Blessed Martin," pp. 12, 14.

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The Guild claimed sponsorship of the first public novena to be held

in the United States for the cause of Blessed Martin. It was held at

the Blue Chapel of the Dominican Sisters of the Perpetual Rosary, Union

City, New Jersey, where the Sisters offered one hour of Rosary prayers

each day for the success of the movement. Public exercises on behalf of

the cause were soon initiated in other Dominican churches and chapels

throughout the country.

A major effort of the Guild in its first months of operation was to

gain extension of public devotion to churches in the United States other

than those administered by the Dominicans. They began by instructing

"all" pastors of Negro Catholic parishes in procedures to petition the

Pope for such an indult.

The Guild further planned to nationally circulate the prayer of

Blessed Martin first granted to Burke in the nineteenth century. By

November 1935, Father Hughes claimed that the Guild had enrolled over

50,000 members within its first four months. In January 1936, Hughes

claimed that more than one hundred thousand Catholics had read and used

the biographical and devotional literature circulated by the Guild upon 17 request.

Also, in January 1936, a brief review of Meet Brother Martin

appeared in the Interracial Review— Father Norbert Georges translated

the book from the French edition. The translation itself had been 18 published by the Hughes as editor of the Torch.

17 Ibid. ft 1 John J. O'Connor, Review of Meet Brother Martin, Interracial Review 9 (January 1936):17.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 8

A significant moment in the movement was reached when, in April

1936, Hughes could announce that superiors and members of many religious

communities of both races in the United States showed "eagerness to join

the Dominicans in their campaign for Blessed Martin's canonization."

Hughes also reported that there would be the first pilgrimage to the

Shrine of Blessed Martin at the Blue Chapel of the Dominican Monastery

in Union City, New Jersey, and heralded the second public novena to be

held in May at the monastery in honor of the beatus in the United

States. All of this spiritual activity was in preparation for the i g centenary of the solemn beatification of Blessed Martin in 1937. ‘

In October 1936, the Interracial Review published resolutions of

the Holy Name Society during their national convention held in New York.

The order resolved that each of its 2,500,000 members "pledge a whole­

hearted participation in the crusade of Blessed Martin de Porres, O.P."

It was hoped that such a resolution would stimulate interest in the

numerous parish Holy Name Societies throughout the countries. 20

The Guild inaugurated a nationwide crusade of prayer for the cause

of Blessed Martin in November 1936. As evidence of the progress being

made, Hughes reported that public devotions for Blessed Martin had been

introduced into the Archdiocese of Chicago and the dioceses of Natchez,

Mississippi, and Lafayette, Louisiana.. . 21

19Edward Hughes, O.P., "Brother Martin Winning His Way," Interra­ cial Review 9 (April 1936):60-61.

20"The Holy Name Society and the Negro," Interracial Review 9 (October 1936):148.

21Edward Hughes, O.P., "The Blessed Martin Crusade," Interracial Review 9 (November 1936) :169.

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In February 1937, the Interracial Review noted that Bishop Martin

A. Gillet, O.P., S.T.M., master general of the Dominicans, issued an

encyclical letter from Rome. He called upon all members of the order—

priests, nuns and tertiaries— "throughout the world to form an army to

pray and work for the canonization of Blessed Martin de Porres." 22 In

November, Father LaFarge formally venerated Blessed Martin as "Patron of 23 Social and Interracial Issues."

Another significant advance in the movement was the founding of the

first unit of the Third Order of St. Dominic for Colored Catholics in

Harlem by Father Edward Hughes. The unit, the Blessed Martin Fraterni­

ty, received fifteen women and one man as charter members in January

1937. Hughes served as the Dominican Third Order's director and spiri- 24 tual director of the Fraternity.

The Blessed Martin Guild planned its centennial celebration of the

solemn beatification of Blessed Martin in September 1937. The celebra­

tion began on the 10th and ended on Sunday the 12th with a solemn

pontifical Mass by Bishop Felix Coutourier, O.P., D.D., at the Blue 25 Chapel of the Dominican Sisters of the Perpetual Rosary in Union City.

Also in the year of the centennial, Father J. C. Kearns published

Blessed Martin de Porres as the official publication of the Blessed

"Dominican Third Order Organized in Harlem," Interracial Review 10 (February 1937) :32.

23Richard M. McKeon, S.J., "Blessed Martin and John: Interracial Action Exemplars," Interracial Review 32 (March 1959):46.

^Pictured in Interracial Review 10 (August 1937):128.

25"Centennial of Blessed Martin's Beatification," Interracial Review 10 (September 1937) :142.

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Martin Guild. Included in it was "an almost exhaustive bibliography"

28 (though much of the source material was in Spanish).

In April 1938, the Interracial Review first mentioned the Blessed

Martin Choral Group. The Choral Group was composed of colored men and

women singing liturgical, classical and Negro spirituals in New York

City under the direction of Rev. Leo S. Cannon, O.P., head of the Music 27 Department of Providence College, Providence, Rhode Island.

Father Norbert F. Georges, O.P., was appointed as Hughes's replace- 28 ment as director of the Blessed Martin Guild by November 1938.

Statues of the Blessed Martin had been exhibited before Georges became

director. In November 1935, the Interracial Review noted the unveiling

of the first statue to be publicly erected in honor of Blessed Martin de

Porres. This was at St. Vincent Ferrer in New York City on September

23, 1935. Later, in August 1936, the Interracial Review reported that

for the first time a statue of a Negro saint or beatus would be included

in a public exposition in the United States. This was the statue of

Blessed Martin de Porres created by Rev. Thomas McGlynn, O.P., and

displayed in the Catholic Exhibit of the Texas Centennial Exposition in

Dallas, Texas, at the request of Very Rev. Joseph G. O'Donohue, chairman

Review of Blessed Martin de Porres, by J. C. Kearns, Interracial Review 10 (December 1937) :192-93.

27""Dominican Master General Guest of Blessed Martin Guild," Inter­ racial Review 11 (April 1938) :64.

2fl"Blessed Martin Guild Given New Director," Interracial Review 11 (November 1938) :176.

2^"Statue of Negro is Unveiled at Church," Interracial Review 8 (November 1935):176.

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of the Catholic exhibit. 3 0 However, under Georges, statues of Blessed

Martin became available to large numbers of Catholic parishes and indi­

viduals. In January 1940, the first Blessed Martin Guild advertisement

appeared in the Interracial Review offering six-dollar statues of the

popular beatus for sale to colored missions. 31

But as in life, so in death centuries later, Brother Martin de

Porres was not free from race prejudice. Consequently, Hughes felt

compelled to write, "Some there are, it is regrettably true, who will

have none of him, some who, may we say, should know better." Brother

Martin had experienced racism even at the hands of his fellow religious

in the seventeenth century; there were those who felt the same in the

twentieth. Yet, Hughes reminded both blacks and whites:

But Christ-like he never complained or murmured against their lack of Christian understanding. The humiliation he always accepted in the spirit of the Cross. Now that he is in glory, this un-Catholic attitude does not disturb him. Rather it enhances his greatness. He forgives them as he did of old and he prays for them.

Blessed Martin was the symbol of the interracial movement. Father

LaFarge formally venerated the beatus as "Patron of Social and Interra­

cial Justice" in November 1937. Many interracial clubs, centers and

activities were named after the beatus. However, in subsequent years

the cause of Blessed Martin itself did not receive major attention in 33 the Interracial Review until actual canonization neared.

*3 n National Catholic Welfare Conference, "Blessed Martin de Porres Statue at Texas Centennial," Interracial Review 9 (August 1936):128.

"^Advertisement, Interracial Review 13 (January 1940) :p. 17.

Hughes, "Brother Martin Winning His Way," pp. 60-61.

*3 O McKeon, "Blessed Martin and John: Interracial Exemplars," p. 48.

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In 1962, Richard M. McKeon, S.J., was stirred by the "well-founded"

rumor that Blessed Martin de Porres would be canonized in May. But he

asked:

If Martin is canonized, what will it prove? It will prove that a Negro has gained the highest honor of the Church, which no native- born citizen of the United States possesses. It is evident, there­ fore, that Martin has succeeded where millions of white American Catholics have failed. Looking up at Martin in his new status, how can any sincere Catholic dare look down on any Negro and deny him full rights and opportunity? . . . The life of our saint-to-be is indeed a sign and a contradic-

Martin de Porres was canonized in Rome on May 6, 1962, by Pope John 35 XXIII with 40,000 people reported watching and praying. St. Martin

symbolized the Pope's social encyclical "Christianity and Social Prog­

ress," promulgated that year, but on the eve of the Second Vatican

Council, he could also be "pointed out to all Catholics as an interces­

sor with God for the success of this important event."^®

Uganda Martyrs

In 1963, the Uganda Martyrs Center opened in Washington, D.C. Its

purpose was to familiarize the American and Canadian public with the

twenty-two Martyrs of Uganda and to raise funds to assist the campaign 37 for their canonization.

34Richard M. McKeon, S.J., "Saint Martin— A Sign and a Contradic­ tion," Interracial Review 35 (May 1962):116-18.

o r "St. Martin de Porres Canonized," Interracial Review 35 (Septem­ ber 1962):179.

^"Comments on the Canonization," Interracial Review 35 (June 1962):139.

■^John Lane, "A Postulator and His Cause," White Fathers Magazine, June-July 1963, p. 26.

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Father Anthony J. Wouters, P.A., a Dutch priest, founded the Center

for the Society of Missionaries of Africa, a religious order commonly

called the White Fathers because of their long white robes. Father John

A. Bell, W.F., became its director while Wouters went on speaking tours

to New York, Detroit, Chicago, St. Louis, New Orleans, Minneapolis,

Miami and Washington as well as to eastern Canada. The center itself

served as a clearinghouse for information on the martyrs through corres- 38 pondence, books, films and presentations during religious functions.

The twenty-two Uganda Martyrs had given their lives as proof of

loyalty to the faith during persecution of all Christians under the

reign of King Mwanga of Buganda (now part of Uganda). Joseph Mukasa was

the first to be put to death in November 1885; Jean-Marie Museyi was the

last of the martyrs to die, in January 1887, but most were executed in

May and June of 1886. Ranging in age from 14 to 50, the twenty-two

martyrs include Joseph Mukasa, Charles Lwanga, Matthias Mulumba, Denis

Ssebuggwawo, Andrew Kaggwa, Pontain Ngondwe, Athanasius Bazzekuketta,

Mbaga Tuzinde, Gonzaga Gonza, Noah Mwaggali, Lake Banabakinta, James

Buzabaliawo, Bruno Serunkuma, Mugagga, Kizito, Mukasa Kiriwawanvu,

Gyavira, Adolph Ludigo, Anatole Kiriggwajjo, Ambrose Kibuka, Achilles . 39 Kiwanuka and Jean-Marie Muzeyi.

The White Fathers had introduced Catholic teaching to the people of

Uganda in 1879 through the acceptance of King Mutesa. Once Mutesa's

favor was lost, the order withdrew in 1882. Following Mutesa’s death

3 8 Ibid., pp. 6-7, 26.

oq Francis Marion, New African Saints: The Twenty-two Martyrs of Uganda (Milan: Ancora Publishers, 1964); and "Who Were the Martyrs of Uganda?" White Fathers Magazine, December 1964, pp. 21-26.

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the priests were welcomed back by King Mwanga in 1884. But it was under

Mwanga that the twenty-two Catholic laymen lost their lives. Fearing

that tribal spirits had been angered by the threat that Christianity

would replace traditional worship, Mwanga sought to stop the advance of

the new faith. Widespread persecution of Christians began in 1885 and

the White Fathers were again banished. During May and June of 1886,

twelve Catholic pages to the king were tortured and burned to death for

failure to renounce their faith. Charles Lwanga, prefect of the royal

pages, reportedly suffered the most atrocious torture by fire. Joseph

Mukasa, former leader of the pages, had been beheaded and burned the

year before. The pages represent what is called the First Legion of the

Uganda Martyrs. The Second Legion is comprised of nine Ugandans who

suffered apart from the pages either by being speared or clubbed to

death for refusing to renounce their faith. Matthias Murumba is regard­

ed as the most notable of these; his limbs and flesh from his torso were

hacked off and placed in flames a piece at a time before his eyes (his

blood vessels were bound in order to prolong the agony).The twenty-

two Catholic laymen did not suffer and die alone. About a dozen Angli­

can Africans were also martyred and, in all, over 200 Christians were , 41 executed.

40Henry Watts, "Uganda's Martyrs," Interracial Review 12 (May 1939):5, 73-74; "The First Legion of the Blessed Negro Martyrs of Ugan­ da," Chronicle 4 (August 1931):519, 523-24; and Lane, p. 21.

41It should be noted that only twenty-two of the Catholic martyrs were beatified and proposed for canonization because according to Father Wouters, "only for these could it be sufficiently proved that they were killed on account of their Faith and that they gladly died for that reason" (Lane, p. 20).

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Research on the death of the Uganda Martyrs began almost immediate­

ly in 1886 under the direction of Cardinal Lavigerie, founder of the

White Fathers and the Missionary Sisters of Our Lady of Africa (White

Sisters). The investigations continued through a diocesan tribunal

established in Kubaga (Uganda) in 1877. Their findings were received by

the Vatican in 1909. Subsequently, eyewitnesses of the martyrdoms were

called to testify before the Sacred Congregation of Rites, which handles

questions of beatification and canonization in Rome. Pope Benedict XV,

on June 6 , 1920, formally proclaimed the twenty-two Uganda Martyrs

49 blessed.

Devotions to the beati quickly spread throughout Africa, and Pope

Pius XII named Charles Lwanga Patron of All Catholic Action in Africa. ^

But interest in the martyrs also began in the United States. An Omaha,

Nebraska, pastor of a black parish, Father Francis B. Cassilly, S.J.,

had found himself confronted by the question "whether the colored people

make good Christians." He answered the queries with the story of the 44 martyrs. Consequently, the African martyrs were considered as impor­

tant to the Negro apostolate as St. Peter Claver, Patron of the Negroes

in America.

42 "How the Cause Progressed," White Fathers Magazine, December 1964, p. 15; and Lane, p. 24.

^Lane, p. 24.

^Francis Cassilly, S.J., "From Uganda to Omaha," Chronicle 2 (December 1929) :9. Another example of an American pastor alluding to the Uganda Martyrs as a proof of Negro loyalty to the Catholic faith was Father Raymond J. Campion, who dramatized his point by showing visitors to his parish a mural of "heroic death" of the Martyrs of Uganda placed over the sanctuary ("Problems in the Negro Parish," Interracial Review 16 [June 1943]:87).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In 1929 Cassilly requested that Bishop Joseph F. Rummel of his

diocese present a petition at the annual meeting of the American bishops

in November of that year. The petition sought an extension of the

feasts of the Blessed Uganda Martyrs along with that of St. Peter

Claver. Following unanimous acceptance by the American hierarchy,

Cardinal O'Connell transmitted the request to the Vatican.

The petition appealed to Pope Pius XI to (1) extend the Feast of

St. Peter Claver, the Apostle of the Negroes in America, to all dioceses

in the United States and (2) extend the Feast of the Blessed Martyrs of

Uganda to all churches, schools, convents, seminaries and other institu­

tions organized for the spiritual and temporal benefit of black Ameri­

cans .

The extension had been requested (1) because blacks were no longer

confined to certain sections of the country, thus requiring that all

American ordinaries give attention to their spiritual care; (2) to allow

all workers among the colored to invoke the intercessions of these

patrons; (3) to inspire the Negro by example of these patrons; and (4)

to assuage the neglect and prejudice of other Catholics toward the 45 Negro. The petition was granted without delay m January 1930.

Interest in the martyrs received new impetus in 1954 when Father

Wouters was appointed by the White Fathers to be postulator of the

canonization process. Pope John XXIII decreed the reopening of the

cause of Charles Lwanga in June 1960. Father Wouters began to prepare

prayer leaflets and brochures on the life of Blessed Charles to be

^"The Pope Favors American Negroes: Extends Feasts to Saint Peter and Uganda Martyrs," Chronicle 4 (July 1931):487.

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distributed throughout the world to advance his cause. However, within

the year the Pope was heavily petitioned for all twenty-two martyrs. On

May 10, 1961, Pope John signed the new decree allowing this. Another

barrage of petitions from over 10 0 African bishops soon followed, call-

ing for a speedy canonization. 46

In January 1964, Father Bell, director of the Uganda Martyrs Center

in Washington, announced that the Martyrs of Uganda would be recognized

during the third session of the Second Vatican Council held September 14

to November 20 of that year. The Medical Commission of the Sacred

Congregation of Rites in Rome had recently accepted two cures as the

miraculous intervention of the martyrs. Such an attribution was

crucial, since proof of two cures is necessary for canonization. Mar­

tyrdom had been more than sufficiently substantiated during investiga­

tions for beatification. The two cures occurred in Uganda in 1941.

During an epidemic, two White Sisters, a German and a Swiss, succumbed

to the pneumonic plague while treating an African nun for the disease.

The African nun died and the other two were dying when a novena to the

martyrs was begun in Rubaga. The parishioners appealed to the martyrs

to rid the area of the plague and restore health to the sisters. Both

appeals were realized and attributed to the martyrs. Indeed, the two 47 sisters had been found completely cured within three days. In March

1962, the archiepiscopal curia of Rubaga made an investigation of the

46"Among those petitioning between July 1961 and January 1962 were more than 50 East African bishops, 23 South African bishops and some 50 Congo bishops" (Lane, 19, 24-26; and "How the Cause Progressed," pp. 16- 18.

^"African Martyrs to be Proclaimed Saints," Interracial Review 37 (January 1964):6; and "How the Cause Progressed," pp. 16-18.

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cures. This investigation was followed by an inquiry under the Sacred

Congregation of Rites and ultimately by experts of the Medical Commis­

sion of the same Sacred Congregation. In September 1964, the final

steps were taken for the canonization cause. Pope Paul reviewed the

entire case and sought the views of cardinals and prelates while presid­

ing over three separate consistories. There was unanimous support for 48 canonization.

The year before, 1963, the Swiss artist Albert Wider was commis­

sioned by Wouters to paint a collective study and twenty-two individual

portraits of the Uganda Martyrs. Wider extensively researched the

background of the martyrs and used photographs of Ugandans who eyewit­

nesses said resembled the martyrs. He even destroyed the first

completed set of drawings because of the criticisms of the Ugandans.

The final set was approved by the Sacred Congregation of Rites as the

official studies to be used in the canonization effort. With the help

of the Knights of Columbus, approximately 23,000 posters made from the

collective study were distributed by the Uganda Martyrs Center to paro­

chial schools in the United States. Also, from these studies the offi­

cial banner of the Uganda Martyrs was designed to lead the procession 49 during canonization ceremonies in Rome.

4ft "Several claims of special favors received were scrutinized, but all were discarded except [the] two cures" ("How the Cause Progressed," pp. 16-20).

490fficial collective study pictured in Lane, pp. 22-23; official banner pictured in "The Canonization," White Fathers Magazine, December 1964, pp. 4-5; "U.S.A. Honors the Martyrs," White Fathers Magazine, December 1964, p. 27; and William J. Cullen, "The Martyrs of Uganda Canonized," Interracial Review 37 (December 1964):227-28.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99

On October 18, 1964, the Martyrs of Uganda were formally declared

saints by Pope Paul VI. Their official title became "St. Charles

Lwanga, St. Matthias Kelemba Mulumba and Companions." At the canoniza­

tion ceremonies in Rome were hundreds of African parishioners, at least

200 from Uganda— many in traditional dress. African prelates and digni­

taries were prominent at the rite of canonization and the Solemn Pontif­

ical Mass which followed. Archbishop Joseph Kiwanuka, W.F., of Rubaga,

Uganda, grandnephew of the martyr Achille Kiwanuka and the first black

African bishop in modern times, was a principal celebrant. Also present

in ample numbers were representatives of Catholic Interracial Councils

and other veterans of the Negro apostolate in the United States.^0

A 40-year-old Uganda composer who had studied music in the United

States, Joseph Kyagambiddwa, premiered his Oratorio in honor of the

Martyrs of Uganda during the canonization ceremonies. Selections from

the Oratorio were sung by a 50-voice Ugandan choir chanting to the

rhythm of log drums and shakers alternately with the Sistine boys

choir. ~’1

On the day of the canonization, World Mission Sunday, cards bearing

the official image of the Uganda Martyrs were issued in churches

throughout the United States. Numerous Masses were dedicated to the

martyrs, including those in the cathedrals of Boston, New York, Phila­

delphia and Los Angeles. One of the most notable was the Mass held at

the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception in Washington, D.C.,

attended by the Ugandan Ambassador and celebrated by the Apostolic

^°"The Canonization," pp. 4-5; and Cullen, pp. 227-28.

^lnThe Canonization," pp. 4-5; and Cullen, pp. 227-28.

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Delegate to the United States. It was the first Mass celebrated in the

National Shrine with the priest facing the people.

These martyrs were the first saints of Sub-Sahara Africa, indeed,

the first African saints in modern times. "By their color, race and

culture they are true Africans, descended from the Bantu race and the

people of the Upper Nile," Pope Paul exclaimed during the canonization

ceremonies. They also marked the beginning of Africa as the "new home­

land of Christ." And, with the martyred saints as a sign, Pope Paul

called upon missionaries of Europe and America to respond to the needs

of this new homeland.53

The sainthood of the Uganda Martyrs meant even more to the Church

as a whole. It signaled the growing ecumenical movement (Catholics and

Protestants having died together for their faith in Jesus Christ). It

called for the laity to assume greater responsibility in sharing the

faith (the martyrs having all been laymen). It also demonstrated, "by

solemn act of the Sovereign Pontiff . . . , the interracial and suprara-

cial character of the Catholic Church" and would "add weight to the

vigorous condemnation of racial discrimination."'^

^2"U.S.A. Honors the Martyrs," pp. 27-30; and Cullen, p. 227.

^2"The Canonization," pp. 9-13; and Cullen, pp. 227-28.

54 Lane, pp. 20, 24.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER VI

THE LITURGICAL MOVEMENT

Pre-Vatican II

The first National Liturgical Day in the United States was held in

1929. This and two other liturgical days held in subsequent years

marked the beginning of the National Liturgical Week and the Liturgical

Conference into which it evolved. Although the liturgical movement had

been antedated by the chant movement, before this time there was little

activity or literature concerning the Liturgy in America.'1'

An ongoing liturgical program of national scope began in the United

States in 1940. The Liturgical Conference was organized as an associa­

tion of clergy, religious and laity interested in furthering the aposto-

late of Catholic worship. It has played a vital role in the liturgical

movement in the United States from its inception in 1940 as a national

forum for the exchange of ideas among the country's liturgical leaders.

It did not regard itself "as a body competent to recommend or propose

liturgical reforms or to suggest laws for liturgical practice." The

Conference was to be advisory. Reform had to "emanate from the proper

ecclesiastical authorities." Consequently, such matters as preference

over the use of Latin as a symbol of unity or the vernacular as an

expedient to understanding and appreciation of the Church's public

"'‘Louis J. Putz, The Catholic Church U.S.A. (London: Holborn, 1958), pp. 305, 307-308.

101

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worship was debated. However, its primary thrust remained the promotion

of more active congregational participation in the liturgy and, there­

fore, a focus on pastoral worship. To further these causes the Liturgi-

2 cal Weeks served as a forum for the Dialogue Mass in its early years.

The Liturgical Conference did not omit specific consideration of

black concerns from its official proceedings. During its second Litur­

gical Week in St. Paul, Minnesota, October 1941, liturgical principles

were viewed in respect to social justice and cultural adaptation. Rev.

Paul Hanly Furfey, author of Fire on the Earth, delivered a paper on

"Liturgy and the Social Problem." Delineating the "sins" of poverty,

war and racism, Furfey called for "Mass-centered" social action. Lit­

urgy itself is regarded as more than just a "form of words," but the

same sacrifice as the sacrifice of the Cross. Theologically, Furfey

asserted that "the priest and people together in union with the whole

Mystical Body, Christ the Head, the Great High Priest, and the whole

Church perform in the Mass the renewal of the great redemptive act by

which Our Lord saved the world. This is the true, the essential social

action." Black Catholics were fellow members of the Mystical Body, "our

brothers in Christ"; therefore, "our treatment of the Negro is our

treatment of Jesus Christ." In consequence, Furfey charged that "we

"The Liturgical Conference: A Statement," North American Li urgi- cal Week: Proceedings on the Renewal of Christian Education August 19- 22, 1963 Meeting, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1964), p. 243; Aloysius F. Wilmes, "We Are Active at Mass," National Liturgical Week: Proceedings on Christ's Sacrifice and Ours, August 18-21, 1947, Portland, Oregon (Boston: Liturgical Conference, 1948), p. 103.

■^Paul Hanly Furfey, "Liturgy and the Social Problem," National Liturgical Week: Proceedings on October 6-10, 1941 Meeting, St. Paul, Minnesota (Newark: Benedictine Liturgical Conference, 1942), p. 183.

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Catholics have dared to prate of charity and then insult our fellow

Catholics by diverse discriminations in the very presence of the Incar­

nate God! . . . He will hold us responsible, then, on Judgment Day for 4 our management of race relations."

Furfey described how social action could be understood and achieved

through various liturgical acts moving from the Offertory during which

one renounces selfishness and professes willingness to give "wholly and

entirely of the cause," to Communion in which all become "parts of a

living body in active union with one another."'’

Dr. Dietrich von Hildebrand prepared the second paper, "Liturgy and

the Cultural Problem." Hildebrand did not address blacks per se in his

thesis; he was responding to what he perceived as a modern attitude £ against individual human dignity: "antipersonalism." Such an attitude

was the symptom of a "threatened infection from secular ideas." One

consequence was the "completely wrong notion" among Catholics that the

Church defends only her own interests instead of realizing that "every

sin affects the Holy Church, is felt by the Mystical Body of Christ as a

wound," for Christ "endured suffering in Gethsemane agonizing for all

sins." This antipersonalism was manifest in "the poison of racism,

antisemitism, fascism and nationalism," but it was especially affecting

4 Ibid., p. 182.

5 Ibid., 185. 0 Dietrich von Hildebrand, "Liturgy and the Cultural Problem," National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of October 6-10, 1941 Meeting, St. Paul, Minnesota (Newark: Benedictine Liturgical Conference, 1942), p. 194. Hildebrand was responding to rising fascism in Europe and aggressive nationalism in the United States.

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7 Catholic liturgy in what he called "the cult of soil and blood" :

Finally, the cult of "soil and blood" has found its way into some Catholic circles. The idea that an organic culture must grow out of soil and blood, that the collective anonymous creations of a people, such as customs, folklore, are the source from which culture must flow, has gained many disciples, even among Catholics. Hand in hand with this idea goes a certain cult of the "uncon­ scious," even a cult of the biological sphere. The more a thing breathes its local atmosphere, the less it shows any marks of the individuality of a single person. The more it is rooted in the soil, the more it is considered an expression of an authentic culture. This conception of culture involves very dangerous elements, by no means corresponding with the Catholic conception of the cosmos. It involves that very dubious and oscillating notion that such elements as the feeling of a certain people, race, or nation, become the measure for the value of the culture. Thus we often hear such propositions as the following: "This theory must be rejected because it does not agree with the customs or traditions of our nation"; or "This work of art must be condemned because it does not spring out of our native soil." Now, from a truly Chris­ tian point of view, there is absolutely no other measure for a theory, an idea, or a system, but a single measure: whether it is beautiful or not. If it is really beautiful, it reflects God and announces His Glory. The folklore elements, the specific (color) of a culture deriving from the soil, from local customs and traditions, has certainly a legitimate role to play, and its specific charm to contribute; but this is always a relatively accidental element, and can never be the decisive measure for the value of a respective culture.8

Catholic liturgy itself was considered incompatible with folk

culture. According to Hildebrand, a true Catholic culture must be

universal. The work of great men of genius rising above the impersonal

collective was necessary to ensure the universality of liturgy: "A

great single person has indubitably much more the capacity to overcome

such limitations and to conform with the objective Logos of being, than g any natural community has."

^Ibid., p. 193. 8Ibid., p. 195.

8 Ibid., p. 197.

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Any efforts to deliberately infuse the liturgy with elements of a

specific culture were regarded inauthentic and could not result in

anything more than "the bad taste of artificial trash," because "these

colorings are by their nature something which comes spontaneously,

without being intended." Hildebrand regarded Catholic liturgy as the

very antithesis of this cult of soil and blood. Since liturgy results

from "Revelation from above," it could not "spring from soil and

blood . . . our fallen nature."'1'0 Thus, Hildebrand did not suggest how

liturgy might be adapted to specific cultures; such attempts could only

be seen as omissions of the dignity of man, secularization of the Mass

and hindrances to the ultimate objective of liturgy— transformation into

Christ.'1''1'

In the discussion that followed Hildebrand's lecture, a representa­

tive of the Liturgical Arts Society challenged the assault on national

communal expression in worship, calling instead for a liturgy that would

be distinguished by the uniqueness of the American character. In

response, Hildebrand conceded that in the liturgy "certainly many ele­

ments deriving from local customs and a specific cultural atmosphere are

to be found," but reiterated the "dangers of relativism to the univer­

sality of the Church and the dangers of intentionality to the sponta­

neity of religious expression."

Thus, if we are artists, we must not aim at producing say a German or a French or an American work of art, as such. We must only try to produce good art, and if we do that, it will assume a definite character— German or French or American— by itself, depending on our own native characteristics. In short, art makes use of everything; but local atmosphere, or "soil and blood," may never become the [form] of a true culture.

10Ibid., p. 196. 11Ibid., p. 197.

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The latter must come from above, from God himself, in the last analysis; for it must be the product of a human spirit that has been truly fecundated by and rooted in God."*"2

However, this could respond the least to a people who in many ways had

been alienated from their own culture, but the question of black culture

was never raised.

Throughout the 1940s and 1950s the question of race would be raised

only sporadically in formal sessions of the Liturgical Weeks. Each of

these references was tied to the theological concept of the Mystical

Body as a directive of social action and the avoidance of race prejudice

during Mass but never suggested the possibility of black cultural

expression in Catholic worship. The calls for social action were

tempered, rather than enlivened, by appeals to the doctrine of the

Mystical Body, and even when it was possible to adequately discuss

Catholic race prejudice within a given topic, the subject was at times

readily put aside.

Essentially the black was to be removed from his ethnic context in

order to be accepted into the supernatural context of Catholic culture.

Hence, the only subsequent mention of the Negro during the Liturgical

Weeks of the 1940s was in a paper by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Joseph P. Morrison

concerning diverse races within Catholicism in America— "Japs, Negroes,

Mexicans, Indians, Jews"— read at the fourth Liturgical Week. In his

talk, "The Spirit of Sacrifice in Christian Society: The Racial Prob­

lem," Morrison insisted that in Catholic liturgy there is "a closer bond

of union than that which exists even between members of the same natural

family, not to speak of merely national or racial affinities." And the

12Ibid., pp. 200-201.

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only contribution which Morrison strongly suggested that blacks could

make to this supreme expressive act of the Church was the diversifica­

tion of its complexion: "Indeed it is this very multiplication of

external difference among the members that contributes to the composite

beauty of the whole." All were saved by Christ "not by changing them,

but by incorporating them into Himself," asserted Morrison. Consequent­

ly, he concluded that those Catholics who harbor racial prejudice and

make no effort to overcome it are ailing members of the Mystical Body in 13 need of help and are "a drain on the other members."

Pleas for patience and prudence dominated the discussion that

followed Morrison's talk. Even Rev. John LaFarge, cofounder of the

Interracial Council, stated that "in the racial question, all the diffi­

culties come from an inadequate concept of our theological and social

doctrine. When people are acquainted with the Encyclical [on the Mysti­

cal Body issued by Pope Pius XII in 1941], when they are thoroughly

familiar with the theology regarding the Mystical Body and its relation

to justice and charity, then these things will solve themselves." Al­

though he believed that racism in the North and South could not always

be distinguished, he concluded that they must each find their own solu­

tions. Nonetheless, LaFarge charged that "it is against all our Catho­

lic teaching to try to solve human relationships merely by separation."

Still patience would be required.1^

13Joseph T. Morrison, "The Spirit of Sacrifice in Christian Socie­ ty," National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of October 12-16, 1943 Meeting, Chicago (Ferdinand, IN: The Liturgical Conference, 1944), pp. Ill, 117-19.

■^Ibid., pp. 117-23.

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The matter of race or the Negro would not be considered again until

1955. Although the conference theme was "The New Ritual Liturgy and

Social Order," only the paper on "The Mass and Economic Order" alluded

to blacks when discussing the paucity of lay Catholic involvement in

social and economic reform and paralleling problems related to labor and 15 those related to liturgical practice. In 1957, Rt. Rev. Msgr. Anthony

N. Fuerst briefly addressed race in "Liturgy, the Integrating Principle 1 in Education." And in 1959 Giacomo Cardinal Lercaro gave equally

brief mention to race in "Liturgy and Social Action": "Significant is

the common physical presence (at Mass), without any distinction of

caste, social class, or race: 'in Jesus Christ there is neither Greek 17 or barbarian or slave or freeman."1

Prior to the meeting of the Second Vatican Council, the question of

race would not be mentioned again except to dismiss it, i.e., at the

1960 Liturgical Week in talks on "True Christian Spirit at Work in

Today's World" by Thomas Carroll and "Liturgy and the Separated Chris­

tians" by Julian Stead, O.S.B. Blacks and racism were either too great

an "abomination" or were not adequate categories even for discussion

■^Ed Marciniak, "The Mass and Economic Order," National Liturgical Week: Proceedings on the New Ritual Liturgy and Social Order, August 22-25, 1955 Meeting, Worcester, Massachusetts (Elsberry, MO: The Litur­ gical Conference, 1956), pp. 117-29.

16Rev. Anthony N. Fuerst, "Liturgy, the Integrating Principle in Education," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings on Education and the Liturgy, August 19-22, 1957 Meeting, Collegevi.lle, Minnesota (Elsberry, MO: The Liturgical Conference, 1958), pp. 109-110.

•^Cardinal Giacomo Lercaro, "Liturgy and Social Action," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings on Participation in the Mass, August 23-26, 1959 Meeting, Notre Dame, Indiana (Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1960), p. 37.

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focusing on individual and institutional Catholic prejudice. After 20

years of Liturgical Weeks, the doctrine of the Mystical Body was still

too little known or sufficiently appreciated to influence Catholic

1 Q spirituality to move beyond racial prejudice.

Post-Vatican II

In 1964, the Liturgical Week theme became "The Challenge of the

Council: Person, Parish, World." Its subject was the Second Vatican

Council. In three lectures it made reference of particular interest to

blacks. In "Why There Was a Council," Rev. Gregory Baum, O.S.A.,

stated,

This constant need for reform in the Church is not simply due to the fact that we are sinners and hence fail, personally and corpo­ rately, to live up to the ideal of the Gospel. It is mainly due to the historical vocation of the Church. . . . We pass through different cultures and different ages, and the Church (that is, we, the Christian people) must present the Gospel to men in terms which are near and familiar. . . . He, the Lord, speaks and acts in the Church, but He does so through words and signs which are adminis­ tered or put forward by men. Imagine if God wanted to speak to His people at worship, and men put His Word into a language which this people does not understand! Or imagine that God wanted to enter into communion with us . . . and men choose symbols which have become largely meaningless! In order to know what should be reformed in the Church, the whole Christian people must listen to God's voice. . . . We must have the courage to find new answers.^

1 RThomas Carroll, "True Christian Spirit at Work in Today's World," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings on the Liturgy and Unity in Christ, August 22-25, 1960 Meeting, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (Washing­ ton, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1961), p. 83; and Julian Stead, "Liturgy and the Separated Christians," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings on the Liturgy and Unity in Christ, August 22-25, 1960 Meeting, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1961), p. 113.

1 Q Gregory Baum, "Why There Was a Council," North American Liturgi­ cal Week: Proceedings on the Challenge of the Council: Person, Parish, World, August 24-27, 1964 Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri (Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1964), p. 6.

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And in "A Total View of Parish Life," Rev. Rollins E. Lambert, a

black priest, spoke of the Negro situation when addressing "some very

sticky practical issues" when discussing participation of the faithful

in parish worship. In drawing a parallel between efforts for civil

reform and liturgical reform, Lambert stated:

American Negroes, . . . too, are people asking for the realization of what is theirs by right, but denied by custom. They, too, are people demanding not only entrance into society which has hitherto excluded them, but the creation of a new society. In pursuit of their objective, the complainants have gone to court, petitioned, negotiated, and demonstrated publicly. Some of these methods may also have to be used in putting across liturgical reform on the parish level, but I hope that it won't be necessary to go so far as to picket or kneel-in! Petition and negotiation are the preferred methods, whether it is a question of civil right or of liturgical right, and the aim in either case is the remaking of the society in which these rights are meaningful.20

In "The Non-Believer and the New Liturgical Movement," Mr. Michael

Novak stated the cause for the awakening of the Vatican:

It was in this century of bloodshed that the Second Vatican Council was convened. Pope John said it was done "to let fresh air into the Church and to bring the Church up to today." For in the flames and the ruins in which the Europe of 1945 was engulfed, many saw the end of the Middle Ages. . . . In the eyes of many well-educated men, in fact, perhaps of most educated men, the Church has almost nothing of value to say to men in this new age. . . . In our own country, except for some few instances of heroic and early action, the Church has for the most part waited for the Supreme Court and for Negro leaders themselves, before it committed itself to the cause of racial justice. In fact, it is still plain to most nonbelievers in most regions of this country, that Catholics are noticeably lacking among those who support, with actions, the rights of Negroes to their full place in the family, the friendship, and the activities of first-class citizenship. 2‘*'

20Rollins E. Lambert, "A Total View of Parish Life," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Challenge of the Council: Person, Parish, World, August 24-27, 1964 Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri (Washing­ ton, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1964), pp. 69-70.

^Michael Novak, "The Non-Believer and the New Liturgical Move­ ment," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Challenge of

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One speaker suggested the need to respond to diverse cultures

present in the Church; another spoke of the readiness to make more

forceful demands of the Church for full participation by blacks and

other laity; and another noted the laxity of the Church in responding to

the Negroes' need for social justice. Clearly, the concerns of Vatican

II were being merged with those of the black political movement rising

in America.

The annual Liturgical Weeks had grown from a small gathering of

hundreds in the basement of the cathedral church of Chicago to an assem-

bly of 20,000 people in the St. Louis Kiel Auditorium by 1964. 22 It was

here that the first official all-English Mass was held in the United

States. Perhaps the most distinctive feature of the Mass was a song

rather than the use of the vernacular language for the sacrament. The

composition "God Is Love" was sung by the congregation during communion.

The composer was Father Clarence Rivers, a black priest who drew upon

black folk culture to create the song. It was the first time that the

Liturgical Conference had considered the relevance of Catholic liturgy

to blacks apart from the issue of social justice.

Two years later, several lectures during the Liturgical Week were

of importance to black Catholics in regard to liturgical music, parish

formation and outreach. Discussing "Liturgical Celebrations Relevant to

the Council; Person, Parish, World, August 24-27, 1964 Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri (Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1964), p. 75.

22"Introduction," North American Liturgical Week; Proceedings of the Challenge of the Council; Person, Parish, World, August 24-27, 1964 Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri (Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Confer­ ence, 1964), p. xiii.

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the Twentieth Century," Mary Perkins Ryan raised questions relevant to

cultural adaptation of the Eucharistic liturgy, but the questions were

not answered and blacks were not mentioned.

Several other talks dealt with blacks more explicitly. "Communi­

ties of Interest in the Modern City: A Challenge to Form New Kinds of

Worship Groups," by Landon G. Dowdey, discussed issues-oriented worship

groups which transcend geographic definitions of the parish— to overcome

the irrelevance of the suburban parish by involving them in the rele­

vance of the inner-city parish. Similarly, "Involving Suburbia in the

Inner City," by Rev. John Shocklee, offered collaborative strategies to

confront social problems. "The Inner-City Church and Community Organi­

zation," by Rev. John McCarthy, considered ecumenical efforts to

confront social problems, identifying what Catholic parishes have to

offer in terms of existing equipment, structure and personnel.24

It was especially in Rev. William A. Bauman's lecture, "Parish Song

and the Struggle for Quality," that there was a change in orientation

concerning blacks with respect to the liturgical movement. Moving

23 Mary Perkins Ryan, "Liturgical Celebrations Relevant to the Twen­ tieth Century," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings on Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas (Washing­ ton, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966), pp. 150-53. 24 Landon G. Dowdey, "Communities of Interest in the Modern City: A Challenge to Form New Kinds of Worship Groups," North American Liturgi­ cal Week: Proceedings on Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas (Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966), pp. 162-71; John McCarthy, "The Inner-City Church and Community Organization," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings on Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas (Washing­ ton, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966), pp. 171-75; John Shocklee, "Involving Suburbia in the Inner City," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings on Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas (Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966), pp. 175-79.

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beyond considerations for social justice through worship, Bauman identi­

fied expressive contributions that blacks could make to Catholic worship 25 derived from their folk songs.

Bauman argued that music in Catholic worship should communicate

emotion:

Yes, emotion and feeling. Music adds these to the written or spoken words. . . . If music can say a lot, it has quality. . . . If music simply fulfills a law— gets something sung without adding to it— it lacks quality. . . . You will note that such a defini­ tion of "quality" transcends style or period or type of music.

Maintaining that the real struggle for quality is in congregational

singing, Bauman listed four sources for experimentation: (1) German and

English chorale-type hymns originating with the Protestant Reformation,

(2) Gregorian chants in Latin or English, (3) contemporary sacred compo­

sition, and (4) folk music. In regard to adaptations of "American

Negro" folk music, Bauman cited as example "Father Rivers' Mass," while

cautioning, "For some congregations, it was very much their own and true

folk music, but is it for many of our parishes?" Nonetheless, Bauman

continued,

This folk music has given a breath of life and opened new vistas for experimentation. The present freedom songs are making their contributions— some good, some bad. The statement of the Bishops' Commission on the Liturgical Apostolate in April of 1966 certainly placed experimentation with this material and the instruments generally used to accompany it within the competence and guidance of the local bishop. While I find it most difficult to enjoy or express myself through some of this music, I do not see any reason to fear it and would recommend two thoughts for the reflection of those who seek to condemn it in its infancy: (1) in the past, good sacred music has developed from secular and folk sources; (2) if we

25William A. Bauman, "Parish Song and the Struggle for Quality," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings on Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas (Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966), pp. 182-86.

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condemn something before we see how it turns out, we are not giving it a chance.2®

In 1968, the theme was "Revolution: Christian Response." Dedi­

cated to the black Protestant Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., the program

of the Liturgical Week examined "Racial Revolutions," "Revolution in the

Christian Community," "Revolutionary Youth Movements" and "Christians

and Marxist Revolutions." Father Clarence Rivers was the master of

ceremonies for the rite of reconciliation for "this chaotic, revolution­

ary world." But a revolution in liturgical music was being furthered

during the Eucharistic celebration the following day. Black Catholic

composer Edward V. Bonnemere led his 50-voice St. Thomas the Apostle

Harlem choir in his (Mass) Missa Hodierna. There were sacred dancers

from the Ereka Thimey Dance Theatre of Washington, D.C. Instruments

included organ, bass, drums, electric guitar, trumpet, clarinet, flute,

and tenor and alto saxophones. The lyrics, selected and adapted by Rev.

Robert J. Ledogar, were in Latin. However, the styles of music ranged 27 from Gregorian chant to jazz, gospel, bossa nova and the spirituals.

26Ibid., p. 186.

^"Revolution: Christian Responses," Liturgical Week, August 19- 22, 1968, pp. 2, 18, 22.

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THE BLACK CATHOLIC MOVEMENT

National Office for Black Catholics

"The Catholic Church in the United States, primarily a white racist

institution, has addressed itself primarily to white society and is

definitely a part of that society."'*' Father Rollins Lambert emerged as

the president of a Black Catholic Clergy Caucus when this statement was

read April 18, 1968. The statement had followed the first meeting of

black Catholic clergy in the United States. They had to ask themselves

whether they had,

. . . in their service to the Church, become so detached from the black community as to have, at best, neutralized the patterns of thinking, the ways of acting and the concerns of living that char­ acterized the culture into which they were born? Had they, in fact, come to look upon the world from a framework of a "white" viewpoint?**

The statement complained that

. the Catholic Church is not cognizant of changing attitudes in the black community and is not making the necessary, realistic adjustments. The present attitude of the black community demands that black people control their own affairs and make decisions for themselves. This does not mean, however, that black leadership is to be exercised only in the black community, but must function throughout the entire gamut of ecclesiastical society."^

■*"Black Catholic Clergy Caucus, "Statement of the Black Catholic Clergy Caucus," Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972):27.

Joseph M. Davis, "Reflections on a Central Office for Black Catho­ licism," Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972) :31.

Black Catholic Clergy Caucus, p. 27.

115

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The statement ended with nine demands beginning with the recogni­

tion of "the reality of militant protest." Liturgy was never addressed.

There were 159 black priests in the country by this time, but few were

assigned to parishes and even then only as assistant pastor. In the

South they tended to be assistants to white pastors in white parishes.

The only black to be ordained a bishop since Vatican II, Harold R. Perry

of New Orleans, was an auxiliary serving as a Vicar to Religious. Any

impact that they might have had on parish liturgy would have been mini­

mal. They had to gain position and influence within the Catholic struc-

4 ture.

Later that same year, black Sisters were encouraged to meet, form­

ing the National Black Sisters Conference, but their focus was on the

schools because they were primarily educators.® However, in 1969,

meetings were called to develop a proposal for a National Office for

Black Catholics. Liturgy became an explicit element in the initial

presentation of the proposal to the Liaison Committee of the U.S.

Conference of Catholic Bishops:

[We] demand one thing from the Bishops' Conference: that the Bishops' Conference underwrite and support financially the setting up and operation of a secretariat for black Catholicism, consisting of priests, brothers, religious women and lay people, with author­ ity to formulate programs for action in the black community, to research valid forms of liturgy for black Catholics, etc. . . . The secretariat and its personnel will be developed by black Catho­ lic organizations.®

4Davis, "Reflections," p. 31.

^National Black Sisters Conference, "Excellence in Black Education, Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972) :40.

®Davis, "Reflections," p. 33.

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The National Convention of Black Lay Catholics met in August the

following year, unanimously endorsing the establishment of a central

office for black Catholics. Among its first six demands was the "coop­

eration and respect of the American Catholic hierarchy in the develop­

ment of a liturgy reflective of our Afro-American heritage." The teach­

ing of African and Afro-American heritage also appeared among a separate

set of seven demands specifically addressing the needs of blacks in 7 Catholic schools.

In November 1970 the National Office for Black Catholics (NOBC) was

set up. Among the first departments instituted by NOBC was one desig­

nated to attend to cultural adaptation of the liturgy— the Department of

Culture and Worship. The department itself was the result of a conver­

gence of events.

In 1968, Father Clarence Rivers formally began Stimuli, Incorpo­

rated. Prior to this, he had operated under the name of the Queen's Q Men and then the National Institute of Ritual and Drama. Through these

private organizations, Rivers attempted to demonstrate how to "authenti­

cally and gracefully" synthesize elements of Afro-American and Euro- Q American culture in American worship. Rivers had begun giving work­

shops and participated in liturgical experimentation at the Grail (an

international organization of lay women brought to the United States in

7 "The Resolution of the National Convention of Black Lay Catho­ lics," Freeing the Spirit 1 (1972):41-42. O The Queen's Men refers to an all-male drama troupe. The "queen" is the Blessed Virgin Mary, mother of Christ, commonly called "Queen Mary." g Stimuli, Inc. promotional brochure.

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1940). Since 1962, the Grail and the Liturgical Conference, as of 1964,

provided contacts for Rivers to spread his work nationally among Protes­

tant and Catholic groups. However, before the statement by the Black

Catholic Clergy Caucus, only one black Catholic parish had invited him

for a workshop. The Clergy Caucus statement itself seemed to be an

impetus to a new receptivity.10

In 1970, Rivers approached Brother Joseph Davis, the executive

director of NOBC, seeking a way to make Stimuli, Incorporated an arm of

the office. Affiliation with NOBC would provide an obvious national

platform for his work. The proposal was not accepted. Instead, an NOBC

Department of Culture and Worship was agreed upon. The department was

to produce an annual national liturgy workshop and a quarterly magazine

on black liturgy.11

The first NOBC music and worship workshop was held in Detroit in

August 1971, coordinated by Rivers under a title he had used for his

Stimuli workshops— "Freeing the Spirit." There were 118 participants

from 11 states: Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio,

Kentucky, Michigan, Illinois, Maryland, Oklahoma and Minnesota. The

program staff consisted of three musicians other than Rivers. Edwin R.

Hawkins, a gospel music composer and director, had organized the Edwin

Hawkins Singers in 1967 and soon became nationally famous for "0 Happy

1 0 From Clarence Jos. Rivers's oral history interview by telephone (2-cassette set) with Ronald L. Sharps, December 3, 1983; and a tele­ phone interview October 26, 1983. National Office for Black Catholics, 1234 Massachusetts Avenue N.W., Washington, D.C. 2005, and Stimuli, Inc., 17 Erkenbrecher Avenue, Cincinnati, OH 45220 (telephone [513] 221- 3889).

n ibid.

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Day" on the groups first album, "Let Us Go into the House of the Lord."

McKinley Genwright, director of a semiprofessional group specializing in

Afro-American music, combined black church music with classical European

music. William Foster McDaniel, concert pianist, combined classical and

jazz traditions in music for worship. Consequently, there was exposure

to a wide range of musical styles, including a polyphonic motet in

Latin.12

After the second annual workshop took place in New Orleans, Father

Larry Heiman became interested in the program. He was director of the

music and liturgy department at St. Joseph's College, Renssalaer,

Indiana. Desiring to add a "black liturgy dimension" to his college

program, Heiman arranged cosponsorship of the workshop with Rivers and,

subsequently, Gertrude Morris, the new director of NOBC's Department of

Culture and Worship as of January 1974. Morris, a member of the Grail,

had been recommended by Rivers to administer the department once he . 13 determined that NOBC would not acquire Stimuli.

Beginning in 1973, the NOBC liturgy workshop remained at St.

Joseph's for six years. Through the program, black musicians and compo­

sers concerned with the development of black liturgies came to national

attention: Avon Gillespie, Grayson Brown, Bob Ray and Rawn Harbor. The

demand that NOBC establish its presence in other dioceses through

programming resulted in a decision to move the workshop to different

1 ? National Office for Black Catholics (producer), Freeing the Spirit album cover (Cincinnati, OH: Queen City Album Inc. for NOBC, 1971) .

12Gertrude E. Morris, "The History of the NOBC Liturgy Workshops, Freeing the Spirit 8 (Spring 1981) :5-7.

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localities each year as it had been initially conceived. This decision

coincided with the presence of a new NOBC executive director, Brother

Cyprian Rowe, and a new director for the Department of Culture and

Worship, Ronald Sharps, late in 1978. The workshop continued to nation­

ally introduce new talents interested in liturgical adaptation, includ­

ing black composers Roger Holliman, Leon Roberts and Roderick Bell. In

1982, Eddie Bonnemere, who had first come to national attention through

the Liturgical Conference, was included on the program.

The workshop continued to make sacred music its primary focus and

has also included black musicologists Maurice McCall and, later, Portia

Maultsby. But music was never treated as the only avenue for black

cultural expression in the liturgy. Black preaching styles were exem­

plified by Rivers and, later, Father Giles Conwill and Father Maurice

Blackwell. Black preaching was the second most prominent art form

considered in the workshop. From the beginning, Rivers approached the

liturgy as a dramatic form; later Father J.-Glenn Murray would develop

the use of dramatic technique in the Catholic liturgy. Lacking appro­

priate skills and experience in liturgical dance, it had not been

considered a priority by Rivers. However, by 1974 he concluded that it

would be a "serious neglect" to omit consideration of dance and bodily

movement in respect to African and Afro-American worship. Starting in

1980, sacred dance and movement were included in the annual workshop

through presentations by Sylvia Bryant and Sharon Starling. Still

others who addressed black culture in regard to the principles of Catho­

lic liturgy were Wilton Gregory, Nathan Jones and Greer Gordon.

Almost simultaneous with the production of NOBC's first liturgy

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workshop was the publication of its first magazine, also called Freeing

the Spirit. Michael St. Julian was the editor, with Rivers as consult­

ant. Davis wrote the introduction:

For black Catholics, worship (liturgy) has too long been the fulfillment of our obligation— a duty imposed by the Church. There has been no spirit to celebrate. We at NOBC hope that through Freeing the Spirit the Black Catholic Community may be brought nearer to the saints of their own history, to the Spirit of Black­ ness, and to a freedom to celebrate.1^

In the opening articles by St. Julian and Fr. William Norvel,

S.S.J., the Culture and Worship Department's principles were made clear.

Black liturgy was to be expressive of black culture and experience. In

liturgy, culture was "not to be looked down upon or ignored." Blacks

were not to be considered as bodies somehow removed from their culture

in order to be accepted into Catholic worship: "If liturgy is lived

dogma, it must follow that the liturgy must express the interpretation

of dogma as lived out by a culture." Through acceptance of their

culture, blacks could make their own contribution to the Church in the

very act of worship. Commensurate with this position was a distrust in

the liturgists: "Because of past history and of the very principles of

culture, blacks can hardly be expected to place their confidence into

the hands of current competent liturgical authorities."15

Norvel, St. Julian and Father James Lyke, O.F.M., in another arti­

cle tied liturgy to black liberation. Stated Lyke:

■^Joseph M. Davis, "Introduction," Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1971):3-4.

1 5 William Norvel, S.S.J., "The Meaning of Black Liturgy," Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1971) :5; and Michael St. Julian, "On Black Litur­ gy," Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1971):7-13 (reprinted from Liturgy 16 [January 1971]).

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If the Sacred Scriptures are for us the Liberating Word, then the Eucharist is the Liberating Event. . . . If we are a people trav­ eling the liberation road, then we must leave behind the accretions of the past to which we had been enslaved, and celebrate our litur­ gies in the soulful spontaneity of our culture.'*'^

To the disturbance of some bishops, "unauthorized" liturgies also

appeared in the first issue of Freeing the Spirit. Later, Rivers

stated, "Of course, if we were going to do anything about black liturgy,

in the Roman Catholic Church in the United States it had to be 'unauth- 17 orized' presently since nobody in authority was black."

In 1974, Davis asked Rivers to publish at least six liturgies

through the National Office for Black Catholics. After hesitating for

fear that the Mass outlines would simply be mimicked as presented,

Rivers consented. The liturgies were published under the title Soulful

Worship. In the sections preceding the liturgies he detailed his own

perspective, which proved to be a continuing influence on NOBC. He

reminded readers that the sacraments were for men, not God— that worship

as a duty to God had been overemphasized. "We need it in some form or

another simply as human beings, not just as God-conscious religious

people," Rivers maintained. Rivers believed that blacks were attracted

to the "elaborate rituals" of the Catholic Church, but found "the total

atmosphere" of Catholic worship "too cold," i.e., "without feeling."1 8

Rivers explained that black Americans had experienced relative

cultural isolation, and insisted that black worship could generally be

16James P. Lyke, O.F.M., "Black Liturgy/Black Liberation," Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1971):14-17.

1 7Clarence Joseph Rivers, Soulful Worship (Washington, D.C.: NOBC, 1974), p. 6.

18Ibid., pp. 3, 10, 13.

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characterized as infusing the spiritual with the emotional. Conse­

quently, Rivers asserted, blacks are open to highly rhythmic and improv-

isational music, as well as poetic preaching and a lack of rubrical

rigidity. However, there were problems to be confronted when attempt­

ing to achieve a synthesis of Afro-American culture and Catholic

worship. Rivers specifically addressed the problems of white racism,

black self-hatred, stereotyping and incompetence. 20

According to Rivers, music was important to worship because it,

like poetry, could express the "transcendent" which defied ordinary

language. Yet he complained that in the past "Church authorities

discouraged the use of our rich Afro-American heritage." Presently

Rivers found a new difficulty. Music, which he felt "ought to be a

bridge of unity" between different cultures, was leading to "cultural

apartheid" within the Catholic Church. This was not by rejecting black

music but by "attempting to satisfy what seems to be the divergent needs

of classicists, folklorists and jazzists" with culturally separate and

distinct liturgies. Consequently, Rivers found cultural integration to

be "as much an imperative as racial integration."21

This was not to insist that Afro-Americans were culturally mono­

lithic. To the contrary, Rivers contended that "we have differing

cultural preferences." In looking at the spiritual, gospel, rock, jazz,

etc., Rivers found "no one style of music that exhausts the black musi­

cal potential." Indeed, Rivers added that the "black soul can be

19Ibid., p. 14-15. 20Ibid., p. 18.

21Ibid., pp. 20, 39, 41.

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manifested in the singing of European hymns or in a baroque oratorio."

Afro-American musical tradition was one of freedom and creativity, said

Rivers, and therefore black Catholics should be prepared to develop

"original, unique richness" even out of "the music of our enslavers."

If black Catholics failed in such openness, they would culturally

enslave themselves. In the end it was not the musical style which

mattered, but rather making each particular liturgical celebration "the

best possible celebration for the people involved." 22

Rivers did not believe that any ordinary had "sufficient background

in black culture either to understand or legislate reasonably for what

should or should not happen in terms of black Catholic worship." He

proposed that the bishops work in close collaboration with the National

Office for Black Catholics and local black Catholic organizations to

identify the necessary expertise. Further, Rivers contended that black

Catholics, and particularly black parishes, should take initiative,

especially through NOBC. In conclusion, Rivers stated: "Realizing that

blacks themselves must ultimately decide on their own authenticity as

blacks . . . , the only solution to the problem of 'authority' in black

Catholic matters is for the bishops to share their authority with

blacks."23

Also in 1974, NOBC addressed liturgy in a pamphlet, Black Perspec­

tives on Evangelization of the Modern World. In this document, NOBC

regarded parish liturgical practice as the most important consideration

for modern evangelization among blacks. Consequently, it was believed

that it was in the interest of the Church to actively promote programs

22Ibid., pp. 22, 42-43. 23Ibid., pp. 22-23.

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assisting in the development of authentic liturgical expression which

drew upon black culture and heritage. The Church hierarchy was also

called upon to periodically evaluate and, when satisfied of their

authenticity, endorse such efforts. It was further believed that pasto­

ral ministries should seek reeducation in respect to liturgy "to under­

stand the nature and practice of worship from a black perspective, the

importance and technique of preaching the Word in the black community,

and the centrality of music to the spiritual experience." Parish minis­

ters were also encouraged to "extend this awareness throughout the

parish community" through the use of liturgy committees which would work

closely with the pastoral team. It was also felt that the parish budget 24 should reflect the priority of this concern.

In May 1980, Gertrude Morris assumed the role of director of NOBC's

new Department of Evangelization, funded by the American Board of Catho­

lic Missions. Through this department, liturgical revivals became the

primary element in the office's efforts to promote Catholic evangeliza­

tion among blacks.

Missionary Orders

Separation was one of the first issues that the Black Catholic

Clergy had to address. In an article appearing in the July 1969 Homi­

letic and Pastoral Review, Bro. Joseph Davis of the Caucus defended the

proposal for a central office for black Catholics as a "functional

separatism" which would allow black Catholics to meet their own needs.

94National Office for Black Catholics, Black Perspectives on Evan­ __gelization of the Modern World (Washington,D.C.: NOBC, 1974), pp. 18-

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As such, their intention remained the achievement of an integrated 25 society based on equality of persons as well as opportunity.

Neither the Black Catholic Clergy Caucus nor NOBC sought the

removal of all white clergy, religious and laity from the black Catholic

community. Instead, they asked those in the black apostolate to recog­

nize that society had changed "profoundly," and that they should prepare

to work in accordance with that change. In conclusion, Davis wrote:

Will a separate church develop from all of this? Should there, in the course of time, come to exist a separate black Catholic Church, it will have been neither the desire nor the design of the Black Catholic Clergy Caucus. Whether that possibility becomes an actu­ ality depends, ironically enough, more upon white response than black intention.2®

Consequently, Church authorities had been required to make not only

programmatic but "tremendous psychological adjustments," to acquire

appropriate training, to assume an auxiliary role, and to promote black

leadership, especially among the laity. Particularly affected in this

regard would be the missionary societies committed to the black commu­

nity.

The Josephites developed a position paper in 1970 concerning their

structure and mission to determine whether they had "sufficient adapta­

bility" to respond to the demands of change within the black community.

They recognized that blacks were not ethnically monolithic and, there­

fore, the change in attitudes, values and behavior would not be uniform.

However, the Catholic Church was "to an extent, becoming the church of

the middle-class among the blacks." Their mission was to remain

2®Davis, "Reflections," p. 36.

2®Ibid., p. 38.

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"primarily supernatural," but the Josephites were to look to social

change within the black community for direction in forming their spiri­

tual ministry. Nor was this ministry to be limited to the administra­

tion of the sacraments or "a numeric computation of sacraments minis-

tered as a measure of success."27

The black cultural revolution had brought the realization that "the

basic elements of Christianity transcended cultural configurations,"

and, therefore, Catholic worship had to escape the bounds of European

tradition formerly treated as universal. The Josephites had to

"explore, through experimentation and consultation with parishioners,

the inclusion of black symbolism in the liturgy in accord with the 28 directions of proper church authorities."

Black history and culture thus evidenced in liturgy and suited to

the needs of a congregation could become an instrument of social

progress. Such experimentation required "parish liturgical programs"

which had to "develop from a regular and thorough study and discussion

joined to the experimentation permitted and controlled by the diocesan

authority." They were to assist black parishioners in a "growing appre­

ciation of the liturgy by providing the literature, by encouraging them

to discuss and participate so that the liturgy will become for them a 29 real expression of their faith, their life and their deepest needs."

22Josephite Fathers, "Position Paper," Washington, D.C., 3 Septem­ ber 1970, pp. 197-98, 202, 209. (Typewritten.)

28Ibid., pp. 207, 209. 29Ibid., pp. 207, 223.

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Their very understanding of a parish had to broaden. Parishes were

to be regarded as "more than just portions of dioceses under the author­

ity of a priest entrusted with the care of souls. . . . The first

characteristic of the parish is that it is missionary. . . . It must

reach out to all people in its area." Therefore, the parish is actually

part of a larger social and political community not restricted to dioce­

san control, and parishioners must be activated to respond to that

community, while simultaneously safeguarding the sacredness of its

sacramental ministry.30

In addition, interparish communication, Mass in the home and cate­

chetical instruction within the family was to be attempted. Also

required by the white members of the Josephites was the avoidance of

paternalism and dominance, the attainment of "preaching that cried out

against the injustices that emanated from the wnite community," and an

alternate plan to the dual system of churches that acted to separate the

races within the Church. Therefore, the Josephites had to be prepared

to consult black congregations concerning the closing of black churches

and, where appropriate, advocate for an integration of territorial 31 parishes "as a pluralism of true equals."

Encouraged by the writings of Vatican II, as early as 1966 the

Josephite General Conference had proposed the institution of a center

"to seek and experiment with new approaches to the apostolate." In

September 1968, Father Robert Kearns established the Josephite Pastoral

Center as an educational and pastoral service for Josephite mission work

in the black community. Father John Harfmann became director of the

30Ibid., p. 223. 31Ibid., pp. 201, 205.

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center. With the assistance of Ms. Debbie Holly, he produced filmstrips

on "Advent: Sign of Contradiction" and "Confirmation: The Spirit, the

World's Greatest Promoter." Indeed, an audio-visual/filmstrip library

was initiated at the center. However, products and programs specifi­

cally concerned with liturgy were generally not developed by the center.

Pastoral Center activity primarily operated in the range of "education, 32 research, planning and mission development."

Divine Word Missionaries organized Ethnic Communications Outlet

(ECO) in 1981 under the direction of Father Derek Simons. Based in

Chicago, ECO primarily uses popular communications media, i.e., print,

television, radio, audio cassettes, etc., to fulfill religious and

community needs of blacks and Hispanics. Combining mass media with

religious interests, ECO has produced such items as "Heartbeats," a

radio drama series focusing on Christian values, and "Life . . . Love

It!" television and radio "respect-life" spots (30 seconds) produced for

the National Conference of Catholic Bishops' Committee for Pro-Life

Activities. Another popular program is "Rap to the Wise," a disco rap

radio series for black youth. There are ECO resources which specifi­

cally approach Catholic sacraments from a black cultural perspective.

Crossing Over: Teaching and Celebrating the Sacraments in the Black

Churches, is a series "examining the implications of the sacramental

life of the Church for the daily experience of black Americans." This

12Although the Pastoral Center was founded to be of service for the Josephites, it has been a resource to any clergy, religious and laity working among blacks and has assisted integrated parishes and white parishes "seeking materials and training to effect justice in their communities." For a brief history of the center, see the booklet Josephite Pastoral Center: 1968-1978 (Josephite Pastoral Center, 120 0 Varnum Street NE, Washington, D.C. 20017, 1978), pp. 4-11.

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print series by Nathan Jones, Toinette Eugene, P.B.V.M., Elizabeth

Harris, H.V.M., and Teresita Weind, S.N.D., considers the rites of

Eucharist, Reconciliation, Baptism, Confirmation, Anointing, Ordination

and Marriage. Tell My Story, Sing My Songs: Black Sacramental Sounds

combines music, drama and prayer on a cassette album. Also in audio­

cassette form are seasonal works produced by Nathan Jones, e.g., Advent/

Christmas/Kwanzaa: Festivals of Love and House cleaning: From Lent to

Easter. Thus, through various media, ECO "tries to celebrate the diver- 33 sity" and "the dignity of the minority person."

Divine Word also formally established its Media Production Center

in 1982. James Pawlicki, S.V.D., opened the center to produce black

Catholic inspirational and educational materials for parish use. Father

Pawlicki had begun his ministry in 1973 at a black parish in Lafayette,

Louisiana, where he began the People's Choir of IMH Church (Immaculate

Heart of Mary). Ultimately, he recorded four albums of the choir's

music. In March 1975, using all black subjects, Pawlicki created a

slide presentation on Baptism to help with baptismal instruction at his

parish. Other parishes began to request copies of the slide show,

leading to production on a national level, e.g., the series "Always and

Forever," for schools and parishes. By 1978, Terry Steib, then S.V.D.

provincial, asked Pawlicki to consider organizing an office of communi­

cations for the Society of the Divine Word in the Southern Province.

Collaboration with the Josephite Pastoral Center began in 1980, because

James Bradley Burke, "Chicago's 'Hot' Religious Media House: ECO Has Minority Talent Producing Quality Programming," The Chicago Catho- lic, 5 November 1982; and Ethnic Communications Outlet Resources for Ministry and Catecheses in the Black Community (ECO, 5342 S. University Avenue, Chicago, IL 60615).

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Pawlicki was pursuing formal training in educational media in prepara­

tion for the center. Together they produced the filmstrip "Prayer:

Sacrament of Unity." In January 1982, the S.V.D. Media Production

Center opened at their seminary in Bay St. Louis, Mississippi, under

Pawlicki's direction. The Divine Word and Josephite Centers have con­

tinued their collaboration.

In September 1982 the Media Production Center began a weekly radio

program, "To Be of Service," aired from Baton Rouge to Texas. Video­

tapes focused on liturgy and related topics are planned, as well as

continued work with filmstrips and slide presentations.^4

Other missionary orders attempted to encourage cultural adaptation

among Afro-American Catholics through more direct links with African

cultures. The Maryknoll Fathers, particularly through the work of

Father Joseph G. Healey, M.M., have experimented in the urban United

States with a technique developed in Africa. Healey had spent ten years

as a missionary in Tanzania and Kenya. While in East Africa he devel­

oped strategies for Small Christian Communities (SCC) to present and

transmit "the Christian message through African thought patterns, oral

traditions and. life situations as a method of evangelization." As such,

the presentation of the Gospel was not only through the language and

symbols, but the experience and local environment of the African people.

It had proved a way of overcoming certain cultural problems as well as

the problem of unfamiliarity with the New Testament. For example, among

the Washubi of Western Tanzania the women were not used to speaking in

^James Pawlicki, S.V.D., Letter to Ronald Sharps, 22 January 1985.

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front of a sexually mixed group, and school children were hesitant to 35 speak before elders.

Upon returning to the United States, Healey applied his life-

situation approach using African values in predominantly black parishes

located in such cities as Detroit, Michigan, and Newark, New Jersey.

Mission retreats became the vehicle to initiate this grass-roots evan­

gelization. The eight retreats on "Experiencing African Christian

Values" was filled with daily prayer, talks, audio-visual presentations,

small-group discussions and social involvement in the local community.

The noon Eucharist focused on the theme of the day using special readings and African Eucharistic prayers. Each theme was an Afri­ can Christian value that has universal meaning: community, wait­ ing, familyhood, sharing, joint responsibility, faith, self- determination and call to unity in action. For each theme there was a Swahili code word (for example, "jumuiya" for "community"), a short African story, an African proverb, a relevant Bible reading and suggestions for concrete action such as sharing with neighbors and helping needy persons in the community. A display of African art, Bible pictures, local cloths and vestments and photographs from Nyabihanga Village provided an African setting in the back of the church."^6

Although black, not all participants in the retreat appreciated the use

of African imagery and values, but many did, reported Healey. They

could see themselves and their urban subculture in the African values

and living experience, according to Healey.

As a result of this spiritual experience, follow-up by SCC zones

consisted of weekly neighborhood group prayer and discussion groups or

social action aiding various shut-ins. One SCC zone leader in Detroit

O r Joseph G. Healey, "From Tanzania to Detroit," America, September 20, 1980, pp. 142-43; and Joseph G. Healey, "Case Study of Africa's Fifth Gospel: Let the Small Christian Communities Speak," World Parish 21 (January 1981) :l-3.

Healey, "From Tanzania to Detroit," p. 142.

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decided to link her SCC with one in Nyabihanga, thus joining hands with 37 an African Christian community in rural Western Tanzania.

The White Fathers of Africa presented yet another approach in 1981.

Believing that "it takes a black man to reach a black man," John Joe

Braun, Provincial of the White Fathers in the United States, appealed to

black Americans for missionary work in Africa. As part of this effort,

Father Clarence Rivers was invited by Braun to visit Ghana, the Ivory

Coast, Upper Volta, Kenya and Malawi.Together they traveled, meeting

numerous groups of black seminarians and black Sisters who came from

isolated villages, black priests who often served as guides and black

cardinals and bishops who served as hosts. As a result of these

travels, Braun states that Rivers was inspired "to incorporate more

deeply these experiences of Ouagadonger and Bobo-Dioulasso, Nandom, and 38 Lilongwe into creative liturgy."

That same year, Father Pontian Fargo, secretary general of the

Zambia Episcopal Conference, stated that African priests could express

gratitude for the help that they received from American Catholics by

sharing a new Christian outlook. He shared this view with the White

Fathers and the National Conference of Black Catholic Clergy and Reli­

gious. The liturgy was especially cited by Fargo:

We Africans have our own way of praying. . . . The worship in churches here [in the United States] seems a bit dry, even among black Catholics. Ours is more spontaneous. . . . I believe the way we praise the Lord is more joyful than the way it is done here.

3^Ibid., p. 143.

38John Joe Braun, "Viewpoint: Building Bridges," Missionaries of Africa Report [newsletter of the White Fathers of Africa], ser. 4, 10 (November-December 1981) :l-3.

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Perhaps our liturgical manner of expression might lead more young people here to become interested in the Church.

Black Bishops

Before 1966, there had been only one black bishop to serve in the

United States. He was James Augustine Healy, son of an Irish immigrant

and a mulatto slave, ordained Bishop of Portland, Maine, in 1875. He

died in 190 0. The black bishops of the United States now number ten.

There is but one black Ordinary in the United States— Joseph Lawson

Howze, first named Auxiliary of the Natchez-Jackson, Mississippi,

diocese in 1972 before being chosen Ordinary of Biloxi, Mississippi, in

1977. Auxiliary bishops now include Harold R. Perry of New Orleans,

Louisiana, ordained in 1966; Eugene A. Marino of Washington, D.C., 1974;

Joseph Abel Francis of Newark, New Jersey, 1976; James Patterson Lyke of

Cleveland, Ohio, 1979; Emerson Moore of New York, 1982; Moses B. Ander­

son of Detroit, Michigan, 1983; Wilton Gregory of Chicago, Illinois,

1983; James Terry Steib of St. Louis, Missouri, 1984; and John H. Ricard 40 of Baltimore, Maryland, 1984.

The ordination of Bishop Harold R. Perry in 1966 is considered a

direct result of Vatican II.It had been 66 years since the Catholic

Church in the United States had lost its only black bishop, and even

then, one who did not stand as a national voice for black Catholics.

"African Catholics Can Help Church in U.S.," Missionaries of Africa Report, ser. 4, 10 (November-December 1981) :4.

40NOBC 1984 Biennial Conference, souvenir booklet (Washington, D.C.: NOBC, 1984), pp. 5-8.

4^Robert E. Tracey, American Bishop at the Vatican Council, pp. 64- 65.

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Today, the black bishops realize that while they serve the whole Church

and though they are assigned to particular dioceses, they must speak on

behalf of black Catholics nationally. Certain black bishops have

assumed the complex role of advocating black liturgies among the hier­

archy and parishioners alike, while simultaneously acting as a con­

straining and guiding force to ensure theologically and liturgically

correct black worship. In this way, they better assure that the faith

is protected while black cultural expression is pursued. Such is in

keeping with the words of Pope Paul Vi's address to the bishops of

Africa in July 1969— words subsequently taken as a motto by the newly

formed National Office for Black Catholics "to explore and develop the

black American's cultural gift to the Church":

If you are able to avoid the possible dangers of religious plural­ ism, the danger of making your Christian profession into a kind of local folklore, or into exclusive racism, or into egoistic tribal­ ism or arbitrary separatism, then you will be able to remain sin­ cerely African even in your own interpretation of the Christian life; you will be able to formulate Catholicism in terms congenial to your own culture; you will be capable of bringing to the Catho­ lic Church the precious and original contributions of "Blackness," which she needs particularly in this historic hour.

Marino, Frances, Lyke and Gregory have each addressed the subject

of Catholic liturgy and black culture, though Gregory is the only

trained liturgist among them. Their addresses to Catholic and black

audiences emphasize their dual role and suggest much about the status

of black liturgies during the early 1980s.

In a presentation to the National Catholic Educational Association,

April 1983, Bishop James Lyke charged that "the time for renewal has

42"Third World A-Comin': The Church Takes Root in Africa," Afro- American and Catholic, ed. Allen J. McNeeley (Detroit: Inter-Cultural Information Center, 1975), pp. 21-22.

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indeed come whenever we discover that what was preached, or what was

received, is a cultural Christianity and not the Christ who transcends—

and perfects— every culture." He described the reluctance of a black

parishioner to accept a black nativity scene when he served as pastor at

St. Thomas, Memphis, Tennessee. Lyke concluded that self-hatred, a

pathology of racism, led to such denials by blacks, while "no other

ethnic or racial group has a problem with the images of Christ fashioned

in the complexion and coloration of its people." He further explained

that black Catholics typically worship in facilities built by a differ­

ent ethnic group out of their own traditions. Consequently, blacks must

worship in churches that are "psychologically oppressive." Also,

The catechetical texts are written from the perspective of the majority Catholic and often refer to black people in terms of those who are to receive service from others, rather than as those who are an integral part of the Church. . . . The frustration express­ ed here hints at a deeper issue: The black American struggles to articulate his identity in a world dominated by a culture alien— even hostile— to his own.43

Therefore, Lyke recommended that the catechist working in the black

community would ideally share the community's race and culture, and

those who do not should "understand and empathize with the group." In

this regard,

The catechist in the black community must know the mind of black Americans. . . . The Afro-American begins to know by a kind of inner emotive intuition, a self-knowledge. He begins with an affirmation of the "oneness of being." This unitive principle dominates the black mind. Black consciousness is not monolithic, but rich in experience and diversity. . . . The catechist who knows the mind of black Americans will

43James Lyke, O.F.M., "The Catechist in the Black Community," Origins, 9 June 1983, pp. 70-73.

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understand that self-determination is the expression of that free­ dom which brings acting and being into perfect harmony. Black power in its best sense does not seek to dominate, but to liber­ ate •

Bishop Eugene Marino addressed the 13th Annual NOBC Workshop in

Afro-American Culture and Worship in July 1983, during which he declared

that "the Gospel of Christ is directed to persons and cultures":

There is no competition or rivalry between the terms "Black" and "Catholic." The unity and the universality of the Catholic faith has no inner dynamism which impels it to absorb cultural expres­ sions in order to repress them. Rather, the Catholic faith encoun­ ters various cultural forms and it is enriched by them.4'’

But he cautions that

. . . distinct cultural expressions in the liturgy . . . should not result in the isolation of any community of worship from the uni­ versal life of the church. It is a romantic notion to imagine that the Afro-American culture or any other culture could find and discover its pristine identity by isolation from other cultures. The consciousness of a culture, like the consciousness of a person, is shaped by entering into relationships with others. Both as persons and as a culture, we come to discover who we are and who we can become by union with Christ.

Marino further felt that the sacramentality of the Church should be

stressed. He warned that a more or less congregational approach is

sometimes substituted for sacramentalism in black Catholic worship

because of strong familiarities with members of small congregational

churches. The particular characteristics of these churches that are

contrary to Catholicism which Marino cites are (1) a certain autonomy

from other congregations, (2) a tendency to interpret Scripture in a

44Ibid.

45Eugene A. Marino, S.S.J., "The Sacraments of Initiation and Black Worship," Origins, 15 September 1983, pp. 241-44.

46Ibid.

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fundamentalistic way, (3) a tendency to see the congregation as only the

sum of individual conversions which have taken place as the result of 47 preaching.

Even so, Marino identifies aspects of the congregational approach

which he believes blacks should bring to the Catholic Church, such as

(1) stressing the need for individual conversion which results from

preaching the Word of God; (2) the warmth, enthusiasm and depth of

feeling which characterizes congregational churches. "But the community

must also be marked by a sacramental self-awareness which enables it 48 continually to transcend itself."

Bishop Wilton Gregory addressed "Rejoice," a black liturgy workshop

sponsored by the Archdiocese of Washington in July 1984, stating that

"the Church should never exist among a people and be a stranger." Such

estrangement or alienation is avoided through the process of indigeniza-

tion, which Gregory defines as "the Church's invitation of incarnation;

the taking on of flesh; the movement of becoming one with the people;

dialogue with the mystery of faith and the humanness, so that what we

proclaim is in dialogue with the human condition." He points out that

. . . legitimate indigenization is not just the relativization of everything; never a denial of the historical reality of Christ; never a defense of the status quo nor ecclesiastical toleration. The process of indigenization is what allows the Church's positive validation to the possibility of being both "Catholic" and "black."49

4^Ibid. 48Ibid.

AQ William Gregory, "Rejoice" Liturgy Workshop sponsored by the Archdiocese of Washington, Office of Black Catholics, July 1984. (Vid­ eotape .)

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However, Gregory cautions that cultural indigenization is not

achieved through superficial means, e.g., simply wearing "red, black and

green vestments, singing a few spirituals as hymns and saying 'Amen' at

the appropriate times" or merely acquiring a black choir director not

trained in Catholic liturgy.

Blacks contribute to the Liturgy of the Word through their very

rhythmic and moving way of proclaiming and the way of responding. But

Gregory observed several problems in this regard. "Psalms, originally

sung in response to the readings, are not an occasion for solos as

occurs in some black parishes." Furthermore, "There is flexibility but

the psalms should be psalms, not just songs; and they must follow the

pattern of the readings so that it is the people's response . . . just

any good ol' spiritual or gospel will not do as a response." Black

Catholics do and should sing the Gospel Acclamation— it is "good news, a

congregational acclamation, and should be sung," but sometimes more is

made of the acclamation than the goodness to be proclaimed.50

He reminded participants that the black preaching style was an art

form, not Protestantism, although it was perfected in the Protestant

Church. It could enrich Catholic worship because it was so well suited

to the liturgy, which "in its best form is proclamation and response."

But "the presider must not only be told to speak in this manner . . .,

the congregation must be told how to receive it."

While acknowledging the enthusiasm of black Catholic participation

in worship, Gregory observed that "the preparation of the gifts is too

often used as 'solo time.'" Viewing communion time as "a great act of

50Ibid.

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unity," Gregory stated, "We are no longer talking about 'me,' we are

talking about 'us.'" Yet it is part of black folk culture to use a

communal "I." Confusion can result among those who are uninformed,

since black Catholic churches frequently use songs at communion talking

about "me."^

In July 1984, Bishop Joseph Francis addressed the 14th Annual NOBC

Workshop in Afro-American Culture and Worship. He complained that too

often black Catholic liturgical experimentation was reduced to a

"modern-day Babel experience," i.e., "the environment of our separation,

our disunity"; that homilies "full of fire, wind and noise" were often

"void of substance," that choirs "seek prominence and dominance over

celebrants and homilists," and discord reigns among prima donnas; that

congregations are treated as "passive observers" and "entertainers";

that black Catholics seem "afraid of the quiet," reluctant to give the

space and time to "savor the Eucharistic Lord." Consequently, Jesus is 52 not always kept present in black Catholic liturgical renewal.

Discussing the contributions that blacks can make and have made to

Catholic worship, Francis contended that "the Eucharist is Jesus' gift

of himself to us. . . . It is at the very core of Jesus' presence among

us and at the very center of our efforts to make Jesus present to one

another." He felt that black Catholics assured this presence when "we

appreciate and join in the expression of joy, celebration and even pain

and sorrow of our fellow worshippers" through "creative, sensitive and

51Ibid.

■*2Joseph A. Francis, S.V.D., "Culture and Worship: Keeping the Bread Fresh," Origins, 23 August 1984, pp. 170-73.

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provocative homilies that affirm . . . and inspire us to reflection and

action." Black Catholics especially realized this presence in their

worship when "we welcome the stranger in our midst in such a way that

they cease being strangers the moment we welcome them," when black

Catholic liturgies are "filled with the faithfulness of our ancestors,

who, in spite of chain, whip and degradation, were freer in spirit than

their masters and oppressors." Jesus' presence is felt again when "we

place in faith the souls of the deceased in God's hands" and "offer

consolation and support to the bereaved." And finally, Jesus' presence

is "authentically incarnated in our recognition of one another as we

leave the Eucharistic celebration, as we continue to see Jesus in each

other in the days and weeks between the church-celebrated Eucharist, as

we celebrate the sharing of Jesus in the pursuit of our daily lives."53

In these ways Francis said that he had "often been buffeted by so

many sincere liturgical efforts of many . . . black religious, priests

and lay brothers and sisters." But Francis also asserted that Vatican

II had offered new freedoms which required new responsibilities—

responsibilities not always assumed.

In addition to these individual statements, the black Catholic

bishops have issued a joint statement on evangelization in the black

community titled "What We Have Seen and Heard," which also considers the

liturgy. It represents the first joint pastoral letter issued by the

black bishops in the United States and, therefore, collectively their

first official stance on the issue of black culture and Catholic

worship. The statement was released on September 9, 1984, the feast day

53Ibid.

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of St. Peter Claver, following a national consultation conducted in the

fall of 1982.54

The prominent role of liturgy as a means of evangelizing blacks is

readily acknowledged. Indeed, the bishops state that "through the

liturgy, black people will come to realize that the Catholic Church is a

homeland for black believers just as she is for people of other cultural

and ethnic traditions." The mystery of Christ is mediated by the

culture and traditions of the believers. Encouraging blacks to continue

their efforts at cultural adaptation, the bishops call for liturgy to be

both "authentically black" and "truly Catholic." In respect to the

former, they remind black Catholics that the African-American cultural

heritage "has never been uniform but has varied according to region and

ethics." They cite the continuing influence of the African, Haitian,

Latin and West Indian cultural expressions on blacks in the United

States. In regard to keeping the liturgy truly Catholic, the bishops

remind practitioners that the liturgy should "not only express our

African-American cultural heritage but also our Catholic faith and

unity," for "what is expressed is the mystery of Christ which transcends

all cultures." This balance is achieved through "proper preparation and

excellence in execution" informed by prayerful reflection. The "total

prayer" which is the culmination of liturgy should be the result of

collaboration of "many gifted people."'*'’

■^Diocese of Cleveland, Catholic Communications Department, "State­ ment of the Most Rev. James P. Lyke, Archbishop of Cleveland, Urban Vicar: 'What We Have Seen and Heard'" (press release), 9 September 1984.

5^"Black Bishops' Pastoral on Evangelization: 'What We Have Seen and Heard,'" Origins, 18 October 1984, pp. 273, 275-87.

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Bishop Lyke, convenor of the black bishops' evangelization pasto­

ral, has been especially prominent in giving direction to projects that

potentially will have extensive impact on black Catholic worship: the

compilation of a Black Catholic Hymnal and the formation of a United

States Catholic Conference (USCC) Subcommittee on Black Liturgy.

The Hymnal Project was begun as a response to repeated requests for

a parish service book expressive of black culture, yet reconciled with

Catholic teaching and liturgical structure and meaning. Thus, the

resultant hymnal is to provide guidance in the selection of traditional

black music for Catholic worship. It is also to serve as a resource for

the sacramental music missing from the black heritage, but recently

composed in the tone, spirit and character of the black idiom. Of

especial concern is music for congregation or congregation and choir.

The Hymnal Project was initiated under the auspices of the National

Black Catholic Clergy Caucus and the Xavier Institute for Black Catho­

lics. In April 1983, Chicago, Cleveland, Washington, D.C., and Houston

were chosen as pilot cities for initial development of a proposal for 57 the project. National black Catholic organizations were called upon

to further develop the proposal and encourage their constituencies to

submit music. The organizations included the National Office for Black

Catholics, the National Black Catholic Clergy Caucus, the National Black

Sisters Conference, the National Association of Black Catholic Adminis­

trators and the Knights and Ladies of St. Peter Claver. Beginning in

^®James P. Lyke, O.F.M., "The Black Catholic Hymnal," 27 April 1983, Memo, Diocese of Cleveland, 1031 Superin Avenue, Cleveland, OH 44114.

57Ibid.

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the spring of 1984, Lyke convened a special committee in Chicago

composed of Bishop Wilton Gregory as liturgical expert and representa­

tives from the national groups to identify more music, review submitted

C o works for final selection and determine the final format. Respec­

tively, the organizational members of the committee were Ronald L.

Sharps, Father Arthur Anderson, O.F.M., Brother Bob Smith, O.F.M., Cap.,

Sister Laura M. Kendrick, H.V.M., Marjorie Gabrie1-Burrow and Edward C.

Broussard, as well as black Catholic composers Rawn Harbor, Leon Roberts

and Avon Gillespie. There were over 560 musical selections by more than

230 composers submitted. In January 1985, G.I.A. Publications, a Catho­

lic publishing house in Chicago, was contracted to produce the service 59 book within a year.

The proposal for a Subcommittee on Black Liturgy under the United

States Bishops' Committee on the Liturgy was a response to requests from

blacks for more flexibility in the Liturgy of the Word, i.e., readings

from Scripture, the Responsorial Psalm, Alleluia or Gospel Acclamation,

Homily, Profession of Faith and General Intercession. Lyke convened a

special committee comprised of black religious, clergy and laity in

Washington, D.C., in September 1983 and April 1984. Ms. Greer Gordon,

Sister Jamie Phelps, Brother Joseph Hager and Fathers William Norvel,

Edward Branch, Donald Clark, J.-Glenn Murray, George Murray and Rollins

Lambert were on the committee to develop the proposal. Lyke first

58, James P. Lyke, O.F.M., Correspondence with Ronald L. Sharps on the Black Catholic Hymnal Project, 22 November 1983.

59James P. Lyke, O.F.M., "Developments in the Black Catholic Hymnal," 11 January 1985, Memo, Diocese of Cleveland; also, Diocese of Cleveland, Catholic Communications Department, "First Black Catholic Hymnal to Be Ready in 1986" (press release), January 1985.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145

presented the proposal "regarding possible modifications in the General

Instruction of the Roman Missal for use in celebrations of Eucharist by

black Catholics" at the annual meeting of Catholic bishops in November

1984. He was then directed to the Bishops' Committee on the Liturgy.

That month the Committee on the Clergy accepted the proposal and estab­

lished the Subcommittee under the chairmanship of Bishop Wilton

Gregory. 60

Through such efforts the black bishops assure that blacks will make

contributions to the whole Church in America while preventing black

liturgical experimentation from resulting in "a kind of local folklore."

6 0 "Subcommittee on Black Liturgy," Bishops' Committee on the Litur- gy Newsletter 20 (December 1984); also Diocese of Cleveland, Catholic Communications Department, "Bishop Lyke Re: Sub-Committee on Black Liturgy" (press release), January 1985.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSION

Historically, cultural adaptation has been a constant aspect of

Catholic liturgy.It is no surprise that Catholic missionaries in

colonial Latin America "adapted the Christian message . . . so the

people could understand the Gospel through their customs and tradi- 9 tions." Yet, current research does not reflect a similar tendency

among blacks in colonial North America. From the beginning blacks

attempted an inculturation of the faith, but Catholic missionaries began

to suppress such efforts. This treatment seems to have resulted from a

concern to appease allegations that Catholicism incited slave revolts as

well as to satisfy the personal sensibilities of white Catholics, both

cleric and lay, in regard to their understandings of liturgical

response. Adaptations of Catholic elements to African faith ritualized 3 in secret societies became more of the norm.

Early in the nineteenth century, the Church, relatively small and

vulnerable in an overwhelmingly Protestant environment, did not want to

■'■Anscar J. Chupungco, O.S.B., Cultural Adaptation of the Liturgy (New York: Paulist Press, 1982), p. 3.

2Virgilio P. Elizondo, Christianity and Culture (Huntington, IN: Our Sunday Visitor, Inc., 1975), pp. 180-81.

*3 For an example of contemporary adaptations of Catholic elements by blacks to another faith see Hans A. Baer, The Black Spiritual Movement: A Religious Response to Racism (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1984), pp. 6, 11, 17-22, 136.

146

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risk a schism among its own members over the matter of slavery or risk

retribution from other potentially hostile and powerful faith groups.

Evidence of early missionary response to black Catholic cultural needs

was largely restricted to concern for the French culture of the Creole

in Louisiana and the San Dominicans and Haitians in Maryland.

The problem of cultural adaptation of the liturgy among blacks was

heavily affected by the issue of segregation in the Church. After the

Civil War blacks were often segregated within Catholic churches and

excluded from much of the parish devotional life. It was in Catholic

devotions that significant cultural adaptations to worship could be

found prior to Vatican II. This was especially exemplified by the

immigrant parishes which quickly multiplied at this time.

To overcome segregation within parishes, separate parishes were

established for Negroes, thus allowing full participation in devotions

and liturgy. The Second Plenary Council of Baltimore gave impetus to

the idea of separate Negro parishes and also the use of beati and saints

around which black Catholic devotions and liturgy might be organized.

However, there were forces which would tend to deemphasize cultural

adaptation of the liturgy. Leaders within the Church hierarchy sought

to resist nativist movements by urging Americanization among Catholics

in the face of rising tides of southern and eastern European immigrants

belonging to the faith. The cultural diversity and strong nationalistic

feelings of these immigrants only accentuated the foreign character of

the Church in the United States and threatened disunity. The uniformity

of liturgy helped to ensure the sense of Catholic unity. Also, Catholi­

cism was portrayed as having a civilizing influence on blacks.

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The idea of separate Negro parishes was highly debated during the

colored Catholic lay movements of the late nineteenth century and early

twentieth century. Advocates argued that these parishes would accommo­

date black customs and provide the opportunity for blacks to make

contributions to the Church. Dissenters argued that such parishes were

merely accommodations of racist attitudes within the Church and reflec­

tions of a misconception of Negro culture as monolithic. The colored

Catholic movements stressed racial rather than cultural distinctions.

Consequently, black saints and beati continued to serve as racial

symbols or symbols of Catholic concern for blacks expressed in devotions

and liturgy. The representation of these holy men in sculptural form

was advocated as well as black leadership in the chant movement current

in the Church. Both actions allowed an identity which was at once black

and Catholic. But blacks also saw Catholic devotions and liturgy as an

opportunity to produce expressive forms which were not regarded as

stereotypical of the race. They, therefore, stated a preference to

perform traditional Catholic music.

The interracial movement, begun in the 1930s, regarded forms of

segregation a sin. They were generally opposed to separate Negro

parishes and to the suggestion of black nationalism as much as white

supremacy. Unlike the colored Catholic lay movements, the interracial

movements were primarily led by white religious and laity. They

believed racism to be a problem created by whites to be resolved primar­

ily by whites. They believed that racial identity had become overempha­

sized. It was argued that resolution to problems of prejudice would

come by stressing Catholic identity more so than racial identity of

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blacks. There was also a shift from the focus on race relations within

the Church to race relations within the world. Consequently, the

dangers of communism, fascism and nationalism were dealt with. The

Catholic Church itself was pictured as a counterposing force against the

appeals of communism for the loyalty of blacks. Simultaneously, the

Church was portrayed as guarding against the oppressive forces of

fascism exemplified by Nazism and nationalism exemplified by the Ku Klux

Klan.

The interracial movements focused on liturgy as a means for inte­

gration and social justice. During the 1930s and 1940s, cultural

differences between the races were especially minimized as a way of

overcoming the tendency to stereotype blacks as "unassimilatablo"^ and

having an inferior culture. Instead, the Catholic interracial movements

asserted that blacks had made such early and continuing contributions to

American culture that they were culturally indistinguishable from main­

stream America. In this regard they presented examples of black

culture. And as blacks had contributed to American culture, so too the

interracial movements sought black contributions to the Catholic Church

in music, preaching and Church decoration. But the focus was on the

application of Negro talents to existing forms of Catholic liturgical

art. The daily Mass was especially regarded as such an opportunity.

Although initially regarded as a reminder of slavery and a reflec­

tion of the inadequate beliefs of Protestants, the Negro spirituals were

^"What Is the Difference?" (editorial), Interracial Review 6 (April 1933):74-75.

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aired along with Catholic devotional music over the interracial broad­

cast as early as the 1930s, but it was not until the late 1950s and

1960s that the interracial movement began to consider actual incorpora­

tion of Negro folk songs into the Catholic Mass. Such thoughts were

concurrent with the rising concerns for cultural adaptation of the

liturgy in mission lands, e.g., Africa, India and Japan, and the large

immigrations into the United States of Catholics who were regarded as

both racially and culturally distinctive, e.g., Hispanics.

The canonization movements also reflect a shift in attitudes from a

focus on race to a focus on culture and from adaptation of devotions to

adaptation of liturgy. Peter Claver was a white saint demonstrating the

Church's outreach to the Negro. Martin de Porres was a mulatto symbol­

izing the interracial character of the Church. Although the Martin de

Porres movement was the occasion for increased use of the spirituals in

Catholic devotionals, the Uganda Martyrs were particularly cited as

examples of ‘ the cultural diversity of the Church.

Like the interracial movements proper, the liturgical movement of

the 1940s and 1950s minimized consideration of black cultural distinc­

tions. The liturgical movement in the United States focused on liturgy

and social justice in regard to blacks until the 1960s. Generally,

efforts to achieve cultural adaptation were looked upon with disfavor.

This is attributable to the concerns for a currently popular use of folk

culture by advocates of fascism, communism and nationalism which were

regarded by Catholics in the movement as tendencies toward war, oppres­

sion and divisiveness. World War II was seen as the culmination of

these forces. It was felt that an assertion of folk culture could

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conflict with Catholic culture. It was insisted that individual talents

contribute to liturgical art by "transcending" culture. Not until after

Vatican II did the liturgical movement begin to favorably consider and

promote cultural adaptation of the liturgy.

At the Second Vatican Council there was an awareness of the need

for black leadership and expression in the Church. Such awareness was

evidenced by the outspokenness of black Africans favoring inculturation

of the liturgy. It was evidenced by the decision of American bishops

made during the Council to elevate a black American to the episcopacy.

It was evidenced by the canonizations of Martin de Porres and the Uganda

Martyrs. It was also evidenced by the announcement that a group of

liturgical experts had met in preparation for the Council and considered

adaptation of the liturgy to accommodate the Negro spirituals. The

Council itself had convened in the aftermath of World War II and during

a time when Western cultural norms were called into question and a new

respect for cultural pluralism was current. And within this historical

context Vatican II marked the shift from the Church's focus on cultural 5 adaptation in devotions to adaptation in liturgy.

As regards liturgy, the shift from a focus on racial integration to

that of cultural integration for black Catholics was especially realized

in the black Catholic movement emergent in the late 1960s and 1970s.

Racial integration was not abandoned as an objective, however. Indeed,

programs for cultural integration were of importance if blacks were to

continue to make contributions in the liturgical and devotional life of

5 R. Kevin Seasoltz, "Cultural Pluralism and the Churches' Prayer," Liturgy 3 (Spring 1983):43-49.

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racially mixed parishes. Problems of stereotyping on the one hand and

ghettoization of black cultural expression in liturgy on the other hand

had to be overcome. But while proponents of the black Catholic movement

argued that blacks are not culturally monolithic any more than they are

culturally obscure, there persists a belief in the fundamental unity of

their cultural heritage. Thus, a broad view of black culture for adap­

tation to Catholic liturgy was advocated; but contrary to the interra­

cial movements, there was a focus on the relative cultural isolation

experienced by blacks in American society.

The black Catholic movement identified with black nationalism,

black liberation and the civil rights movement. The black Catholic

movement did not disdain black militancy. It insisted upon black lead­

ership and black expression. Unlike previous movements within the

Church, it was initiated by a black clergy. Liturgical experimentation

was encouraged and assisted by missionary orders which prepared mate­

rials in a variety of media as well as by newly ordained black bishops.

But it remains to be seen whether and how broader racial and cultural

integration will be achieved in Catholic worship.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX A

BLACK CATHOLICS IN THE UNITED STATES:

A STATISTICAL CHRONOLOGY 1860-1984

Year Black Catholics Source

1860 100,000 R. M. Miller, Catholics in the Old South, 1983, p. 151 1865 156,000 Interracial Review 8 (November 1935):172 100,000 J. T. Ellis, American Catholicism, 1956, p. 89 1883 100,000 J. Hennesey, American Catholics, 1981, p. 193 1889 138,213; 25 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1890 1890 125,000 P. Hogan, New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967, p. 314 151,614; 27 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1891 1891 152,692; 21 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1892 1892 140,021; 28 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1893 1893 160,714; 29 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1894 1894 200,000 D. Spalding, Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972):10, quotes Wm. S. Lofton at 1894 Negro Catholic Con­ gress 151,614 St. Joseph's Advocate, July 1894 , p. 6 155,693; 32 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1895 1895 140,690; 37 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1896 1896 148,307; 42 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1897 1897 137,507; 42 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1898, incomplete listing 1898 144,536; 38 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1899 1899 140,086; 40 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1900 1901 144,390; 40 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1902 1903 19,502; 35 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1904, major dioceses, e.g., Baltimore and New Orleans, not listed 1904 16,715; 27 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1905, major dioceses,e.g., Baltimore and New Orleans, not listed 1905 28,184; 37 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1906, major dioceses, e.g., Baltimore and New Orleans, not listed 1906 138,503; 49 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1907

153

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Year Black Catholics Source

1907 103,593; 51 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1908, major dioceses, e.g., Baltimore, not listed 1908 108,913; 54 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1909, major dioceses, e.g., Baltimore, not listed 1909 114,200; 75 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1910, major dioceses, e.g., Baltimore, not listed 1910 230,192; 96 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1911 1911 107,406; 77 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1912, major dioceses, e.g., Baltimore, not listed 1912 102,782; 81 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1913, major dioceses, e.g., New Orleans, sub­ stantially reduced, which may repre­ sent an error 1913 54,886; 84 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1914, major dioceses, e.g., New Orleans, not listed 1914 98,810; 102 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1915, major dioceses, e.g., New Orleans, sub­ stantially reduced 1915 64,338; 103 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1916, incomplete listing 1916 95,119; 101 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1917, incomplete listing 1917 105,053; 112 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1918 1918 64,319; 111 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1919, incomplete listing 1919 138,450; 115 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1920 1920 171,333; 170 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1921 1921 147,890; 171 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1922 1922 189,629; 189 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1923 1923 259,227; 243 churches Chronicle 3 (April 1930):84, from the New Catholic Dictionary (1929) 148,129; 173 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1924 1924 174,868; 223 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1925 1925 191,310; 158 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1926 1926 189,649; 166 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1927 1927 197,523; 173 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1928 1928 204,715; 191 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1929 1929 200,000 J. T. Gillard, The Catholic Church and the American Negro, 1929, p. 258 211,437; 189 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1930 1930 215,511; 196 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1931 1931 218,975; 206 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1932 1932 225,795; 203 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1933 1933 226,431; 207 churches Negro and Indian Missions.. 1934 1934 228,894; 210 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1935

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155

Year Black Catholics Source

1935 250,000; 210 churches IR 8 (July 1935):98 241,024; 221 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1936 1936 250,000; 221 churches IR 9 (October 1936):146 246,547; 224 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1937 1937 252,243; 228 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1938 1938 300,000; 221 churches IR 11 (April 1938):50 253,484; 234 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1939 1939 296,988 G. Shuster and R. Kearns, Statistical Profile of Black Catholics, 1976, p. 34; and J. T. Gillard, Colored Catholics in the United States, 1941, pp. 138-43 257,427; 243 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1940 1940 260,936; 258 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1941 1941 300,000; 282 churches IR 14 (February 1941):18 300,447; 312 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1942 1942 300,000 E. F. Murphy, _IR 15 (September 1942):134 306,831; 326 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1943 1943 306,831 + 10,000 T. Maynard, The Catholic Church and the American Idea, 1953, p. 176 cites J. LaFarge and adds 10,000 believed not listed 300,000; 326 churches IR 15 (March 1943):34 313,259; 334 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1944 1944 300,000 M. McCormack, IR 17 (June 1944) :93 315,791; 342 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1945 1945 330,000; 326 churches IR 18 (March 1945):34 313,877; 351 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1946 1946 330,000; 351 churches IR 19 (April 1946):50 321,995; 366 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1947 1947 343,830; 395 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1948 1948 362,427; 408 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1949 1949 350,000; 423 churches IR 22 (January 1949):2 380,753; 428 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1950 1950 398,111; 445 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1951 1951 380,000 T. Maynard, The Catholic Church and the American Idea, 1953, p. 176 cites National Catholic Almanac 409,945; 455 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1952 1952 420,590; 461 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1953 1953 457,996; 467 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1954 1954 476,895; 468 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1955 1955 483,671; 473 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1956 1956 530,702; 490 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1957 1957 476,000; 428 churches IR 30 (May 1957) : 74 500,000; 428 churches IR 30 (July 1957):110 550,000 IR 30 (November 1957):197, quot Ebony 575,925; 499 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1958

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 156

Year Black Catholics Source

1958 575,000 JIR 31 (March 1958):38 575,925 IR 31 (May 1958): 74 595,155; 493 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1959 1959 595,155 IR 32 (June 1959) : 127 615,964; 496 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1960 1960 653,217; 494 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1961 1961 653,217 IR 34 (April 1961):113 664,230; 507 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1962 1962 703,443; 514 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1963 1963 722,609; 511 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1964 1964 747,598; 520 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1965 1965 750,000 P. Hogan, New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967, p. 314 766,838; 531 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1966 1966 783,720; 529 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1967 1967 808,332; 568 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1968 1968 827,490; 589 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1969 1969 837,141; 625 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1970 1970 854,516; 611 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1971 1971 853,500; 616 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1972 1972 855,193; 636 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1973 1973 855,193 Jesuit Blueprint 24 (September 1973):10 838,848; 656 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1974 1974 859,123; 667 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1975 1975 916,854 G. Shuster and R . Kearns, Statistical Profile of Black Catholics, 1976, p. 34 862,216; 680 churches Negro and Indian Missions, 1976 1979 993,000 D. Liptak, Catholic Church in the United States, 1983, p. 135 1984 1,294,103 J. Harfmann, 1984 Statistical Profile of Black Catholics, p. 58

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157

Statistics on black Catholics in the United States are continually

debated; however, the efforts of those who troubled to take such a

census provide the only figures now available.

Statistics for the periods prior to 1889 counted any black "who

called himself Catholic," "breathed the Catholic atmosphere" and "held

the essentials of Catholicity."3-

On the other hand, Negro and Indian Mission figures were provided

by the ordinaries to whom funds were allocated and were then supple­

mented by data from Negro parish pastors in other dioceses. Conse-

2 quently, the census was often inconsistent and incomplete.

Chronicle editorials questioned Negro Catholic census figures.

Especially questioned in the Chronicle were figures provided by J. T.

Gillard in 1929, who promoted his book as having the first accurate and 3 official national statistics on the subject.

The Interracial Review began reporting statistics in 1935 to indi­

cate the "immensity and importance" of its task, eventually using ques­

tionnaires for compilation of data. In response to complaints that the

figures were practically static, the editor acknowledged the imperfect

means of collecting data, especially for Negroes in predominantly white

parishes, but suggested that improved methods would probably result in

^"Religion," Catholic Review 8 (November 1935):172-73. n "Mission Work among the Negroes and Indians Statistics," Our Negro and Indian Missions (January 1957 Report, Josephite Archives, Balti­ more) .

3"The Catholic Dictionary," Chronicle 3 (April 1930):87; Thomas W. Turner, review of The Catholic Church and the American Negro, by John T. Gillard, S.S.J., Chronicle 3 (September 1930):205-7; John LaFarge, S.J., review of The Catholic Church and the American Negro, Chronicle 3 (July 1930):151-52.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158

similar figures.^ 5 Recent statistics issued by the Josephites were provided through

calls to all Catholic chancelleries in the United States. The individ­

ual dioceses were left to determine their own methods for reportage.

Thus diocesan responses are of uneven weight.

^"Interracial Field: Interesting Statistics," Interracial Review 8 (July 1935) :98; "Our Static Statistics," Interracial Review 12 (December 1939):180-81.

5G. Shuster and R. Kearns, Statistical Profile of Black Catholics (Washington, D.C.: Josephite Pastoral Center, 1976); John Harfmann, S.S.J., 1984 Statistical Profile of Black Catholics (Washington, D.C.: Josephite Pastoral Center, 1985).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX B

IMPLICATIONS OF NATIONAL PARISHES FOR

THE NEGRO IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH

The idea of separate Negro parishes in the Roman Catholic Church

has often been compared to that of immigrant national churches. A look

at these churches does suggest something of the place for cultural

adaptation in Catholic worship before Vatican II. However, there were

significant differences between the special immigrant parish and the

special Negro parish as well as differences in regard to the cultural

life of each. The American Church responded to large and rapid

increases in immigrant Catholics, especially between 1880 and 190 0, by

the formation of national parishes.

National churches for the Germans, Czechs, Poles, Lithuanians,

Bohemians, etc. were conceived by the hierarchy as temporary and transi­

tory. Father Joseph Leonard cites the Sacred Congregation for the

Propagation of the Faith, April 26, 1897, as proof that national

churches were intended only as a means of easing the immigrant into the

mainstream of American life. Consequently, second-generation immigrants

were not expected to remain parishioners of the national churches after

reaching adulthood, nor were first-generation immigrants who commanded

the English language expected to attend.^

•I Joseph T. Leonard, S.S.J., Theology and Race Relations (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Co., 1963), p. 231.

159

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Unity among these diverse congregations was achieved by the recog­

nition of the Pope, a shared catechism, the sacramentality of their

parish missions and the fixity of the order of their Latin Mass. These

commonalities reinforced self-identity among Catholics in a predomi­

nantly Protestant country. Further strengthening their Catholic iden­

tity was the recurrent challenge of American nativism on the one hand

and the enactment of Church legislation binding on all Catholics on the

2 other hand.

Cultural variance in Catholic worship was evidenced in the ethnic

language, the choice of devotions and the preference for particular Mass

types. As John McKenzie, S.J., has observed, devotions "rise and fall

with developments in history and culture" and "exhibit a certain compet­

itiveness" as they are "usually attached to some particular religious

group or religious order which promotes them." Catholic devotions are

not obligatory by Church law as is Sunday and holiday attendance at

Mass. Although the Eucharist is connected with a number of devotions,

it is understood as the visible presence of Christ invoked in hymns and

prayers rather than as sacrifice and communion. Devotions such as that

of the Incarnate Word and those to Mary and the saints also allow

greater emotional content and tends to emphasize the humanity of the

Church.'

The Mass itself was so fixed that it allowed little innovation in

^Jay P. Dolan, The Immigrant Church: New York's Irish and German Catholics, 1815-1865 (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975), pp. 150-51, 161-63.

3John L. McKenzie, S.J., The Roman Catholic Church (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1969), p. 182.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161

the form of preaching. Indeed, American pastors were typically regarded

as poor preachers, and the emphasis on sacramentality generally removed

preaching to a marginal position in the Eucharistic liturgy. Still, the

pastoral value of preaching has always been seen in regard to forming

the religious consciousness of Catholics, and the American Church has

had preachers noted for their style of delivery.^ The sermon was one

part of the Mass which could be given in the vernacular and therefore

could be considered a means of instruction. This allowance for the

vernacular language became a principal means by which congregations

could assert their specific cultural identities within the Mass itself.

The Irish, who controlled the American Catholic hierarchy, were

largely eager for the Americanization of Catholic congregants. Arch­

bishop John Ireland, a strong defender of social justice and evangeliza­

tion among blacks, was a spokesman for Americanization efforts. How­

ever, plans for Americanization were regarded by many immigrants as a

program for "Irishization," further contributing to discrimination 5 against non-Irish and non-English-speaking Catholics within the Church.

Catholic immigrants had their own motivations for forming and

maintaining national churches despite the purposes of official Church

policy. In the late nineteenth century, immigrants from southern and

eastern Europe arrived in steadily increasing numbers to confront a

Church that was "too cold and puritanical for their tastes." James

Hennesey has observed that "the situation was further complicated

4Dolan, pp. 141-45. c Charles Shanabruch, Chicago's Catholics; The Evolution of an American Identity (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1981), pp. 79, 87.

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because centuries of persecution had left the Irish, the dominant group

in Catholic America, with their own cultural heritage in disarray."

Hennesey has further concluded that "this cultural lack was one reason

why the Catholicism they developed in the American Church tended to be

narrow, moralistic and bland.

Most of the immigrants kept their peasant values with "conservative

religion centered in the home . . ., praying the rosary alone and in

family groups," and where possible relying upon the parochial school or

Sunday school (with the use of Baltimore Catechisms after 1885) for 7 religious instruction. Charles Shanabruch found that "when the immi­

grants came to America, they sacrificed to re-create the precise forms

of their Old World churches, but soon sensed that they were treated as

second-class citizens, even within the Church, because they were not

Q English speaking.

Yet, language was the principal liturgical distinction for Catholic

ethnics in America. Hennesey notes that even German Catholics, who had

preceded southern and eastern European immigrants, continued to believe

that "perpetuation of German languages and culture went hand in hand

with preservation of Catholic faith." Hennesey specifies further dif­

ferences in liturgical worship between ethnic Catholics:

Liturgical worship was generally plain, moreso with the Irish than with the Germans or eastern and southern European immigrants. . . . In the East a recited low mass was standard, and early morning was

^James Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catho- lic Community in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 194.

7Ibid.

Q Shanabruch, pp. 86-87.

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the favorite time for its celebration. If there were hymns, a choir sang them. Congregational participation and sung masses were more a feature of the midwestern German style. The parish mission, a Catholic species of revival meeting held annually or at inter­ vals, was a major feature of parish life. Jesuits . . ., Redemp- torists and Paulists were the itinerant preachers of the movement. Paraliturgical services were popular: novenas . . ., adoration of the eucharistic presence of Christ in the service of benediction and in a periodic intensified "forty hours" devotion, held cn a set schedule in the parishes of a diocese.®

In 1918 a revised Code of Canon Law emphasized the territorial

parish. National parishes had evolved in response to the needs of

Catholic immigrants in America. The revised code required that each

diocese be divided into "distinct territorial parts," within specified

boundaries with a church and pastor for each territory. Although the

new canon allowed for the preservation of "distinct parishes for the

people of various tongues or nationalities dwelling in the same city or

territory," there was a "certain disfavor" toward creation of any addi­

tional national churches. Yet, even the dispersion of Catholic ethnics

to the suburbs or other parts of the city did not end their adherence to

national churches. "Some of them, still desiring a liturgy surrounded

by Old World trappings, went to churches in their former neighborhoods,"

writes Shanabruch.'1'®

Although the demarcation was along racial lines, Father Joseph

Leonard argues that the Catholic hierarchy approached the Negro churches

as equivalents to national parishes. For example, the 1875 diocesan

Synod of Baltimore and the 1886 Second Synod of Richmond required the

same regulations for both Negro and German immigrant parishes,

^Hennesey, pp. 177, 194.

■^Shanabruch, pp. 180-81.

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encouraged both groups to attend the respective churches established for

them, but also freely allowed acceptance of anyone from either in any

church or cemetery.'*''*'

Leonard further contends that, as with national churches, the

hierarchy intended special Negro parishes to be transitory, merely

assisting the gradual acculturation of the congregation to Anglo-Ameri­

can society while assuring proper conversion to Catholic belief and

faith. Leonard concludes that the perpetuation of the Negro churches

was assured by racism both within the Church and the larger society.

Some white laity and clergy began to use the existence of Negro churches

as a justification for enforcing segregation. Thus, they felt free to

reject black Catholics from their parishes, while directing them to the

"colored church" for the required attendance at Mass and reception of

the sacraments. In addition, the formation and maintenance of black

ghetto life restricted the access of blacks to other territorial church­

es. There were a few cases in which Negroes were not accepted at the

territorial church even where no Negro church existed, allowing only

baptism, matrimony and confession.12

Still, it has been debated whether special Negro parishes could be

equated with national churches. William Osborne has argued that by

comparison with members of national churches in America, American

Negroes did not have a distinct and long-established Catholic devotional 13 life and language to characterize their parishes.

■'"■''Leonard, pp. 229-30. ^Ibid., p. 225.

1 *3William Osborne, The Segregated Covenant (New York: Herder & Herder, 1967), p. 160.

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Also, Father Joseph Waters states that "the directives which

applied to the national parishes were never applied to the black par­

ishes." Church law permitted establishment of national parishes by

reason of diversity of language or nationality of people living in the

same city or area. However, neither of these requirements was verified

in the case of black Catholics, contends Waters. He also finds no

suggestion that black parishes were regarded as transitory, although the

Church hierarchy viewed immigrant national parishes in this manner.

Waters says that some canonists have attempted to equate special

black parishes with personal parishes mentioned in canon 216 of the 1918

Code, but again he finds no correlat*«»s-A^ Typically, personal parishes

■^"The Code of Canon Law which went into effect in 1918 states the following in regard to parishes:

Canon 216, #1: The territory of every diocese is to be divided into distinct territorial parts; each part is to have its own church and its own group of people, presided over by a pastor who provides the necessary care of souls. Canon 216, #3: The parts of a diocese mentioned in #1 above are called parishes. . . . Canon 216, #4: A special apostolic indult is required to establish parishes which provide for the diversity of language or of nationality of the faithful living in the same city or terri­ tory, and also for family or purely personal parishes; in regard to such parishes which are already established, no changes are to be made without consulting the Apostolic See.

"The Code of Canon Law now in force went into effect on the first Sunday of Advent, 1983. It states the following:

Canon 518: As a general rule a parish is to be territorial, that is, embraces all the Christian faithful within a certain territory; whenever it is judged useful, however, personal parishes are to be established upon rite, language, the nationality of the Christian faithful within some territory or even upon some other determining factor."

(Joseph Waters, letter to Peter Hogan concerning legal status of special black parishes, 24 November 1984, Josephite Archives, Baltimore, MD.)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166

were established for the faithful preferring a specific liturgical

15 Josiah G. Chatham, S.T.L., "The Parish Community," Interracial Review 33 (March 1960):73.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Works on Black Catholic Worship, Theology and Catechetics

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Hovda, Robert W., ed. This Far by Faith: American Black Worship and Its African Roots. Washington, D.C.: National Office for Black Catholics and the Liturgical Conference, 1977.

Jones, Nathan. sharing the Old Old Story: Educational Ministry in the Black Community. Winona, MN: St. Mary's Press, 1982.

National Office for Black Catholics. Black Perspectives on Evangeliza­ tion of the Modern World. Washington, D.C.: National Office for Black Catholics, 1974.

Posey, Thaddeus J., O.F.M., Cap., ed. Theology, A Portrait in Black: Black Catholic Theology Symposium. Pittsburgh: Capuchin Press for the National Black Catholic Clergy Caucus, 1980.

Rivers, Clarence Joseph. Reflections. New York: Herder & Herder, 1970.

______. Soulfull Worship. Washington, D.C.: National Office for Black Catholics, 1974.

______. The Spirit in Worship. Cincinnati: Stimula, Inc., 1978.

Tell It Like It Is: A Black Catholic Perspective on Christian Educa­ tion. Oakland, CA: National Black Sisters Conference, 1983.

American Histories and Biographies Addressing Blacks and the Catholic Church

Adams, Elizabeth Laura. Dark Symphony. New York: Sheed & Ward, 1942.

Baer, Hans A. The Black Spiritual Movement: A Religious Response to Racism. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1984.

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Berrigan, Phillip. The Catholic Church and the Negro. St. Louis: The Queen's Work, 1962.

Boberg, John, ed. The Word in the World. Techny, IL: Society of the Divine Word, 1976.

Broderick, William D. The Catholic Church and Black America. Washing­ ton, D.C.: Foreign Service Institute, 1970.

Callahan, Daniel. The Mind of the Catholic Layman. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1963.

Clements, George, ed. Black Catholic Men of God. Washington, D.C.: National Office for Black Catholics, 1976.

Cross, Robert D. The Emergence of Liberal Catholicism in America. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1958.

Desdunes, Rodolphe Lucien. Our People and Our History. Baton Rouge: Louisiana state University Press, 1973 (reprint from 1911 edi­ tion) .

Dolan, Jay P., ed. Three Catholic Afro-American Congresses (Proceedings and Correspondence). New York: Arno Press, 1978.

Ellington, Edward Kennedy. Music Is My Mistress. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1973.

Ellis, John Tracy. American Catholicism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956.

Catholics in Colonial America. Baltimore: Helicon, 1965.

Faherty, William Barnaby, S.J. Dream by the River: Two Centuries of Saint Louis Catholicism, 1766-1967. St. Louis: Piraeus Publish­ ers, 1973.

Faherty, William Barnaby, S.J., and Oliver, Madeline Barni. The Reli­ gious Roots of Black Catholics of St. Louis. St. Louis: St. Stanislaus Historic Museum, 1977.

Foley, Albert Sidney, S.J. Bishop Healy, Beloved Outcast: The Story of a Great Man Whose Life Has Become a^ Legend. New York: Farrar, Straus & Young, 1954.

God's Men of Color: The Colored Catholic Priests of the United States 1854-1954. New York: Farrar, Straus & Co., 1955.

Freydberg, Elizabeth Hadley. Black Catholics in the United States: An Annotated Bibliography of Works Located in the Indiana University, Bloomington Libraries. Bloomington, IN: Afro-American Arts Institute, Indiana University, 1983.

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Giese, Vincent. You Got It All: A Personal Account of a. White Priest in a Chicago Ghetto. Huntington, IN: Our Sunday Visitor, Inc., 1980.

Gillard, John Thomas, S.S.J. The Catholic Church and the American Negro. Baltimore: St. Joseph's Society Press, 1929.

______. Colored Catholics in the United States. Baltimore: The Josephite Press, 1941.

Gilmore, Gayraud S., Jr. Black Religion and Black Radicalism. New York: Doubleday, 1972.

Greeley, Andrew M. The American Catholic: A Social Portrait. New York: Basic Books, 1977.

Green, Nathaniel E. The Silent Believers: Background Information on the Religious Experience of the American Black Catholic, with Emphasis on the Archdiocese of Louisville, Kentucky. Louisville: West End Council of Louisville, 1972.

Griffin, John Howard. The Church and the Black Man. Dayton: Pflaum Press, 1969.

Guidry, Mary Gabriella, S.S.F. The Southern Negro Nun: An Autobiogra­ phy. New York: Exposition Press, 1974.

Guilday, Peter K. A History of the Councils of Baltimore. New York: Arno Press & The New York Times, 1969.

Healey, Joseph G. A Fifth Gospel: The Experience of Black Christian Values. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1984.

Hemesath, Caroline. From Slave to Priest: A Biography of the Reverend Augustine Tolton (1854-1897): First Afro-American Priest of the United States. Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1973.

Hennesey, James. American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981.

Hunton, George K. All of Which 1^ Saw, Part of Which JC Was: The Auto­ biography of George K. Hunton as Told to Gary MacEoin. New York: Doubleday, 1967.

Johnson, Nessa Theresa Baskerville. A Special Pilgrimage: A History of Black Catholics in Richmond. Richmond: Diocese of Richmond, 1978.

LaFarge, John, S.J. The^ Manner Is Ordinary. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1954.

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______. No Postponement; U.S. Moral Leadership and the Problem of Racial Minorities. New York; Longmans, Green & Co., 1950.

Leonard, Joseph T. Theology and Race Relations. Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing Co., 1963.

Lucas, Lawrence. Black Priest/White Church. New York: Random House, 1970.

Lyons, Bernard. Voices from the Back Pew. New York: Bruce Publishing Co., 1970.

McAvoy, Thomas Timothy, C.S.C. A History of the Catholic Church in the United States. London: University of Notre Dame Press, 1969.

Maxwell, John Francis. Slavery and the Catholic Church: The History of Catholic Teaching Concerning the Moral Legitimacy of the Institu­ tion of Slavery. London: Barry Rose Publishers & the Anti- Slavery Society for the Protection of Human Rights, 1975.

Maynard, Theodore. The Catholic Church and the American Idea. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1953.

Miller, Randall M., and Wakelyn, Jon L., eds. Catholics in the Old South. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983.

Negro and Indian Missions Report: 1926-1945 (bound issues of annual report s in Our Negro and Indian Missions magazine). Washington, D.C.: Commission for Catholic Missions Among the Colored People and the Indians, 1945.

Nelson, Anne K.; Nelson, Hart M.; and Yokley, Ratha L. The Black Church in America. New York: Basic Books, 1971.

O'Brien, David. The Renewal of American Catholicism. New York: Oxford University Press, 1972.

Osborne, William. The Segregated Covenant: Race Relations and American Catholics. New York: Herder & Herder, 1967.

Reynolds, Edward D., S.J. Jesuits for the Negro. New York: The Ameri­ can Press, 1949.

Rice, Madeleine Hooke. American Catholic Opinion in the Slavery Contro­ versy. New York: Columbia University Press, 1944.

Scally, Mary Anthony, R.S.M. Negro Catholic Writers, 1900-1943: A Bio- Bibliography. Detroit: Walter Romig, 1945.

Shuster, George, and Kearns, Robert M. Statistical Profile of Black Catholics. Washington, D.C.: Josephite Pastoral Center, 1976.

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Thibodeaux, Mary Roger. Black Nun Looks at Black Power. New York: Sheed & Ward, 1972.

Trisco, Robert. Catholics in America: 1776-1976. Washington, D.C.: National Conference of Catholic Bishops, 1976.

Vollmar, Edward R., S.J. The Catholic Church in America: An Historical Bibliography. New York: Scarecrow Press, 1963.

Williams, Clarence C., C.PP.S. The Black Catholic and the Urban Expe­ rience. Detroit: Academy of the Afro-World Community, 1977, 1979.

. The Black Man and the Catholic Church. Detroit: Academy of the Afro-World Community, 1977, 1979.

______. Mission and Ministry of the Black Church. Detroit: Academy of the Afro-World Community, 1977, 1979.

Wilmore, Gayraud S. Black Religion and Black Radicalism: An Interpre­ tation of the Religious History of Afro-American People. Mary- knoll, NY: Orbis, 1973, 1983.

Works on Vatican II

Collins, Mary. "Local Liturgical Legislation: United States of Ameri­ ca." In Liturgy: Self-expression of the Church, pp. 148-51. Edited by Herman Schmidt. Concililium, Religion in the Seventies Series. New York: Herder & Herder, 1972.

Flannery, Austin P., ed. Documents of Vatican II. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1975.

MacEoin, Gary. What Happened at Rome: The Council and Its Implications for the Modern World. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1966.

Megivern, James J. Worship and Liturgy: Official Catholic Teachings. Wilmington, NC: Consortium Books, McGrath, 1978.

Rynne, Xavier. Letters from Vatican City. New York: Farrar, Straus, 1963.

Schlink, Edmund. After the Council. Translated by Herbert J. A. Bouman. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966.

Tracy, Robert E. American Bishop at the Vatican Council. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966.

Vogel, Cyrille. "An Alienated Liturgy." In Liturgy: Self-expression of the Church, pp. 11-25. Edited by Herman Schmidt. Concililium,

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Religion in the Seventies Series. New York: Herder & Herder, 1972.

Wenger, Antoine, A.A. Vatican II: The First Session. Vol. 1. West­ minster, MD: Newman, 1966.

General Texts on Catholic Structure, History and Worship

Adam, Karl. The Spirit of Catholicism. New York: Doubleday, 195<± (reprint from 1935).

Bishops' Committee on the Liturgy, National Conference of Catholic Bishops. Environment and Art in Catholic Worship. Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1979.

______. Music in Catholic Worship. Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1983.

Callahan, Daniel. Honesty in the Church. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1965.

Chapungco, Anscar J., O.S.B. Cultural Adaptation of the Liturgy. New York: Paulist Press, 1982.

Dolan, Jay P. The Immigrant Church: New York's Irish and German Catho­ lics, 1815-1865. Baltimore & London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975.

Dunney, Joseph A. The Mass. New York: Macmillan, 1948.

Kelly, George A. The Battle for the American Church. Garden City, NY: Image Books, Doubleday, 1981.

Landis, Benson Y. The Roman Catholic Church in the United States: A Guide to Recent Developments. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1966.

Nida, Eugene A., and Reyburn, William D. Meaning Across Cultures. New York: Orbis, 1981.

O'Shea, William J., S.S., D.D. The Worship of the Church: A Companion to Liturgical Studies. Westminster, MD: Newman, 1958.

Parot, Joseph John. Polish Catholics in Chicago, 1850-1920: A Reli­ gious History. Dekalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1981.

Putz, Louis J. The Catholic Church, U.S.A. London: Holborn, 1958.

Shanabruch, Charles. Chicago's Catholics: The Evolution of an American Identity. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1981.

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Wagner, Johannes. The Church and the Liturgy. Vol. 2. Glen Rock, NJ: Paulist Press, 1965.

Periodicals

The Claverite

"Catholic Principles." Claverite 12 (September 1934) :2.

Faustina, Gilbert. "Our Order." Official Bulletin, 20 August 1919, pp. 16-17.

"Feast of the Assumption." Claverite 18 (August 1938) :62.

"The Feast of Jesus Christ, King." Claverite 16 (October 1936):3.

"Lay Movement and the Membership Drive." Claverite 13 (September 1935): 2-3.

"The Month of the Holy Rosary." Claverite 16 (October 1936) :2.

"The Month of the Rosary." Claverite 12 (October 1934) :44.

"National Eucharistic Congress." Claverite 13 (September 1935):3.

"National Eucharistic Congress." Claverite 16 (October 1936):2.

"St. Peter Claver Day in New Orleans." Claverite 13 (September 1935) :5.

"Sixteenth Annual Convention Resolutions." Claverite 4 (October 1926): 20- 2 1 .

"Theatre Arts to Exhibit African Sculpture in New York." Claverite 4 (January 192 7):7.

The Chronicle

Federated Colored Catholics

Albert, James, S.S.J. "Catholic Action." Chronicle 4 (October 1931): 638-40.

"Catholic Action as the Objective of the Federation." Chronicle 3 (March 1930):51-52, 66.

"Constitution of the Federated Colored Catholics of the United States." Chronicle 2 (November 1929):27-29.

"The Detroit Convention." Chronicle 3 (October 1930):240.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 174

"Draft of Resolutions of the Federated Colored Catholics of the United States." Chronicle 4 (October 1931):608-610.

"Federated Colored Catholics of the United States." Chronicle 4 (Sep­ tember 1931):538-96.

"The Federation— How It Works." Chronicle 3 (October 1930):233-34.

"The Federation— How It Works." Chronicle 4 (September 1931) :542-43.

McKinney, Violet C. "Executive Committee of the Federated Colored Catholics." Chronicle 5 (February 1932):37-38.

"Resolutions Adopted by the Federated Colored Catholics of the United States." Chronicle 2 (October 1929):18, 30.

"Resolutions of the Federated Catholics." Chronicle 3 (October 1930): 232-33.

Smith, H. M. "Federated Colored Catholics of the United States: A Historical Sketch." Chronicle 4 (September 1931):543-48.

Teabeau, Hazel McDaniel. "Seventh Annual Convention of the Federated Colored Catholics Surpasses All Previous Meetings." Chronicle 4 (October 1931) :604-607.

Turner, Thomas W. "Platform of the Federated Colored Catholics." Chronicle 4 (September 1931) :549, 551-554.

"Statement of the Federated Colored Catholics." Chronicle 3 (November 1930):263.

General

Aldrich, Gustave. "Just What Is the Attitude of the Negro American toward the Catholic Church?" Chronicle 2 (November 1929) :9-ll.

Barry, Laurence, S.J. "The Eucharistic Congress of Africa." Chronicle 3 (August 1930):181-83.

LaFarge, John, S.J. "Doing the Truth." Chronicle 5 (February 1932):36- 37.

"Doing the Truth." Chronicle 5 (July 1932):130-31.

"Father Gillard's Study of the Catholic Negro." Chronicle 3 U u l y 1930) :151-52.

"The Oblate Sisters' Centennial." Chronicle 3 (January 1930):3.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 175

LaSalle, Edward. "Caffe Noir." Chronicle 4 (December 1931) :683-84.

Ledit, Joseph H., S.J. Review of Two Negro Sisters. Chronicle 4 (December 1931) :684.

Markoe, William M., S.J. "Catholics, the Negro, a Colored Clergy." Chronicle 2 (December 1929):23-26.

"Mutual Understanding." Chronicle 2 (November 1929):12-13.

"The Pope Favors American Negroes." Chronicle 4 (July 1931):487.

"Report of the Field Agent and Organizer." Chronicle 2 (December 1929): 26-27.

Wells, Orion Francis. "The Necessity of a Colored Clergy." Chronicle 2 (October 1929):25-29.

Zacharias, H. C. E. "Church and Caste in the Land of Liberty." (Review of The Catholic Church and the American Negro, by Father John T. Gillard, S.S.J.) Chronicle 5 (February 1932):31-32, 38.

Blacks and Catholic Worship

Aldrich, Gustave B. "Another View of Separate Churches." Chronicle 3 (March 1930):55-57.

______. "Negro Statues for Catholic Negro Churches." Chronicle 3 (January 1930):9-10.

Cassilly, Francis B., S.J. "Colored Churches Again." Chronicle 3 (April 1930):77.

______. "Why Colored Churches?" Chronicle 3 (February 1930):39-40.

Daniel, Constance E. H. Review of The Morality of the Color Line, by Francis J. Gilligan, S.T.L. Chronicle 3 (January 1930):5-8.

Falls, Arthur G. "Colored Churches." Chronicle 5 (February 1932):26- 27.

Ledit, Joseph H., S.J. "Dark Madonnas." Chronicle 5 (January 1932):2- 4.

Maureau, A. L., S.J. "American Dark Madonnas." Chronicle 5 (March 1932): 53.

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Black Art and Culture

Falls, Arthur G. "Some Misconceptions on 'Negro Culture.'" Chronicle 5 (April 1932):70-71.

Glover, Hugh. "The Renaissance of the Negro: A Sketch of His Accom­ plishments in the Drama and Cinema." Chronicle 3 (April 1930):79- 80.

Murphy, Edward F., S.S.J. "The Spirituals." Chronicle 4 (June 1931): 463.

Teabeau, Hazel McDaniel. "A Glance at the Catholic Press and Litera­ ture." Chronicle 5 (February 1932):28-30.

Saints

Aldrich, Gustave B. "St. Benedict, the Moor." Chronicle 4 (February 1931):385-86.

______. "St. Maurice of Africa." Chronicle 3 (August 1930):183.

"Blessed Martin de Porres." Chronicle 2 (November 1929):13-14.

Cassilly, Francis, S.J. "From Uganda to Omaha: A Radio Address." Chronicle 2 (December 1929):9-11.

Daley, Charles M., O.P. "A Statue of Blessed Martin de Porres, O.P." Chronicle 4 (January 1931):326-27.

"The First Legion of the Blessed Negro Martyrs of Uganda." Chronicle 4 (August 1931):519, 523-24 (reprinted from St. Elizabeth's Chroni­ cle) .

"Peter Claver." Chronicle 3 (October 1930):240-41.

"Prayers and Lessons for the Feast of the Uganda Martyrs." Chronicle 4 (August 1931):517-18.

Interracial Review

Blacks and Catholic Worship

"All-Negro Cast to Present Living Stations of Cross." Interracial Review 14 (March 1941) :48.

Anderson, Elmo M. "Catholic Teaching." Interracial Review 8 (April 1935):55.

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"Archbishop of Cincinnati Speaks at Closing Session of Crusaders' Convention." Interracial Review 11 (September 1933) :168.

Brown, Mollie. "The Catholic Church and the Negro." Interracial Review 13 (October 1940) :155-56.

Busch, William, L.Sc., M.H. "Equality in Christ." Interracial Review 9 (March 1936):41-43.

Campion, Raymond J. "Problems in the Negro Parish." Interracial Review 16 (June 1943):87.

Castro, Amalia. "Here and There (Negro Spirituals and Catholic Litur­ gy)." Interracial Review 36 (February 1963):46.

Chatham, Josiah G. "The Parish Community." Interracial Review 38 (March 1960):73-74.

"Church Music and Spirituals." Interracial Review 6 (June 1933):120.

Clarke, Thomas E. "The Blessed Virgin Mary and the Social Order." Interracial Review 34 (December 1961):315.

Connare, William G., D.D. "The Church Universal Necessarily Inter­ racial." Interracial Review 34 (June 1961):154-55.

Correia-Alfonso, John, S.J. "Racism and the Mystical Body." Interra­ cial Review 33 (October 1960):226-27.

Crawford, Benjamin T. Review of Liturgy and Personality, by Dietrich von Hildebrand. Interracial Review 15 (April 1943) :65.

Diviney, Charles E. "The Mystical Body of Christ and the Negro." Interracial Review 8 (June 1935):86-88.

Duren, Stephen. "The First American Colored Priest." Interracial Review 8 (May 1935):71-74.

"An Easter Homily." Interracial Review 32 (April 1959) :63.

Fichtner, Joseph, O.S.C. "Negro Spirituals and Catholicism." Interra­ cial Review 35 (August 1962) :200-203.

Fox, Ruth. "Catholicism and Racism." Interracial Review 17 (February 1944):24-26.

Fox, Vincent, S.T.D. "Communion in Christ." Interracial Review 35 (April 1962):87.

Gleason, Robert W., S.J. "The Immorality of Segration." Interracial Review 34 (November 1961) :186-89.

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Habets, Nicholas J. "Social Confiteor." Interracial Review 13 (June 1940):89-91.

Hodges, Joseph H. "The Kingdom of Christ: A Sermon Adapted from the Original." Interracial Review 32 (March 1959) :43.

Kleinz, John P. "Compulsory Segregation is Sin." Interracial Review 33 (March 1960):7 0-72.

LaFarge, John, S.J. "The Church and Interracial Justice." Interracial Review 16 (October 1943):150-52.

______. "Commemoration of Pierre Toussaint." Interracial Review 14 (July 1941) :105-108.

______. "In His Image and Likeness." Interracial Review 8 (October 1935): 150-51.

Lally, Francis J. "A Central Problem of Our Day." Interracial Review 31 (March 1958):42.

"The Liturgical Movement." Interracial Review 6 (March 1933):53.

McNicholas, John T. "Address of Archbishop McNicholas to the Catholic Interracial Federation." Interracial Review 6 (October 1933) :174.

Munier, Joseph D. "The Apostolate and the Catholic Interracial Coun­ cil." Interracial Review 34 (July 1961):182-83.

"The Negro and the Parish." Interracial Review 14 (June 1941):86-88.

"The Negro in the Mystical Body." Interracial Review 16 (July 1943): 100.

"One in Christ." Interracial Review 35 (March 1962) :78.

Patzelt, H. J., S.V.D. "Colored Priests in Charge of New Parish." Interracial Review 8 (July 1935):104-105.

Review of Sermons on Interracial Justice, edited by John LaFarge, S.J. Interracial Review 31 (February 1958) :31.

Riley, Mary L. "Interracial Vespers." Interracial Review 15 (March 1943): 41.

Romero, Emanuel A. "The Liturgy and the Negro Catholic." Interracial Review 14 (February 1941) :25.

"Self-Segregation and Negroes." Interracial Review 32 (June 1959):110.

"Sermons on Race Relations in All Catholic Churches." Interracial Review 32 (July 1959):151.

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"Spiritual Realities." Interracial Review 8 (April 1935):53.

"Spiritualizing the Interracial Crusade." Interracial Review 10 (Sep­ tember 1937) :142.

Stewart, Richard J. "A Colored CCC Camp." Interracial Review 9 (July 1936) :103-105, 108-109.

Thompson, August, and Griffin, John Howard. "Dialogue." Interracial Review 36 (April 1963):76.

Tracey, Hugh Travers. "The Development of Church Music on African Norms." Interracial Review 32 (July 1959):141.

Wilson, Gladstone O. "The Mass and Interracial Justice." Interracial Review 13 (February 1940):28-29.

Negro Art and Culture

"Art and Understanding." Interracial Review 8 (November 1935):164.

Brewer, J. Mason. "How the Spider Bought God's Title and Other Spider Tales" (as told by Henry Obed Welbeck). Interracial Review 35 (September 1962) :188-90.

______. "Texas Negro Tales." Interracial Review 32 (December 1959): 236-37.

"Can White Understand Black?" Interracial Review 6 (March 1933) :53.

Carpenter, Joseph C. "Henry Ossawa Tranner." Interracial Review 6 (March 1933) :51.

Clark, Margaret. "The Voice of a Race." Interracial Review 9 (April 1936):57-59.

"Death of a Celebrated Artist." Interracial Review 10 (June 1937) :85 (reprinted from America).

"Discrimination and the Christian Conscience." Interracial Review 31 (December 1958):217.

Dolan, Regina. "Negro Spirituals and American Culture." Interracial Review 31 (April 1958) :63.

Dreer, Herman. "An Introduction to Negro Folklore." Interracial Review 6 (March 1933):48.

Ewing, Franklin, S.J. "Notes on Race and Science." Interracial Review 31 (April 1958) :60.

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Fox, Ruth. "As Youth Sees It: Art for Whose Sake." Interracial Review 19 (December 1946) :190-91.

Hagerity, Helen Marie. "The Negro's Contribution to America." Interra­ cial Review 10 (December 1937) :186-87.

Huth, Edward H. "The Changing Neighborhood Challenge to the Aposto- late." Interracial Review 34 (February 1961):35-37.

Keefe, Charles J. "The Singing Negro." Interracial Review 10 (February 1937):20-21.

LaFarge, John, S.J. "Is Negro Progress Furthered on Purely Racial Lines?" Interracial Review 10 (May 1937):71-73.

Lane, James W. "Contemporary Religious Art Exhibit." Interracial Review 21 (December 1948) :188.

Lavanoux, Maurice. "The Barthfe Exhibit." Interracial Review 14 (July 1941): 108.

Lewis, Theophilus. "The Frustration of Negro Art." Interracial Review 15 (April 1942):58-60.

Lusky, Louis. "The Stereotype: Hard Core of Racism." Interracial Review 37 (August 1964) :203-204.

McCormack, Margaret. "Countee Cullen." Interracial Review 12 (May 1939): 74.

Mackenzie, Amy. "Richard Barthfe— Sculptor." Interracial Review 12 (July 1939) :107-109.

Markoe, William M., S.J. "Achievement." Interracial Review June 1933):107.

______. "Nordic Snobbishness." Interracial Review 6 (May 1933) :88.

"Missioner's Drawings Lead Way for Native Christian Art in Africa." Interracial Review 22 (January 1949) :16.

"Multiracial Society." Interracial Review 32 (July 1959) :131.

Muntsch, Albert, S.J. "Race Fallacies." Interracial Review 7 (January 1933): 2.

"Who and Where Are the Uneducated?" Interracial Review 4 (September 1933):167.

"The Negro and the Immigrant." Interracial Review 6 (February 1933) :30.

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"Negro Art." Interracial Review 9 (May 1936) :69.

"The Negro Woman's Contribution to American Life." Interracial Review 6 (January 1933):3, 13.

O'Neal, Frederick. "The Negro in the American Theatre." Interracial Review 22 (September 1949) :137.

Pattee, Richard F. "Negro Contribution to Hispanic America." Interra­ cial Review 21 (October 1948) :152.

"A Philosopher Reflects." Interracial Review 31 (May 1958):74.

"Racial Nationalism." Interracial Review 11 (October 1933):185.

Review of Dog Ghosts and Other Folk Tales, by J. Mason Brewer. Interra­ cial Review 32 (April 1959) :75.

Silberman, Charles E. "Beware the Day They Change Their Minds!" Inter­ racial Review 34 (March 1966):51-57.

"Superiority of Race." Interracial Review 7 (April 1934):57 (reprint from NCWC News Service).

Tarry, Ellen. "Lest We Forget Our Heritage." Interracial Review 13 (May 1940):74-76.

"Washington Council Announces Interracial Exhibit of Art." Interracial Review 21 (November 1948) :174.

Waters, Vincent S. "Conferring the James J. Hoey Awards." Interracial Review 18 (October 1945):168.

"What's the Difference?" Interracial Review 6 (April 1933):74-75.

Whelan, Francis Mary, O.S.F. "Toward a Theology of the Layman: A Look at the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice." Interracial Review 38 (December 1965) :238-41.

National Federation for the Promotion of Better Race Relations and the National Catholic Interracial Federation

Aldrich, Gustave B. "A New Interest among Catholics." Interracial Review 6 (February 1933):32-33.

Anderson, Elmo M. "Let's Go!!" Interracial Review 7 (February 1934): 15.

Conrad, George W. B. "Annual Presidential Address to the National Catholic Interracial Federation." Interracial Review 6 (October

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1933):174.

______. "National Catholic Interracial Federation: Message from the President." Interracial Review 6 (August 1933):143.

"Executive Committee Meets in Chicago." Interracial Review 6 (January 1933): 4.

Falls, Arthur G. "Better Race Relations from the Catholic Viewpoint." Interracial Review 6 (October 1933):183.

"The Federation and the Parish." Interracial Review 6 (September 1933):165.

"An Important Convention." Interracial Review 6 (August 1933):143.

"Interracial Broadcasting." Interracial Review 6 (February 1933):31.

"Joint Meeting of Claverites and Federation." Interracial Review 6 (November 1933) :202.

Kane, John J. "The Catholic Interracial Problem." Interracial Review 10 (December 1937) :184-85.

Kletzel, Joseph R., C.S.S.P. "Catholic Colored Laymen and Catholic Action." Interracial Review 7 (February 1934):24.

LaFarge, John, S.J. "What Is Interracial?" Interracial Review 6 (March 1933): 54.

Markoe, William M., S.J. "The Ninth Annual Convention of the National Catholic Interracial Federation." Interracial Review 6 (September 1933):160.

"National Catholic Interracial Federation: Resolutions Adopted at the Ninth Annual Convention, Held in Cleveland, Ohio, September 2, 3, 4, 1933." Interracial Review 6 (October 1933) :187.

"New President Defines Policy." Interracial Review 6 (January 1933) :5.

"The New President of the National Catholic Federation." Interracial Review 6 (January 1933) :4.

"Opening Catholic Interracial Hour on Station WLWL." Interracial Review 6 (February 1933):36.

"Social Justice." Interracial Review 6 (February 1933):31.

"Why a Particular Concern for the Negro?" Interracial Review 7 (Febru­ ary 1934):15.

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Interracial Council

"The Catholic Interracial Council." Interracial Review 7 (October 1934): 125.

"Catholic Interracial Mass Meeting New York, Pentacost Day." Interra­ cial Review 7 (April 1934) :45.

Cushing, Richard Cardinal. "Semper Agens, Semper Quietus." Interracial Review 37 (January 1964) :2-3.

Doyle, Thomas F. "The Interracial Review: A Story of Ten Years." Interracial Review 17 (October 1944):150-52.

"An Expanding Apostolate." Interracial Review 32 (May 1959):87.

Falls, Arthur G. "Interracial Cooperation in Chicago." Interracial Review 8 (August 1935) :123.

"Father LaFarge Addresses Third Catholic Interracial Conference." Interracial Review 10 (May 1937) :79.

Hughes, James A. "Interracial Review." Interracial Review 32 (June 1959): 106.

"Interracial Mass Meeting Speakers Demand Justice for Colored People of U.S." Interracial Review 7 (June 1934):74.

LaFarge, John, S.J. "A Call for Catholic Interracial Councils." Inter­ racial Review 21 (December 1948) :182.

"A Catholic Interracial Program." Interracial Review 8 (Feb­ ruary 1935):22-24.

"A Catholic Interracial Program." Interracial Review 12 (September 1939) :134-36.

"Interracial Justice." Interracial Review 7 (October 1934): 121.

"The Pope's Christmas Message." Interracial Review 15 (Jan­ uary 1943):10-11.

"The Time Is Not Ripe." Interracial Review 13 (January 1940):9-10.

McGurn, Barrett. "The New Interracial Center." Interracial Review 12 (June 1939) :91-93.

Mullaney, P. J. "What's in a Name." Interracial Review 32 (June 1959): 106.

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"New Editorial Board." Interracial Review 7 (October 1934):118.

O'Connor, John J. "An Educational Apostolate." Interracial Review 32 (May 1959):89.

"The Program Succeeds." Interracial Review 8 (January 1935):9.

"Spiritualizing the Interracial Crusade." Interracial Review 10 (Sep­ tember 1937):142.

Stevens, Harold A. "An Apostolate of Community Cooperation." Interra­ cial Review 32 (May 1959) :93.

Sullivan, Daniel J. "The Council in Retrospect." Interracial Review 32 (May 1959):95.

Williams, Michael. "The New Crusade: From the Address of the Editor of the Commonweal at the CatholicInterracial Mass Meeting, New York, May 20, 1934." Interracial Review 7 (May 1934):63.

National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice

Ahmann, Matthew. "Our National Convention and the Social Order." Interracial Review 33 (November 1960) :272-75.

"A Christian Conscience and Interracial Justice." Interracial Review 31 (September 1958) :155.

"Commission on Parochial and Institutional Life." Interracial Review 32 (February 1959):33.

Hunton, Harold T. "Why Do People Join Interracial Groups?" Interracial Review 32 (April 1959) :67.

LaFarge, John, S.J. "The Catholic Interracial Council Movement Looks to the Future." Interracial Review 31 (September 1958) :150.

______. "Interracial Justice: Second Phase." Interracial Review 32 (June 1959) :111-12.

Molloy, Patrick J. "Sermon (Preached in St. Louis Cathedral at the Pontifical Low Mass of the National Catholic Conference for Inter­ racial Justice, August 28, I960)." Interracial Review 33 (Novem­ ber 1960):255.

"National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice." Interracial Review 34 (November 1961) :274.

"Our National Conference (National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice)." Interracial Review 33 (February 1960):32.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185

"Resolutions Adopted at First National Catholic Conference on Interra­ cial Justice." Interracial Review 31 (September 1958) :158.

Martin de Porres Movement

Adams, Elizabeth Laura. "She Talks Like We Do!" Interracial Review 13 (October 1940):153-54.

Benavides, O. R., and Aramburu, Jose Felix. "Peru Names Blessed Martin Patron of Social Justice." Interracial Review 12 (December 1939): 189.

Benziger, Marieli G. "Blessed Martin de Porres: Pioneer." Interracial Review 8 (December 1935) :189-90.

______. "That Human Being . . . Martin de Porres." Interracial Review 9 (January 1936):11-12.

"Blessed Martin de Porres Devotion." Interracial Review 8 (December 1935):181.

"Blessed Martin Devotion Shows Amazing Growth." Interracial Review 14 (March 1941) :48.

"Blessed Martin Guild to Open New Office." Interracial Review 15 (March 1942): 48.

"Blessed Martin, Negro Dominican, Social Worker's Trail-Blazer." Inter­ racial Review 10 (July 1937):111-12.

Cardone, Marie Eleanor. Review of Lad of Lima, by Mary Fabyan Windeau. Interracial Review 15 (June 1943) :97.

"The Cause of Blessed Martin de Porres: An Open Letter to Rev. Daniel A. Lord, S.J." Interracial Review 8 (November 1935) :163.

"Centennial of Bl. Martin's Beatification." Interracial Review 10 (Sep­ tember 1937):142.

"Colorful Saint Nears Canonization." Interracial Review 35 (March 1962): 82.

"Comments on the Canonization." Interracial Review 35 (June 1962) :139.

"Dominican Master General Again Urges Canonization." Interracial Review 10 (February 1937):32.

"Dominican Third Order Organized in Harlem." Interracial Review 10 (February 1937):32.

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"Dominicans Visit Martin de Porres Shrine." Interracial Review 10 (January 1937) :16.

Georges, Norbert, O.P. "Interracial and International Saint." Interra­ cial Review 35 (May 1962) :118-19.

"High Places in Heaven Held by Negro Saints." Interracial Review 15 (March 1948) :36.

Hughes, Edward, O.P. "The Blessed Martin Crusade." Interracial Review 9 (November 1936) :169.

______. "Brother Martin Winning His Way." Interracial Review 9 (April 1936) :60-61.

"The Cause of Blessed Martin." Interracial Review 9 (January 1936): 12-14.

______. "Will Rome Canonize an American Negro?" Interracial Review 9 (July 1936):113.

LaFarge, John, S.J. "The Humility of St. Martin de Porres." Interra­ cial Review 35 (September 1962):204.

MacEoin, Gary. "The Latin Tradition in Racial Understanding." Interra­ cial Review 35 (May 1962) :120-21.

McKeon, Richard M., S.J. "Blessed Martin and John: Interracial Action Exemplars." Interracial Review 32 (March 1959) :46.

______. "Saint Martin: A Signand a Contradiction." Interracial Review 35 (May 1962) :116-18.

National Catholic Welfare Conference. "Blessed Martin de Porres Statue at Texas Centennial." Interracial Review 9 (August 1936):128.

O'Connor, James C. "Blessed Martin in Washington." Interracial Review 11 (October 1938):154.

Review of Meet Brother Martin. Interracial Review 9 (January 1936): 17.

Review of Blessed Martin de Porres, by J. C. Kearns. Interracial Review 10 (December 1937) :192-93.

Review of The Saints and Social Work, by Mary Elizabeth Walsh. Interra­ cial Review 10 (February 1937) :33.

"St. Martin de Porres." Interracial Review 35 (May 1962) :112.

"St. Martin de Porres Canonized." Interracial Review 35 (September 1962): 179.

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Smith, Ignatius, O.P. "The Role of Blessed Martin." Interracial Review 9 (June 1936):91.

"Statue of Negro Is Unveiled at Church." Interracial Review 8 (November 1935): 176.

"Third Centennial Novena to Blessed Martin de Porres." Interracial Review 12 (October 1939) :161.

Wendell, Norbert M., O.P. "An American Negro Saint." Interracial Review 8 (April 1935):56-57.

______. "Cause of American Negro Saint Progresses." Interracial Review 8 (September 1935) :134.

Other Saints and Beati

"African Catholics Honor Martyrs of Uganda." Interracial Review 31 (June 1958):106.

"African Martyrs to Be Proclaimed Saints." Interracial Review 37 (Jan­ uary 1964) :6 . i Cullen, William J. "The Martyrs of Uganda Canonized." Interracial Review 37 (December 1964) :227-28.

Huggins, Willis N. "A Tribute to St. Peter Claver." Interracial Review 6 (August 1933):153.

"The New St. Benedict the Moor Apostolate." Interracial Review 33 (April 1960):101-102.

O'Connor, James C. Review of A Saint in the Slave-Trade, by Arnold Lunn. Interracial Review 8 (June 1935):97.

Review of The Saints and Social Work, by Mary Elizabeth Walsh. Interra­ cial Review 10 (February 1937):33.

"St. Benedict the Moor.*’ Interracial Review 14 (December 1941) :181-82.

Vashila, Leo J. "Four Great Benefactors to the Negro in America: A Saint Apostle, His Chief-Aide, a Priest, and a Patriot." Interra­ cial Review 4 (December 1933) :210.

Watts, Henry. Review of Black Martyrs, by J. P. Thoonen. Interracial Review 15 (September 1942) :144-45.

______. "Uganda's Martyrs." Interracial Review 12 (May 1939):73-74.

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VJyse, Alexander, O.F.M. "St. Benedict the Moor." Interracial Review 37 (May 1964)-.108-109.

White Fathers Magazine

"The Canonization." White Fathers, December 1964, pp. 5-13.

"How the Cause Progressed." White Fathers, December 1964, pp. 15-20.

Lane, John. "A Postulator and His Cause." White Fathers, June-July 1963, pp.19-26.

"U.S.A. Honors the Martyrs." White Fathers, December 1964, pp. 27-30.

"Who Were the Martyrs of Uganda: Brief Biographical Sketches of the 22 Newly Canonized Saints." White Fathers, December 1964, pp. 21-26.

National Liturgical Week Proceedings

Blacks and Catholic Worship

Baum, Gregory. "Why There Was a Council." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Challenge of the Council: Person, Parish, World, August 24-27, 1964 Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri, pp. 3-8. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1964.

Bauman, William A. "Parish Song and the Struggle for Quality." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas, pp. 182-86. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966.

Carroll, Thomas. "True Christian Spirit at Work in Today's World." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Liturgy and Unity in Christ, August 22-25, 1960 Meeting, Pittsburgh, Pennsyl­ vania, pp. 80-86. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1961.

Dowdey, Landon G. "Communities of Interest in the Modern City: A Challenge to Form New Kinds of Worship Groups." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas, pp. 162-71. Washing­ ton, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966.

Farmer, James. "Racial Revolutions." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of Revolution: Christian Responses, August 19-22, 1968 Meeting, Washington, D.C., p. 15. Washington, D.C.: Nation­ al Liturgical Conference, 1968.

Fuerst, Anthony. "Liturgy, the Integrating Principle in Education." North American Liturgical Week: Procedings of Education and the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189

Liturgy, August 19-22, 1957 Meeting, Collegeville, Minnesota, pp. 87-112. Elsberry, MO: The Liturgical Conference, 1958.

Furfey, Paul Hanly. "Liturgy and the Social Problem." National Litur­ gical Week: Proceedings of October 6-10, 1941 Meeting, St. Paul, Minnesota, pp. 181-90. Newark, NJ: Benedictine Liturgical Con­ ference, 1942.

Lambert, Rollins E. "A Total View of Parish Life." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Challenge of the Council: Person, Parish, World, August 24-27, 1964 Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri, pp. 67-74. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Confer­ ence, 1964.

Lercaro, Cardinal Giacomo. "Liturgy and Social Action. North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of Participation in the Mass, August 23-26, 1959 Meeting, Notre Dame, Indiana, pp. 31-42. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1960.

McCarthy, John. "The Inner-City Church and Community Organization." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas, pp. 171- 75. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966.

Marciniak, Ed. "The Mass and Economic Order." National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the New Ritual Liturgy and Social Order, August 22-25, 1955 Meeting, Worcester, Massachusetts, pp. 117-28. Elsberry, MO: The Liturgical Conference, 1956.

Novak, Michael. "The Non-Believer and the New Liturgical Movement." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Challenge of the Council: Person, Parish, World, August 24-27, 1964 Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri, pp. 74-86. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1964.

Ryan, Mary Perkins. "Liturgical Celebrations Relevant to the Twentieth Century." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas, pp. 150-54. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966.

Shocklee, John. "Involving Suburbia in the Inner City." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of Worship in the City of Man, August 22-25, 1966 Meeting, Houston, Texas, pp. 175-79. Washing­ ton, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1966.

Stead, Julian. "Liturgy and the Separated Christians." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Liturgical Unity in Christ, August 22-25, 1960 Meeting, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, pp. 113-21. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1961.

Von Hildebrand, Dietrich. "Liturgy and the Cultural Problem." National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of October 6-10, 1941 Meeting, St.

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Paul, Minnesota, pp. 190-203. Newark, NJ: Benedictine Liturgical Conference, 1942.

Liturgical Conference

Hillenbrand, Reynold. "The Liturgical Revival Today." National Litur­ gical Week: Proceedings of December 11-13, 1945 Meeting, New Orleans, Louisiana, pp. 9-14. Peotone, IL: The Liturgical Con­ ference, 1946.

"Introduction," North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Challenge of the Council: Person, Parish, World, August 24-27, 1964 Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri, pp. xiii-xiv. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1964.

"The Liturgical Conference: A Statement." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Renewal of Christian Education, August. 19-22, 1963 Meeting, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, pp. 243-44. Washington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1964.

Morrison, Joseph P. "Opening Prayer: Collect of the Day (August 20)." National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of Christ's Sacrifice and Ours, August 16-21, 1946 Meeting, Portland, Oregon, p. 102. Boston: The Liturgical Conference, 1948.

"Opening Assembly." National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of October 12-16, 1942 Meeting, St.Meinrad, Indiana, pp. 1-4. Ferdinand, IN: The Benedictine Liturgical Conference, 1943.

Wright, John Joseph. "Banquet Addresses." North American Liturgical Week: Proceedings of the Liturgical and Unity in Christ, August 22-25, 1960 Meeting, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, pp. 99-103. Wash­ ington, D.C.: The Liturgical Conference, 1961.

General Background Information

Ellard, Gerald. "A Brief History of the Dialogue Mass." National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of For Pastors and People, August 21-24, 1950 Meeting, Conception, Missouri, pp. 91-101. Concep­ tion, MO: The Liturgical Conference, 1950.

Morrison, Joseph P. "The Spirit of Sacrifice in Christian Society." National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of October 12-16, 1943 Meeting, Chicago, Illinois, pp. 109-121. Ferdinand, IN: The Liturgical Conference, 1944.

Ryan, Mary Perkins. "Our Language of Praise." National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of October 12-16, 1942 Meeting, St. Meinrad, Indiana, pp. 121-35. Ferdinand, IN: The Benedictine Liturgical Conference, 1943.

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Vitry, Dom Ermin, O.S.B. "Restoration of the Parish High Mass and Vespers." National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of December 27- 29, 1944 Meeting, New York, New York, pp. 145-56. Chicago, IL: The Liturgical Conference, 1945.

Wilmes, Aloysius, F. "We Are Active at Mass." National Liturgical Week: Proceedings of Christ's Sacrifice and Ours, August 18-21, 1946 Meeting, Portland, Oregon, pp. 103-111. Boston: The Litur­ gical Conference, 1948.

Liturgy

Healey, Joseph G., M.M. "Adapting African Prayers in Black Liturgies." Liturgy 3 (Spring 1983):55-61.

Morris, Gertrude E. "Membership Forum." Liturgy 20 (March 1975):70.

Norvel, William L., S.S.J. "Liturgical Practice in the Black Parish." Liturgy 3 (Spring 1983):27-33.

Pasquariello, Ronald D. "The Universal Appeal of the Particular." Liturgy 3 (Spring 1983):35-42.

Rivers, Clarence Joseph. "Toward Black Catholic Worship." Liturgy 20 (March 1975):76-79.

- Seasoltz, R. Kevin. "Cultural Pluralism and the Churches' Prayer." Liturgy 3 (Spring 1983):43-49.

Origins

Arrupe, Pedro. "Inculturation and Ministry in the United States." Origins, 27 September 1979, pp. 237-39.

Black Bishops of the United States. "What We Have Seen and Heard: Black Bishops' Pastoral on Evangelization." Origins, 18 October 1984, pp. 273, 275-87.

Braxton, Edward K. "The Black Catholic Experience in America." Origins, 22 January 1981, pp. 497, 499-502.

Cummins, John. "U.S. Liturgical Renewal: Assessment and Prospects." Origins, 6 December 1984, pp. 400, 402-405.

Francis, Joseph A., S.V.D. "Culture and Worship: Keeping the Bread Fresh." Origins, 23 August 1984, 170-73.

Lyke, James P., O.F.M. "The Catechist in the Black Community." Origins, 9 June 1983, pp. 70-73.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 192

Marino, Eugene A., S.S.J. "The Sacraments of Initiation and Black Worship." Origins, 15 September 1983, pp. 241-44.

U.S. Catholic Conference. "Brothers and Sisters to Us: Pastoral Letter on Racism." Origins, 29 November 1979, pp. 381, 383-89.

U.S. Catholic Conference Committee for Social Development and World Peace. "Beyond the Melting Pot: Cultural Pluralism in the United States." Origins, 15 January 1981, pp. 481, 483-89.

Freeing f*he Spirit

Blacks and Catholic Worship

Laguerre, Michel S. "The Drum and Religious Dance in the Christian Liturgy in Haiti." Freeing the Spirit 1 (Spring 1972):10-15.

______. "An Ecological Approach to Voodoo." Freeing the Spirit 3 (Spring 1974):4-12.

"The Failure of Christianity among the Slaves of Haiti." Freeing the Spirit 2 (Winter 1973):10-23.

. "The Festival of Gods: Spirit Possession in Haitian Voodoo." Freeing the Spirit 4 (no season, 1977):23-25.

"Voodoo as Religious and Revolutionary Idealogy." Freeing the Spirit 3 (Spring 1974):23-28.

Lyke, James P., O.F.M., Cap. "Black Liturgy/Black Liberation." Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1971):14-17.

Norvel, William L., S.S.J. "The Meaning of Black Liturgy." Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1971) :5.

Rivers, Clarence Joseph. "Music of the Liberation of Black Catholics." Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1971):26-30.

National Office for Black Catholics and Black Catholic Caucuses and Causes

Davis, Joseph M., S.M. "Reflections on a Central Office for Black Catholics." Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972):30-38.

"Excellence in Black Education: Statement of the National Black Sisters Conference." Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972):40.

Morris, Gertrude. "The History of the National Office for Black Catho­ lics Liturgy Workshops." Freeing the Spirit 8 (Spring 1981):5-7.

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"The Resolutions of the National Convention of Black Lay Catholics." Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972):41-42.

Spalding, David. "The Negro Catholic Congresses: 1889-1894." Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972):3-16.

"Statement of the Black Catholic Clergy Caucus, April 18, 1968." Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972):26-28.

Other Periodicals

"African Catholics Can Help Church in U.S." Missionaries of Africa Report [newsletter of the White Fathers of Africa], ser. 4, 10 (November-December 1981) :4.

Alston, Jon P.; Alston, Letitia T.; and Warrick, Emory. "Black Catho­ lics' Social and Cultural Characteristics." Journal of Black Studies 2 (December 1971) :245-55.

"Black Catholics in America: A History." Blueprint for the Christian Reshaping of Society 26 (January 1973):1-12.

Braun, John Joe. "Viewpoint: Building Bridges." Missionaries of Africa Report, ser. 4, 10 (November-December 1981) :l-3.

Collins, Patrick W. "Liturgical Renewal, Twenty Years Later." Common­ weal, 1 June 1984, pp. 330-34.

Conwill, Giles. "Black and Catholic— V." America, 29 March 1980, pp. 265-67.

______. "Development of Black Religious Vocations." City of God 2 (Summer 1980):47-60.

Djedje, Jacqueline. "An Expression of Black Identity: The Use of Gospel Music in a Los Angeles Catholic Church." The Western Journal of Black Studies 7 (Fall 1983):148-60.

Healey, Joseph G., M.M. "Case Study of Africa's Fifth Gospel: Let the Small Christian Communities Speak." World Parish 21 (January 1983): 1-4.

______. "From Tanzania to Detroit." America, 2 0 September 1980, pp. 142-43.

O'Malley, John W., S.J. "Reform, Historical Consciousness, and Vatican II's Aggiornamento." Theological Studies 4 (December 1971) :589.

Williams, Clarence C.PP.S. "Introduction to the Hendersonville Con­ ference." City of God 2 (Summer 1980):3.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 194

Shannon, William. "Cultural Adaptation in Liturgy." The Sounding Board 2 (Summer 1981) :10, 12.

Statistical Sources

"The Catholic Dictionary." Chronicle 3 (April 1930):87.

Ellis, John Tracy. American Catholicism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956.

Gillard, J. T. The Catholic Church and the American Negro. Baltimore: Society of St. Joseph, 1929.

Colored Catholics in the United States. Baltimore: Society of St. Joseph, 1941.

Harfmann, John, S.S.J. 1984 Statistical Profile of Black Catholics. Washington, D.C.: Josephite Pastoral Center, 1985.

Hennesey, James. American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981.

"Interracial Field: Interesting Statistics." Interracial Review 8 (July 1935):98.

Jesuit Blueprint 24 (September 1973) :10.

LaFarge John, S.J. Review of The Catholic Church and the American Negro, by John T. Gillard, S.S.J. Chronicle 3 (July 1930):151-52.

Liptak, Dolores, R.S.M. The Catholic in the United States: At the Crossroads. Washington, D.C.: Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate, 1983.

Maynard, Theodore. The Catholic Church and the American Idea. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1953.

Miller, Randall M., and Wakelyn, Jon L., eds. Catholics in the Old South. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983.

"Mission Work among the Negroes and Indians Statistics." Our Negro and Indian Missions (January 1957 Report, Josephite Archives, Balti­ more) .

The New Catholic Encyclopedia. S.v. "The Negro Apostolate," by Peter Hogan.

"Our Static Statistics." Interracial Review 12 (December 1939):180-81.

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"Religion." Catholic Review 8 (November 1935):172-73.

St. Joseph's Advocate, July 1894, p. 6.

Shuster, G., and Kearns, R. Statistical Profile of Black Catholics. Washington, D.C.: Josephite Pastoral Center, 1976.

Spalding, D. Freeing the Spirit 1 (Summer 1972) :10.

Turner, Thomas W. Review of The Catholic Church and the American Negro, by John T. Gillard, S.S.J. Chronicle 3 (September 1930):205-7.

Theses and Dissertations

Brokhage, Joseph D., S.T.L. "Francis Patrick Kenrick's Opinion on Slavery." Ph.D. Dissertation, The Catholic University of America, 1955.

Egger, Dolores. "Jim Crow Comes to Church: The Establishment of Segre­ gated Catholic Parishes in South Louisiana." M.A. thesis, Univer­ sity of Southwestern Louisiana, 1965.

Misch, Edward J. "The American Bishops and the Negro from the Civil War to the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore (1865-1884)." Ph.D. dissertation, Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana Facultas Historias Ecclesiasticas, 1968.

Nickels, Marilyn Wenzke. "The Federated Colored Catholics: A Study of Three Variant Perspectives on Racial Justice as Represented by John LaFarge, William Markoe, and Thomas Turner." Ph.D. disserta­ tion, The Catholic University of America, 1975.

Taylor, Augustus Rutherford. "The Compatibility of the Ideology and Value System of the African Personality with the Credal and Ethi­ cal Expressions of Catholic Christianity." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 1975.

Unpublished Sources

Cotton, Charles and Elizabeth. "A History of Black Catholics in the City of Chicago." Master's Paper, Northeastern Illinois State University, 1974.

Hayes, Diana. "Black Catholic Revivalism: The Emergence of a New Form of Worship." Washington, D.C., 1982. (Typewritten.)

Hogan, Peter Edward. "Catholic Missionary Efforts for the Negro before the Coming of the Josephites." Society of St. Joseph, Baltimore, 1947. (Mimeographed.)

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Josephite Fathers. "Position Paper." Washington, D.C., 3 September 1970. (Typewritten.)

National Black Catholic Clergy Caucus. "The Recruitment and Education of Indigenous Priests, Deacons, and Religious for Catholic Par­ ishes Serving Black Americans." Paper prepared for presentation to the National Catholic Conference of Bishops of the USA, 4 March 1974.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.