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Perspectives on Terrorism, Volume 4, Issue 2

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Perspectives on Terrorism, Volume 4, Issue 2 !"#$%& '!( '))$& * +,- *./. PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM !! !"#$%&'()'*++$&', Table of Contents: Interview with Ramadan Shallah, Secretary General, Palestinian Islamic Jihad ..................................................................................................................3 as reported by Scott Atran and Robert Axelrod The Impact of Terrorism on Democracy in Northern Ireland ..................10 by Axel Schmidt Irish Republicanism and the Internet: support for New Wave Dissidents .........................................................................................................................22 by Lorraine Bowman-Grieve Through the Lenses of Hollywood: depictions of Terrorism in American Movies .............................................................................................................35 by Thomas Riegler Officially Blacklisted Extremist/Terrorist (Support) Organizations: a Comparison of Lists from six Countries and two International Organizations .................................................................................................46 by Benjamin Freedman Book Reviews .................................................................................................53 Mark Perry. How to Lose the War on Terror. London, Hurst & Company, 2010. Reviewed by Jason Rineheart. Anneli Botha. Terrorism in the Maghreb: The Transnationalisation of Domestic Terrorism. Pretoria/Tshwane: Institute for Security Studies, 2008. Reviewed by Benjamin P. Nickels. Selected Literature on Radicalization and De-radicalization from Terrorism: Monographs, Edited Volumes, Grey Literature and Prime Articles published since 1970 ........................................................................58 compiled by Eric Price & Alex P. Schmid About ‘Perspectives on Terrorism’ ..............................................................77 Style and Formatting Guide for ‘Perspectives on Terrorism’ ...................79 "!! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! #$%!"&'& PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM !! !"#$%&'()'*++$&', Interview with Ramadan Shallah, Secretary General, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (Damascus, Syria, December 15, 2009) as reported by Scott Atran and Robert Axelrod Introduction On December 14-16, 2009, a delegation from the World Federation of Scientists, including the authors, traveled to Damascus to interview senior Syrian and Palestinian leaders from Syria and various Palestinian factions, including the members of the leadership of Hamas and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. The objective was to gain insight from field interviews into how to further advance scientific understanding of cultural and political conflict in order to create new theoretical and practical frameworks for negotiation and cooperation.[1] Unexpectedly, the opportunity arose to interview Ramadan Shallah, the Secretary General of Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ). The delegation seized the sudden chance to probe this individual’s mode of thinking about political and religious conflict, decision-making, and notions of sacred values. After the meeting, the authors conducted supplemental background research on the Internet, only to learn that Ramadan Shallah is on the FBI’s Most Wanted Terrorist list, with a $ 5,000,000 reward for information leading to his arrest or conviction (cf: www.fbi.gov/ wanted/terrorists/tershallah.htm). Accordingly, the contents of this interview were delivered to the FBI and National Security Council. The interview was conducted in English. Interview After introductions were made, Ramadan Shallah (RS) went into a detailed explanation of PIJ’s decision to opt out of the peace process. RS: We did not ever have a peace process. Abbas’s [December 2009] decision not to seek re- election is confirmation of the fact. The Israelis couldn’t possibly find anyone better for them. I understand he’s playing this card to put pressure on the US government, but Clinton’s response was to “let him go.” Since Madrid and Oslo, 18 and 16 years ago, Palestine has gained nothing. It started with a two- state solution. But if you look at the West Bank today, with the expansion of the settlements and security arrangements, you have Israel in possession of more than 50 percent of the West Bank, which Israel in the end will not give up. That’s 22 percent in the Jordan valley, 10 percent in Jerusalem, 10 percent in border crossings, and 10 percent in settlements. (!! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! #$%!"&'& PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM !! !"#$%&'()'*++$&', Netanyahu learned that the most complicated issue for Barak and Arafat was Jerusalem. But Netanyahu has finished with that. So the hope of a two-state solution is gone. You will not find any political faction in the future that will accept a two-state solution based on Israeli security needs. We see that a sovereign and independent Palestinian state is impossible under such conditions. I cannot blame the Israelis or the Americans alone. The formula was “peace for land, and land for peace.” I am now convinced Israel will never give a piece of land because the Arab governments have already accepted to live with Israel. So, we seem to have only two options left: to go for a two-state solution or a one-state solution. In a one-state solution, Palestinians have rights in all of historic Palestine, in a two-state solution they won’t even have rights in 50 percent of the West Bank. But there is little support in the world for a one-state solution, and Israel will never accept this. The South Africa example won’t work, and it isn’t being discussed. So, I see no end to the struggle until Israel is defeated. We are living in an age of a clash of civilizations. But how can we escape that if Israel insists on only allowing a Jewish state? What about the Christians? We don’t want a state based on religious identity. If Israel won’t consider a one-state solution, then the struggle must continue, and support for it will come from other sources. The masses and groups of people will take matters into their own hands, like Hamas in Palestine, Hizbollah in Lebanon, and we’ll see other such grassroots movements everywhere, and the Arab governments will eventually have to join them or you will have the same kind of situation that made [Ayman al-]Zawahiri come out of Egypt to join Bin Laden. [Senior Hamas leader Ismail] Haniyeh made it clear yesterday that the ultimate struggle is the liberation of all of Palestine, and that is also our goal. We are the indigenous people of the land. I was born in Gaza. My family, brothers and sisters, live in Gaza. But I am not allowed to visit them. But any American or Siberian Jew is allowed to take our land. There is no possibility today of a two-state solution. That idea is dead. And there is no real prospect of a one-state solution. )!! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! #$%!"&'& PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM !! !"#$%&'()'*++$&', So, we are appealing directly to the people of the region ! not to take action against any Arab government ! but if the Arab governments don’t face up to their responsibility, then people will take matters into their own hands. There is a “people force” in Lebanon now, and in Gaza. The Palestinian struggle started with the idea of a one-state solution, then made every concession for a two-state solution. And nothing. The 2002 Saudi “Arab Initiative” was a post-September 11 gesture of conciliation to the Americans: “Take Palestine, we will bargain away their rights, because we are sorry for September 11.” And Sharon said: “The proposal isn’t even worth the ink on paper.” We told Arafat that we will do Jihad. The meaning of Jihad is to defend our people. Question: Is there a difference between you and Hamas? Ramadan Shallah: We share the same Islamic identity. From a strategic point of view, there is no difference between us and Hamas, only a tactical difference. For instance, in conflict management, we reject participation in the elections because we believe that the basis of the Palestinian Authority is the Oslo Agreement. We told Hamas: “Just leave Abbas; Fatah gave Israel every concession and got nothing.”We coordinated our struggle with Fatah, with Hamas. But we don’t believe [in] participating in the PA, which was basically established to liquidate the Palestinian cause. Now the PA is the umbrella for a cheap occupation by Israel. Question: Do you want Palestine as an Islamic state? Ramadan Shallah: I would like to live under Sharia, but I would not impose it. The people must decide. I told brother Khaled Meshaal: I do believe in hijab, my family wears hijab, but you cannot impose a law that all women must wear hijab! Question: How come you speak English so well? Ramadan Shallah: After I got my PhD in 1990, I spent 5 years teaching in the US about the Middle East in a university in south Florida. Question: What was your degree in? Ramadan Shallah: My PhD was on banking systems, working with Islamic banks without interest. *!! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! #$%!"&'& PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM !! !"#$%&'()'*++$&', Question: Are you on the same wavelength as Iran? Ramadan Shallah: I criticize the Islamic regimes for not having a worldview. You have to develop a worldview. In Iran the situation is complicated. Yes, it is an Islamic state but it’s different than the Sunni worldview, which is mine. I do agree with their foreign policies, but not their internal politics. If we remain in the political arena, then we, the Arabs and Palestine, must thank the Iranians for their position, and thank God we have Iranian pressure to compensate for the collapse of Arab pressure. But the Sunni view is
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