The 1947 UN Partition Plan for Palestine
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The Mount Scopus Enclave, 1948–1967
Yfaat Weiss Sovereignty in Miniature: The Mount Scopus Enclave, 1948–1967 Abstract: Contemporary scholarly literature has largely undermined the common perceptions of the term sovereignty, challenging especially those of an exclusive ter- ritorial orientation and offering a wide range of distinct interpretations that relate, among other things, to its performativity. Starting with Leo Gross’ canonical text on the Peace of Westphalia (1948), this article uses new approaches to analyze the policy of the State of Israel on Jerusalem in general and the city’s Mount Scopus enclave in 1948–1967 in particular. The article exposes tactics invoked by Israel in three different sites within the Mount Scopus enclave, demilitarized and under UN control in the heart of the Jordanian-controlled sector of Jerusalem: two Jewish in- stitutions (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Hadassah hospital), the Jerusa- lem British War Cemetery, and the Palestinian village of Issawiya. The idea behind these tactics was to use the Demilitarization Agreement, signed by Israel, Transjor- dan, and the UN on July 7, 1948, to undermine the status of Jerusalem as a Corpus Separatum, as had been proposed in UN Resolution 181 II. The concept of sovereignty stands at the center of numerous academic tracts written in the decades since the end of the Cold War and the partition of Europe. These days, with international attention focused on the question of Jerusalem’s international status – that is, Israel’s sovereignty over the town – there is partic- ularly good reason to examine the broad range of definitions yielded by these discussions. Such an examination can serve as the basis for an informed analy- sis of Israel’s policy in the past and, to some extent, even help clarify its current approach. -
Steps to Statehood Timeline
STEPS TO STATEHOOD TIMELINE Tags: History, Leadership, Balfour, Resources 1896: Theodor Herzl's publication of Der Judenstaat ("The Jewish State") is widely considered the foundational event of modern Zionism. 1917: The British government adopted the Zionist goal with the Balfour Declaration which views with favor the creation of "a national home for the Jewish people." / Balfour Declaration Feb. 1920: Winston Churchill: "there should be created in our own lifetime by the banks of the Jordan a Jewish State." Apr. 1920: The governments of Britain, France, Italy, and Japan endorsed the British mandate for Palestine and also the Balfour Declaration at the San Remo conference: The Mandatory will be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 8, 1917, by the British Government, and adopted by the other Allied Powers, in favour of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people. July 1922: The League of Nations further confirmed the British Mandate and the Balfour Declaration. 1937: Lloyd George, British prime minister when the Balfour Declaration was issued, clarified that its purpose was the establishment of a Jewish state: it was contemplated that, when the time arrived for according representative institutions to Palestine, / if the Jews had meanwhile responded to the opportunities afforded them ... by the idea of a national home, and had become a definite majority of the inhabitants, then Palestine would thus become a Jewish commonwealth. July 1937: The Peel Commission: 1. "if the experiment of establishing a Jewish National Home succeeded and a sufficient number of Jews went to Palestine, the National Home might develop in course of time into a Jewish State." 2. -
As Mirrored in This Volume of His Letters, the Years 1937-38 Were For
THE LETTERS AND PAPERS OF CHAIM WEIZMANN January 1937 – December 1938 Volume XVIII, Series A Introduction: Aaron Klieman General Editor Barnet Litvinoff, Volume Editor Aaron Klieman, Transaction Books, Rutgers University and Israel Universities Press, Jerusalem, 1979 [Reprinted with express permission from the Weizmann Archives, Rehovot, Israel, by the Center for Israel Education www.israeled.org.] As mirrored in this volume of his letters, the years 1937-38 were for Chaim Weizmann the most critical period of his political life since the weeks preceding the issuance of the Balfour Declaration in November 1917. We observe him at the age of 64 largely drained of physical strength, his diplomatic orientation of collaboration with Great Britain under attack, and his leadership challenged by a generation of younger, militant Zionists. In his own words he was 'a lonely man standing at the end of a road, a via dolorosa. I have no more courage left to face anything—and so much is expected from me.' This situation found its prelude in 1936, when Arab unrest compelled the British Government to undertake a comprehensive reassessment of its policy in Palestine. A Royal Commission headed by Lord Peel was charged with investigating the causes of the disturbances. Weizmann, alert to the implications, took great pains to ensure that the Zionist case was presented with the utmost cogency. As President of the Zionist Organization and of the Jewish Agency for Palestine, he delivered the opening statement on behalf of the Jews to the Royal Commission in Jerusalem on 25 November 1936. He subsequently gave evidence four times in camera, and directed the presentation of evidence by other Zionist witnesses and maintained informal contact with members of the Commission. -
The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917-1947 / by Fred Lennis Lepkin
THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND ZIONISM: 1917 - 1947 FRED LENNIS LEPKIN BA., University of British Columbia, 196 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History @ Fred Lepkin 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 1986 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Name : Fred Lennis Lepkin Degree: M. A. Title of thesis: The British Labour Party and Zionism, - Examining Committee: J. I. Little, Chairman Allan B. CudhgK&n, ior Supervisor . 5- - John Spagnolo, ~upervis&y6mmittee Willig Cleveland, Supepiso$y Committee -Lenard J. Cohen, External Examiner, Associate Professor, Political Science Dept.,' Simon Fraser University Date Approved: August 11, 1986 PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917 - 1947. -
Partition and Lead-Up to Violence
P artition and leadup to violence U.N. PARTITION PLAN (1947) Palestinians Jews Percentage of land awarded 44.5% 55.5% by the plan Percentage of total >66.7% <33% population in 1947 Percentage of total land 93% 7% owned in 1947 Percentage of population in 98.8% 1.2% proposed Palestinian state Percentage of population in 46.7% 53.3% proposed Jewish state Percentage of population in 51.2% 48.8% proposed Jerusalem enclave ❖ The Nakba occurred primarily during 1948. In November 1947 the UN proposed a partition plan that split the land about equally between the Jewish and Arab sides. At this time Jews comprised onethird of the local population and owned about 5 percent of the land. ❖ According to the Partition Plan, the Jewish State would comprise fiftyfive percent of Palestine, an area inhabited by 500,000 Jews and almost 400,000 Palestinians. About 700,000 people, including some 10,000 Jews, lived in the area intended for the Palestinian state. The plan intended to establish two states in the country, with a joint economy. The plan opposed forced relocation of populations, but its implementation would, in practice, have required uprooting hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. Despite some opposition by the Jewish public, the Zionist leadership accepted the proposed partition because it represented the first official recognition of a Jewish state, and because it was the most generous proposal that had yet been offered. ❖ The leadership of the Palestinians and of the Arabs rejected the UN decision because although most of the inhabitants of the country were Palestinians, the borders of the state planned for them included less than fifty percent of the country’s land, and they would lose most of the country’s fertile regions. -
PALESTINE: TERMINATION of the MANDATE 15 May 1948
PALESTINE: TERMINATION OF THE MANDATE 15 May 1948 [Statement prepared for public information by the Colonial Office and Foreign Office, His Majesty's Stationery Office] His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland will cease to be responsible for the administration of Palestine from midnight on 14th May, 1948. The ending of thirty years of British rule in Palestine, begun when General Allenby's troop occupied that country towards the close of the first world war, provides a fitting occasion for a brief review of its history and of the policy pursued by His Majesty's Government. I. The Origin and Nature of the British Mandate for Palestine The Mandate for Palestine was assigned to His Majesty by the Supreme Council of the Allied Powers in 1920, was approved by the League of Nations in 1922 and took effect in 1923, when the Treaty of Lausanne formally ended the war between the Allied Powers and the Ottoman Empire, in which Palestine had previously been included. To implement this Mandate, His Majesty's Government set up in Palestine an Administration comprising a British High Commissioner, appointed by and responsible to the Colonial Office, assisted by an Advisory Council nominated by him from his officials. These, together with the police and judiciary, were initially mainly British, but, in the civil service, British subjects were gradually replace by Arabs and Jews in all but the most senior appointments. The Administration was supported by a British garrison. With this mandate His Majesty's Government accepted certain obligations, which are set out in two documents: the Covenant of the League of Nations and the Mandate for Palestine. -
The Partitions of British India and Mandatory Palestine, 1937-1948
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2015 Behind the Lines: The Partitions of British India and Mandatory Palestine, 1937-1948 Jessica Solodkin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Solodkin, Jessica, "Behind the Lines: The Partitions of British India and Mandatory Palestine, 1937-1948" (2015). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 95. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/95 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Behind the Lines: The Partitions of British India and Mandatory Palestine, 1937-1948 By Jessica Solodkin Thesis Supervisor: Abigail McGowan Honors College Thesis Department of History University of Vermont December 2015 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements……………………………3 Introduction……………………………………4 Chapter 1: British India………………………19 India Maps………………………………39 Chapter 2: Mandatory Palestine……………...40 Proposal Maps………………………48, 59 Chapter 3: Comparison……………………….63 Conclusion……………………………………92 Bibliography…………………………………..95 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This project has taken me on an incredible journey of exploration, discovery, and growth. For the past year and a half, I have gained invaluable skills, knowledge, and created unforgettable memories. This journey, however, would not have been complete without the love and support of my family. Without the guidance, wisdom, encouragement, assistance, and kindness of Professor Abigail McGowan, this project and level of personal growth would not have been as meaningful. Your patience, advice, endless office hours, and investment in me have meant the world to me. -
Uti Possidetis Juris, and the Borders of Israel
PALESTINE, UTI POSSIDETIS JURIS, AND THE BORDERS OF ISRAEL Abraham Bell* & Eugene Kontorovich** Israel’s borders and territorial scope are a source of seemingly endless debate. Remarkably, despite the intensity of the debates, little attention has been paid to the relevance of the doctrine of uti possidetis juris to resolving legal aspects of the border dispute. Uti possidetis juris is widely acknowledged as the doctrine of customary international law that is central to determining territorial sovereignty in the era of decolonization. The doctrine provides that emerging states presumptively inherit their pre-independence administrative boundaries. Applied to the case of Israel, uti possidetis juris would dictate that Israel inherit the boundaries of the Mandate of Palestine as they existed in May, 1948. The doctrine would thus support Israeli claims to any or all of the currently hotly disputed areas of Jerusalem (including East Jerusalem), the West Bank, and even potentially the Gaza Strip (though not the Golan Heights). TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................... 634 I. THE DOCTRINE OF UTI POSSIDETIS JURIS ........................................................... 640 A. Development of the Doctrine ..................................................................... 640 B. Applying the Doctrine ................................................................................ 644 II. UTI POSSIDETIS JURIS AND MANDATORY BORDERS ........................................ -
Jerusalem: Legal & (And) Political Dimensions in a Search for Peace
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 12 Issue 1 Article 9 1980 Jerusalem: Legal & (and) Political Dimensions in a Search for Peace Mark I. Gruhin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Mark I. Gruhin, Jerusalem: Legal & (and) Political Dimensions in a Search for Peace, 12 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 169 (1980) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol12/iss1/9 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Volume 12, Number 1, Winter 1980 Jerusalem: Legal & Political Dimensions in a Search for Peace by Mark I. Gruhin* I. INTRODUCTION ANEW ERA of camaraderie has entered the bitter Arab-Israeli conflict as a result of Anwar Sadat's historic visit to Jerusalem and the Camp David Summit. This change in Egyptian attitude" marks a hopeful start in future negotiations between Israel and her neighboring countries. Israel and Egypt have been able to come to terms on most issues concerning the Sinai, but have not been able to reach any agreement concerning the city of Jerusalem. 2 When the Peace Treaty was being signed in Washington, D.C., both Anwar Sadat and Menachem Begin made conflicting remarks in their speeches regarding Jerusalem. Anwar Sadat called for the return of East Jerusalem and Arab sovereignty while Menachem Begin spoke of the reunification in 1967 of the Old City (East Jerusalem) with the New City (West Jerusalem).3 Jerusalem, a small tract of land situated in the Judean Hills, thirty- five miles from the Mediterranean Sea,4 is a city which. -
What Is Left of Palestine's Eighty-Year-Old Partition Plan?
International Relations and Diplomacy, July 2018, Vol. 6, No. 7, 396-407 D doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2018.07.004 D AV I D PUBLISHING What Is Left of Palestine’s Eighty-Year-Old Partition Plan? Shaul Bartal Bar Ilan University, Ramat Gan, Israel In July 1937, Lord Peel’s Palestine Royal Commission report was given to the British government. This report concluded that the only solution for Palestine was the prototype principle of “two state for two nations” solution - a Jewish state and an Arab state. This was the first proposal for a partition plan in Palestine. Since then, throughout the 90 years, there have been over 20 recommendations for the solution of the struggle based on the two-state solution. The last, most recent, recommendations were The Camp David Accords drafted by Clinton in 2000, the Geneva Initiative in 2003, and Ehud Olmert’s Annapolis Plan in 2008. It appears that the differences between the sides are many, too many to enable reaching an agreement regarding two states. What has happened over the last 80 years since then? Is a two state solution, after over 100 years of Arab-Jews conflict in the Holy Land, still possible? This article shows the long road the partition plan has taken in Palestine and suggests a new look about the partition that already exist. Keywords: Israel, Palestine, partition plan, Peel Commission “No other problem of our time is rooted so deeply in the past” (Peel, Martin, Rumbold, Hammond, Carter, Morris, & Coupland, 1937, p. 2). For years, diplomats and scholars have believed that a partition, a Jewish State, and an Arab State, in the land of Israel/Palestine would end the long-lasting conflict between the Jews and the Arabs in historic Palestine. -
The American Politics of a Jewish Judea and Samaria Rebekah Israel Florida International University, [email protected]
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 12-6-2013 The American Politics of a Jewish Judea and Samaria Rebekah Israel Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI13120616 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the American Politics Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Israel, Rebekah, "The American Politics of a Jewish Judea and Samaria" (2013). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 999. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/999 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida THE AMERICAN POLITICS OF A JEWISH JUDEA AND SAMARIA A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Rebekah Israel 2013 To: Dean Kenneth G. Furton College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Rebekah Israel, and entitled The American Politics of a Jewish Judea and Samaria, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _______________________________________ John F. Stack _______________________________________ Nicol C. Rae _______________________________________ Nathan Katz _______________________________________ Richard S. Olson, Major Professor Date of Defense: November 14, 2013 The dissertation of Rebekah Israel is approved. _______________________________________ Dean Kenneth G. -
Britain in Palestine (1917-1948) - Occupation, the Palestine Mandate, and International Law
ARTICLES & ESSAYS https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2531-6133/7663 Britain in Palestine (1917-1948) - Occupation, the Palestine Mandate, and International Law † PATRICK C. R. TERRY TABLE OF CONTENTS: 1. Introduction; 2. The Balfour Declaration; 2.1. The Letter; 2.2. Background; 2.3. Controversies Surrounding the Balfour Declaration; 2.3.1. The “Too Much Promised” Land; 2.3.1.1. Sykes-Picot-Agreement (1916); 2.3.1.2. Mcmahon- Hussein Correspondence (1915/1916); 2.3.2. International Legal Status of the Balfour Declaration; 2.3.3. Interpretation of The Text; 3. British Occupation of Palestine (1917- 1923); 4. The Palestine Mandate; 4.1. The Mandates System; 4.1.1. Self-Determination and President Wilson; 4.1.2. Covenant of The League of Nations; 4.1.2.1. Article 22; 4.1.2.2. Sovereignty; 4.1.2.3. Assessment; 4.1.3. President Wilson’s Concept of Self- Determination and The Covenant; 4.2. The Palestine Mandate in Detail; 4.2.1. First Decisions; 4.2.2. Turkey; 4.2.3. The Mandate’s Provisions; 4.2.4. The Mandate’s Legality; 4.2.4.1. Self-Determination; 4.2.4.2. Article 22 (4) Covenant of The League of Nations; 4.2.4.3. Other Violations of International Law; 5. Conclusion. ABSTRACT: At a time when there are not even negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians in order to resolve their longstanding dispute, this article seeks to explain the origins of the conflict by examining Britain’s conduct in Palestine from 1917-1948, first as an occupier, then as the responsible mandatory, under international law.