Kosovo | Freedom House
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Haradinaj Et Al. Indictment
THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA CASE NO: IT-04-84-I THE PROSECUTOR OF THE TRIBUNAL AGAINST RAMUSH HARADINAJ IDRIZ BALAJ LAHI BRAHIMAJ INDICTMENT The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, pursuant to her authority under Article 18 of the Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, charges: Ramush Haradinaj Idriz Balaj Lahi Brahimaj with CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY and VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR, as set forth below: THE ACCUSED 1. Ramush Haradinaj, also known as "Smajl", was born on 3 July 1968 in Glodjane/ Gllogjan* in the municipality of Decani/Deçan in the province of Kosovo. 2. At all times relevant to this indictment, Ramush Haradinaj was a commander in the Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës (UÇK), otherwise known as the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). In this position, Ramush Haradinaj had overall command of the KLA forces in one of the KLA operational zones, called Dukagjin, in the western part of Kosovo bordering upon Albania and Montenegro. He was one of the most senior KLA leaders in Kosovo. 3. The Dukagjin Operational Zone encompassed the municipalities of Pec/Pejë, Decani/Deçan, Dakovica/Gjakovë, and part of the municipalities of Istok/Istog and Klina/Klinë. As such, the villages of Glodjane/Gllogjan, Dasinovac/Dashinoc, Dolac/Dollc, Ratis/Ratishë, Dubrava/Dubravë, Grabanica/Grabanicë, Locane/Lloçan, Babaloc/Baballoq, Rznic/Irzniq, Pozar/Pozhare, Zabelj/Zhabel, Zahac/Zahaq, Zdrelo/Zhdrellë, Gramocelj/Gramaqel, Dujak/ Dujakë, Piskote/Piskotë, Pljancor/ Plançar, Nepolje/Nepolë, Kosuric/Kosuriq, Lodja/Loxhë, Barane/Baran, the Lake Radonjic/Radoniq area and Jablanica/Jabllanicë were under his command and control. -
DANCING in the the West, China and Russia in the Western Balkans
DARKDANCING IN THE The West, China and Russia in the Western Balkans By Dr. Valbona Zeneli, Marshall Center professor | Photos by AFP/Getty Images n the new era of great power competition, Since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the dissolu- China and Russia challenge Western and trans- tion of Yugoslavia, which brought bloody conflict to Atlantic security and prosperity, not least in the Europe in the1990s, the political West — the United I Western Balkans. The region has shaped the States and the European Union — and its clear foreign history of modern Europe and has been a gateway policy toward the Western Balkans have been crucial between East and West for centuries. In recent years, throughout the process of stabilization, reconstruc- external players have amplified engagement and tion, state consolidation and, finally, NATO and EU influence in the region. The authoritarian external integration. For Western Balkan countries, accession to presence in the Western Balkans could be classified Euro-Atlantic institutions has been viewed internally and as “grafting” — countries such as Russia and Turkey externally as the main mechanism for security, stabil- with a long history of engagement in the region — ity and democracy in a troubled region. Albania and and “grifting” — countries such as China and the Croatia joined NATO in 2009, Montenegro in 2017, Gulf states that bring to bear a more commercial and North Macedonia signed its accession document to and transactional approach. become the 30th NATO member in March 2020. PER CONCORDIAM ILLUSTRATION Democratization has been the key feature of “Europeanization,” while the “carrot” of membership was used to motivate the political elites in the accession countries to adopt and implement important democratic structural reforms. -
Kosovo After Haradinaj
KOSOVO AFTER HARADINAJ Europe Report N°163 – 26 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE RISK AND DEFLECTION OF REBELLION................................................... 2 A. MANAGEMENT OF THE HARADINAJ INDICTMENT ..................................................................2 B. SHADOW WARRIORS TEST THE WATER.................................................................................4 C. THE "WILD WEST" ON THE BRINK ........................................................................................6 D. DUKAGJINI TURNS IN ON ITSELF ...........................................................................................9 III. KOSOVO'S NEW POLITICAL CONFIGURATION.............................................. 12 A. THE SHAPE OF KOSOVO ALBANIAN POLITICS .....................................................................12 B. THE OCTOBER 2004 ELECTIONS .........................................................................................13 C. THE NETWORK CONSOLIDATES CONTROL ..........................................................................14 D. THE ECLIPSE OF THE PARTY OF WAR? ................................................................................16 E. TRANSCENDING OR DEEPENING WARTIME DIVISIONS?.......................................................20 IV. KOSOVO'S POLITICAL SYSTEM AND FINAL STATUS.................................. -
RESOLVING DISPUTES and BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization Between Kosovo and Serbia
Council CIG for Inclusive Governance RESOLVING DISPUTES AND BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization between Kosovo and Serbia Contents 2 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUPPORTING THE BRUSSELS DIALOGUE 16 ESTABLISHING THE ASSOCIATION / COMMUNITY OF SERB-MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES 24 KOSOVO’S NORTH INTEGRATION AND SERB POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 32 PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION 39 COOPERATION ON EU INTEGRATION 41 PARTICIPANTS Albanian and Serbian translations of this publication are available on CIG’s website at cigonline.net. CIG Resolving Disputes anD BuilDing Relations Challenges of normalization between Kosovo and serbia Council for Inclusive Governance New York, 2015 PrefaCe anD AcknowleDgments Relations between Kosovo and Serbia are difficult. Since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, all contacts between officials of Kosovo and Serbia ceased. Belgrade rejected any direct interaction with Pristina preferring to deal through the EU Rule of Law Mission and the UN Mission in Kosovo. However, encouraged by the EU and the US, senior officials of both governments met in March 2011 for direct talks in Brussels. These talks were followed in Brussels in October 2012 by a meeting between the prime ministers of Kosovo and Serbia. These EU-mediated dialogues resulted in a number of agreements between Serbia and Kosovo including the April 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Agreement’s main goal is to conclude the integration of the Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo’s north into Kosovo’s system of laws and governance, including the establishment of the Association/Community of the Serb-Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. The sides also pledged not to block each other’s accession processes into the EU. -
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11. -
Serbia and Montenegro
ATTACKS ON JUSTICE – SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO Highlights Serbia and Montenegro (the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia until February 2003) entered the process of democratic transition, the creation of a system based on the rule of law, much later than other former socialist countries. On 4 February 2003 the new state union of Serbia and Montenegro was proclaimed. Under the Constitutional Charter of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, there is only one instance of Serbia and Montenegro having a common judiciary – the Court of Serbia and Montenegro. Otherwise, each state – the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro – has its own internal courts system. A set of important judicial reforms came into force on 1 March 2002 in the Republic of Serbia and in July 2002 amendments to these laws were made that violate the principle of separation of powers and the independence and impartiality of the judiciary. In Montenegro, several laws relating to the judiciary were passed or amended during 2003. On 19 March 2003, the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia dismissed 35 judges from office, including seven Supreme Court judges, amid accusations that the judiciary had failed to take tougher measures in dealing with remnants of the former regime as well as in prosecuting organized crime. The legal system in Serbia and Montenegro is still characterized by a number of contradictory and inconsistent regulations, resulting in legal insecurity. BACKGROUND On March 2002 officials of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro signed a procedural agreement for the restructuring of relations between both states in Belgrade, in the presence of the high representative of the EU,. -
Political Parties of Kosovo Serbs in the Political System of Kosovo: from Pluralism to Monism JOVANA RADOSAVLJEVIĆ & BUDIMIR NIČIĆ 3
1 NEW SOCIALINITIATIVE Political parties of Kosovo Serbs April in the political 2021 system of Kosovo: From pluralism to monism 2 Political parties of Kosovo Serbs in the political system of Kosovo: from pluralism to monism JOVANA RADOSAVLJEVIĆ & BUDIMIR NIČIĆ 3 Characteristics of the open society within Serb community in Kosovo Political Civil society parties of organizations in the Kosovo Serbs in Openness of Serbian Serbian community in the political system media in Kosovo Kosovo – Beteween of Kosovo: From perceptions and pluralism to presentation monism Attitudes of Kosovo Openness of institutions Community Rights in Serbs of security to the citizens of Kosovo Kosovo institutions Analysis of the Kosovo Serbs in the economic situation in dialogue process the Serb-populated areas in Kosovo Research title: Political parties of Kosovo Serbs in the political system of Kosovo: From pluralism to monism Published by: KFOS Prepared by: Nova društvena inicijativa (New Social Initiative) i Medija Centar (Media Center) Authors: Jovana Radosavljević, Budimir Ničić The original writing language of the analysis is Serbian language. Translated by: Biljana Simurdić Design: tedel Printed by (No. of copies): tedel (100) This paper is published within OPEN, a project carried out by the Kosovo Foundation for Open Society (KFOS) in cooperation with the organizations Nova društvena inicijativa (New Social Initiative) and Medija Centar (Media Center). Views expressed in this publication are exclusively those of the research authors and are not necessarily the views of KFOS. Year of publishing: 2021 CONTENT 05. WHO ARE 16 03. IMPORTANT PLAYERS AND POLITICAL PARTIES 9 WHAT ARE THEIR OF KOSOVO SERBS, ROLES FROM PLURALISM TO MONISM 01. -
Introduction When the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes – from 1929 Kingdom of Yugoslavia – Was Formed in 1918, One of I
Introduction When the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes – from 1929 Kingdom of Yugoslavia – was formed in 1918, one of its most important tasks was to forge a common collective identity. Intellectual elites in the young state with great optimism agreed that education would play a crucial role in this process. It should come as no surprise, then, that a relatively rich tradition of scholarly research into the representation of collective identities in Yugoslav education has originated, precisely to account for the failure of the Yugoslav project in the long term. Recently, a growing body of scholarly research has established textbooks as one of the more rewarding sources for studying collective identity in education, focusing on ‘what knowledge is included and rejected in ... textbooks, and how the transmission of this selected knowledge often attempts to shape a particular form of national memory, national identity and national consciousness’.1 For the Yugoslav case this emerging research field so far has primarily examined textbooks which were used in the period directly preceding, during and following the disintegration of Yugoslavia.2 However, as the present article hopes to illustrate, textbook analysis can also provide the historian with interesting new elements for the study of collective identities in Yugoslavia’s more distant past. With its focus on national identity in Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian textbooks before the First World War, and later also in interwar Yugoslavia, the work of Charles Jelavich still occupies a somewhat -
Kosovo Political Economy Analysis Final Report
KOSOVO POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS FINAL REPORT DECEMBER 26, 2017 This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by Management Systems International, A Tetra Tech Company. KOSOVO POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS FINAL REPORT December 26, 2017 IDIQ No. AID-167-I-17-00002 Award No: AID-167-TO-17-00009 Prepared by Management Systems International (MSI), A Tetra Tech Company 200 12th St South, Suite 1200 Arlington, VA, USA 22202 DISCLAIMER This report is made possible by the support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the sole responsibility of the Management Systems International and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. CONTENTS Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................... ii Executive Summary .................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 6 II. Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 7 A. Foundational Factors ........................................................................................................................................... 7 B. Rules -
(MNEE) Dataset
Montenegrin Elections (MNEE) dataset List of Abbreviations and Names of Parties and Coalitions Last updated: 11 March 2021 If you notice any issues or discrepancies or have questions regarding the table, please send an email to: [email protected] Table Election year Abrreviation Original name Notes and English translation If a party or (coalition partners information on coalition represents in brackets) sources (where a minority, which applicable) minority it represents? 1990 SKCG Savez komunista Crne Future dominant League of Gore party. In 1991 it was Communists of renamed into Montenegro Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS). 1990 SRSJCG (LSCG-SP- Savez reformskih Source: Adžić (2019). Alliance of Yugoslav PSCG-NOK-SNR- snaga Jugoslavije za Reformist Forces for SDSCG-DACG) Crnu Goru Montenegro 1990 LSCG Liberalni savez Crne Liberal Alliance of Gore Montenegro 1990 PSCG Partija socijalista Crne Party of Socialists Gore 1990 SP Socijalistička partija Socialist Party 1990 NOK Nezavisna orgazinacija Independent komunista Organization of Communists 1990 SNR Stranka nacionalne Party of National Bosniak ravnopravnosti Equality 1 1990 SDSCG Socijaldemokratska Not to be confused Social Democratic stranka Crne Gore with SDP (formed in Party of Montenegro 1993) or SDS (Serb Democratic Party)! 1990 DACG Demokratska Democratic alternativa Crne Gore Alternative of Montenegro 1990 DK (SDA-DSCG-SR) Demokratska koalicija Source: Pavićević Democratic coalition Bosniak and Albanian (2007, 25). (coalition, see notes) *details on the members of coalition in -
Belgrade and the Remains of the NATO Bombing Drew Adamek Freelance, [email protected]
Landscapes of Violence Volume 4 Article 6 Number 1 Heritage of Violence November 2016 Zasto: Belgrade and the remains of the NATO bombing Drew Adamek freelance, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/lov Recommended Citation Adamek, Drew (2016) "Zasto: Belgrade and the remains of the NATO bombing," Landscapes of Violence: Vol. 4 : No. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/lov/vol4/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Landscapes of Violence by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Zasto: Belgrade and the remains of the NATO bombing Abstract The 1999 NATO bombings are an omnipresent specter in Belgrade. Nearly seventeen years after the bombings, all the buildings in the city center hit by air strikes still stand as stark daily reminders of the injury Serbs feel. Keywords Belgrade, nato, RTS, bombing, memorial, serbs Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 4.0 License Author Biography Drew is a writer and researcher with a background in public corruption investigative journalism, feature writing, and television production. Drew lives in Belgrade, Serbia and is the managing editor of Belgrade Insight, a publication of the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network. This article is available in Landscapes of Violence: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/lov/vol4/iss1/6 Adamek: Zasto: Belgrade and the remains of the NATO bombing The 1999 NATO bombings are an omnipresent specter in Belgrade. -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the