DOCSLIB.ORG

Fights of Power in Priština

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Fights of Power in Priština WE WERE INTERESTED Prepared by: Dimenzie Photos: Boston Herald, New Europe FIGHTS OF POWER IN PRIŠTINA WHAT WAS BEHIND THE ARREST AND POLITICAL EXTERMINATION OF RAMUSH HARADINAJ IN FRANCE? THE STRUGGLE FOR THE TRIAL WITH FORMER KOSOVO LIBERATION ARMY LEADERS BRING ACCUSED OF WAR CRIMES AGAINST KOSOVO SERBS AND ALBANIANS CONTINUES. In the early January, at the Basel Mulhouse Freiburg airport in France, on his trip to USA, one of the leaders of the former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the president of the Aliance for the Future of Kosovo (AKK), Ramus Haradinaj was arrested. He was taken to custody based on Serbian warrant charging him for murders and serious crimes committed in Kosovo in 1998 and 1999. ough this was not the rst ties in Pristina came under re for it is unacceptable for Haradinaj time Mr. Haradinaj was detained the lacking of their swi interven- to be arrested in any country just abroad, he clearly seemed sur- tion towards his liberation. It is because of the Serbian warrant. prised and upset because of such possible that the absence of reac- Also, Haradinaj´s arrest resulted reaction of French authorities, tion from Pristina was caused for in voting of Resolution in Kosovo especially because he stayed in the same reason that caused peo- Parliament on a deadlock of a France for several times in recent ple from Tachi´s Cabinet to make dialogue with Belgrade, which past, last time being the football phone call and forward to French was already in crisis. is scenario (soccer) match between France intelligence the information on was actually planned by Tachi and and Albania, that took place in exact time of arriving of Mr. Hara- his closest associate Kadri Veseli, Lyon. dinaj at Basel Mulhouse Freiburg, both known for their contacts from where he should depart for with French security circles. Thaçi´ s Poker USA in order to be present at Haradinaj´s longer detention in inauguration of Donald Trump. France was used to put pressure Colleagues from his Alliance for President Tachi announced in the on him to temper conditions he the Future of Kosovo (AAK) were evening, a er huge public con- put on forming the future Kosovo the rst to react and the authori- demnation, and emphasized that government. 16 I DIMENZIE APRIL - MAY 2017 Kouchner´s Heritage at any cost, Kadri Veseli and the agreement on future joint political main obstacle for this was the activity in any way. Obviously, Regarding Tachi´s French links, explicit demand of Haradinaj to Haradinaj is in possession of one just has to remind of the be the Prime minister himself. very good information about the time when Bernard Kouchner is move has, at the same time, plans of his former co- ghters was the head of UN Mission in slightly improved the political from KLA and future political Kosovo from 1999 up to 2001. rating of AAK, but only to partners. erefore, it will be very During his mandate more than level which is enough to make interesting to watch the future 200 000 Serbs were robbed and predicted election results possible. development of the political expelled from Kosovo while in situation in Pristina in the eve the rst several months a er the of early election with results and war Albanian extremists were Chances for a Trial coalitions are agreed upon before. allowed to brutually deal with the e predicament in which small number of Serbian civilians Ramush Haradinaj was during that has not yet le their homes. the extradition process was used Has Haradinaj won? At the same time, international by the members of special court e political partners administration led by Mr. for KLA crimes. According started cooperation with Kouchner and illegal security to well-informed sources, misunderstandings and i tis service SHIK (the intelligence Mr. Haradinaj agreed to be impossible to predict how it will service of Kosovo Albanians) led interviewed by investigators and result. Maybe this was the reason FIGHTS by Kadri Veseli, were engaged provided them information about why there was no meeting of Tachi in destroying of the evidence on links of Tachi´s close cooperates, and Haradinaj, days a er the later Albanian atrocities against Serbs who are the leading people returned from France, and political and so called loyal Albanians, within PDK, with war crimes messages were communicated including the evidence on illegal an atrocities commi ed against through mediators. OF POWER IN PRIŠTINA human organ trade. e sources Serbs and Albanians during e unexpected coalition from Pristina underline that the war in Kosovo. Allegedly, between LDK and Behgjet Tachi deliberately brought down there are around thirty persons Pacoli´s party (a former President the government of the ,,moderate and some of them are at high of the Republic of Kosovo and communist apparatchik” Isa political positions. According to political party the New Kosovo Mustafa, although his party investigators information that Alliance) caused the formalizing Democratic League of Kosovo Haradinaj provided “can be used of the pre-election coalition (LDK) is a part of it, in order to in judicial process“. between Tachi and Haradinaj, r e s h u e i t . Furthermoore, it was learned literally in ,,the last minute“. And Tachi´s goal is to exclude Isa that Mr. Haradinaj intended was the opportunity Haradinaj Mustafa´s party LDK from the to discredit Tachi´s family in could not miss. Tachi was government and to form a new media during election campaign, presented a fait accompli and had one with, political weaker, AAK primarly his brother Gani, by to accept Haradinaj´s condition to of Ramush Haradinaj. e issuing certain documents be the coalition´s candidate for the prime minister and evidence about Gani´s Prime minister. You never know. should cooperation with that time Maybe, at the end of the day, the be, Serbian State Security Service serious role goes to extremist in 1996. is would be done and radical Vetevendosje (Self- even more if Mr. Tachi tries Determination) movement to break the of Kosovo Albanians. D H. Thachi and R. Haradinaj. DIMENZIE APRIL - MAY 2017 I 17.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Haradinaj Et Al. Indictment
    THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA CASE NO: IT-04-84-I THE PROSECUTOR OF THE TRIBUNAL AGAINST RAMUSH HARADINAJ IDRIZ BALAJ LAHI BRAHIMAJ INDICTMENT The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, pursuant to her authority under Article 18 of the Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, charges: Ramush Haradinaj Idriz Balaj Lahi Brahimaj with CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY and VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR, as set forth below: THE ACCUSED 1. Ramush Haradinaj, also known as "Smajl", was born on 3 July 1968 in Glodjane/ Gllogjan* in the municipality of Decani/Deçan in the province of Kosovo. 2. At all times relevant to this indictment, Ramush Haradinaj was a commander in the Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës (UÇK), otherwise known as the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). In this position, Ramush Haradinaj had overall command of the KLA forces in one of the KLA operational zones, called Dukagjin, in the western part of Kosovo bordering upon Albania and Montenegro. He was one of the most senior KLA leaders in Kosovo. 3. The Dukagjin Operational Zone encompassed the municipalities of Pec/Pejë, Decani/Deçan, Dakovica/Gjakovë, and part of the municipalities of Istok/Istog and Klina/Klinë. As such, the villages of Glodjane/Gllogjan, Dasinovac/Dashinoc, Dolac/Dollc, Ratis/Ratishë, Dubrava/Dubravë, Grabanica/Grabanicë, Locane/Lloçan, Babaloc/Baballoq, Rznic/Irzniq, Pozar/Pozhare, Zabelj/Zhabel, Zahac/Zahaq, Zdrelo/Zhdrellë, Gramocelj/Gramaqel, Dujak/ Dujakë, Piskote/Piskotë, Pljancor/ Plançar, Nepolje/Nepolë, Kosuric/Kosuriq, Lodja/Loxhë, Barane/Baran, the Lake Radonjic/Radoniq area and Jablanica/Jabllanicë were under his command and control.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo After Haradinaj
    KOSOVO AFTER HARADINAJ Europe Report N°163 – 26 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE RISK AND DEFLECTION OF REBELLION................................................... 2 A. MANAGEMENT OF THE HARADINAJ INDICTMENT ..................................................................2 B. SHADOW WARRIORS TEST THE WATER.................................................................................4 C. THE "WILD WEST" ON THE BRINK ........................................................................................6 D. DUKAGJINI TURNS IN ON ITSELF ...........................................................................................9 III. KOSOVO'S NEW POLITICAL CONFIGURATION.............................................. 12 A. THE SHAPE OF KOSOVO ALBANIAN POLITICS .....................................................................12 B. THE OCTOBER 2004 ELECTIONS .........................................................................................13 C. THE NETWORK CONSOLIDATES CONTROL ..........................................................................14 D. THE ECLIPSE OF THE PARTY OF WAR? ................................................................................16 E. TRANSCENDING OR DEEPENING WARTIME DIVISIONS?.......................................................20 IV. KOSOVO'S POLITICAL SYSTEM AND FINAL STATUS..................................
    [Show full text]
  • UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
    UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded 4.0 License
    Security and Human Rights (2020) 1-5 Book Review ∵ Daan W. Everts (with a foreword by Jaap de Hoop Scheffer), Peacekeeping in Albania and Kosovo; Conflict response and international intervention in the Western Balkans, 1997 – 2002 (I.B.Tauris, July 2020), 228p. £. 13,99 paperback Fortunately, at the international scene there are those characters who venture into complex crises and relentlessly work for their solution. Sergio Viero de Melo seems to be their icon. Certainly, Daan Everts, the author of Peacekeeping in Albania and Kosovo belongs to this exceptional group of pragmatic crisis managers in the field. Between 1997 and 2002 he was the osce’s represent- ative in crisis-hit Albania and Kosovo. Now, twenty years later, Mr Everts has published his experiences, and luckily so; the book is rich in content and style, and should become obligatory reading for prospective diplomats and military officers; and it certainly is interesting material for veterans of all sorts. Everts presents the vicissitudes of his life in Tirana and Pristina against the background of adequate introductions to Albanian and Kosovar history, which offer no new insights or facts. All in all, the book is a sublime primary source of diplomatic practice. The largest, and clearly more interesting part of the book is devoted to the intervention in Kosovo. As a matter of fact, the 1999 war in Kosovo deepened ethnic tensions in the territory. Therefore, the author says, the mission in Kosovo was highly complex, also because the mandate was ambivalent with regard to Kosovo’s final status. Furthermore, the international community (Everts clearly does not like that term) for the time being had to govern Kosovo as a protectorate.
    [Show full text]
  • The International Association of Parliamentarians for Peace
    EUROPEAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE 23-24 SEPTEMBER 2017 - PRISTINA, KOSOVO IAPP The International Association of Parliamentarians for Peace Dr Thomas Walsh, Chairman, Universal Peace Federation In February 2016, UPF launched the International Association of Parliamentarians for Peace, building on the foundation of work with parliamentarians over the past decade. The launch of the IAPP represents an effort to provide an informal network of parliamentarians who can work together collaboratively for the sake of peace and human development. The regional-level launch of the IAPP has been held in 2016 through International Leadership Conferences in venues around the world, including Nepal, Burkina Faso, the United Kingdom, Costa Rica, Paraguay, Zambia, Japan, and concluding in the United States. In February 2017, the Inaugural World Assembly was convened in Seoul, Korea. National inaugural conferences are currently being held on every continent. Parliamentarians are uniquely qualified to serve as advocates for peace and human development. As representatives of the people, they stand as mediators between government and civil society. Their experiences with the practical challenges related to law-making and public policy give them a unique set of skills and insights that are required in building a world of lasting peace. IAPP will provide a forum for parliamentarians from all nations and political parties, allowing them to come together in a spirit of dialogue and cooperation to search for solutions to local, national, regional, and global problems. Inaugural meeting of IAPP Europe, Eurasia and the Middle East House of Commons of the British Parliament, London, United Kingdom | September 7-9, 2016 EUROPEAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE 23-24 SEPTEMBER 2017 - PRISTINA, KOSOVO IAPP PROGRAMME SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 23 Sessions I and II are held at the Parliament Building 15:00 Session I: A Shared Cultural Heritage, a Common Base for Peace & Stability in the Balkans MC: Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Intelligence Governance in Kosovo
    Kosovo Florian Qehaja Strengthening Intelligence Governance in the Western Balkans Intelligence Governance in Kosovo Florian Qehaja 2 Introduction1 The development of a domestic intelligence agency in Kosovo has been controversial for reasons that relate not only to the robust role of the secret police in the former Yugoslavia but also to the unique conditions that have obtained in Kosovo since the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). In addition to that, no current assessment of the Kosovar security sector can be offered outside the context of the recent past, especially without mentioning the non-statutory intelligence services that operated for more than nine years in lieu of the state intelligence agency and serving the interest of political parties. The apprehensive public perception of the former intelligence structures and the fear of political affiliation of state intelligence agency is an additional issue of concern. The current domestic intelligence service, established following Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, is thus only a few years old and not yet fully operational. To date, one can applaud the moves made in the Kosovo Intelligence Agency (KIA) to embed aspects of good governance in its control mechanisms and the proactive approach exhibited thus far by the main parliamentary oversight committee, but the goal of cohesive and sustained democratic oversight has hardly been reached. Moreover, the roles played by civil society organisations, the media, independent state institutions, and the judiciary have been very limited. This paper aims to evaluate critically the progress being made toward democratic intelligence oversight in Kosovo. It includes an analysis of the applicable legal framework and makes reference as necessary to the historical background and political context.
    [Show full text]
  • In: KSC-BC-2020-06 Specialist Prosecutor V. Hashim Thaçi, Kadri
    KSC-BC-2020-06/F00265/RED/1 of 9 PUBLIC Date original: 28/04/2021 13:36:00 Date public redacted version: 06/05/2021 15:39:00 In: KSC-BC-2020-06 Specialist Prosecutor v. Hashim Thaçi, Kadri Veseli, Rexhep Selimi and Jakup Krasniqi Before: Pre-Trial Judge Judge Nicolas Guillou Registrar: Dr Fidelma Donlon Filing Participant: Specialist Counsel for Kadri Veseli Date: 06 May 2021 Language: English Classification: Public Public Redacted Version of URGENT Veseli Defence Request for Temporary Release on Compassionate Grounds (F/00265 dated 28 April 2021) Specialist Prosecutor’s Office Counsel for Kadri Veseli Ben Emmerson Jack Smith KSC-BC-2020-06/F00265/RED/2 of 9 PUBLIC Date original: 28/04/2021 13:36:00 Date public redacted version: 06/05/2021 15:39:00 I. INTRODUCTION 1. The Defence for Mr Kadri Veseli (“Defence”) requests that the Pre-Trial Judge order the temporary release of Mr Veseli for the period of seven (7) days in order to allow him to attend to his father who is in a grave medical condition. II. CLASSIFICATION 2. This request is filed confidentially and ex parte for two reasons. Firstly, the request will reveal sensitive medical information concerning Mr Veseli’s father which should not be in the public domain. Secondly, the Defence wishes to dispel, in advance, the possible argument that Mr Veseli will exploit the grant of temporary release for anything other than private family purposes. Reducing the number of non- essential parties to the present litigation will avoid the content of this application being leaked unnecessarily.
    [Show full text]
  • Balkans Briefing
    Balkans Briefing Pristina/Washington/Brussels, 10 October 2000 REACTION IN KOSOVO TO KOSTUNICA’S VICTORY I. SUMMARY While the world watched in fascination as mass demonstrations in Belgrade toppled Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic from power, Kosovo—where Milosevic had committed some of his worst crimes—had an almost eerie air of normalcy. On the night Milosevic fell, cafés were full and the usual crowd of young people strolled along Pristina’s central artery, Mother Theresa Street. But Pristina’s surface indifference masked serious unease about events in Serbia and especially about the swelling international welcome for newly elected President Vojislav Kostunica. Kosovo Albania’s political circles, opinion leaders, and public, which for long had a head-in-the-sand approach toward the rise of the democratic opposition in Belgrade, are only beginning to come to grips with the changed political landscape in the Balkans caused by Milosevic’s fall. Initial reactions to Kostunica’s election suggest the radicalisation of Kosovo Albanian opinion on issues such as co-operation with the international community and Kosovo’s future status. If NATO governments go too far toward welcoming the new Serb democratic forces without sending some positive and reassuring signals to Kosovo, the already evident sense of impatience among Kosovo Albanians with aspects of the international mission could grow and eventually turn dangerous. Over the next year or so, the international community should seek to turn the attention of both the Kostunica government and the Kosovo Albanian community toward confidence-building measures and dialogue that could lay the foundation for diplomatic engagement at the proper time.
    [Show full text]
  • Another High Stakes for Kosovo: Haradinaj's Government
    Another High Stake for Kosovo: Haradinaj’s Government Challenging Agenda This publication is supported by: The Democratic Society Promotion (DSP) Project - Funded by the Swiss Cooperation Office in Kosovo (SCO-K) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark (DANIDA) and managed by the Kosovar Civil Society Foundation (KCSF). The content of this publication is the responsibility of the Balkans Policy Research Group (BPRG) and does not represent SCO-K’s, DANIDA’s or KCSF’s position. and Royal Norwegian Embassy. Disclaimer: The views and analyses in this policy article are solely of the Balkans Group and do not reflect the views of the donors. Author: Balkans Policy Research Group (BPRG) Another High Stake for Kosovo: Haradinaj’s Government Challenging Agenda “The government of Ramush Haradinaj inherits a large and very challenging agenda. The mood and the context are not very favorable. The list of tasks presents the priorities that do matter for the citizens, institutions, international partners and Kosovo’s European agenda” Three months after the June 11 elections, Kosovo elected the government on 9 September. The vote of the PDK-AAK-NISMA winning coalition-led government was made possible only with support of the New Kosovo Alliance (AKR) of Behgjet Pacolli, and of all 20-minority seats representing Serbs, Bosnians, Turks and RAE. Vetëvendosje (Self-Determination) movement with 32 and LDK with 25 seats, in a protest boycotted the voting of the government. Sixty-one out of 120 members of the assembly voted the cabinet of Ramush Haradinaj. With a slim majority, against a very strong opposition, Haradinaj’s government may live long only if it performs well.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom House, Its Academic Advisers, and the Author(S) of This Report
    Kosovo by Group for Legal and Political Studies Capital: Pristina Population: 1.816 million GNI/capita, PPP: $10,200 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores NIT Edition 2017 2018 2009 2011 2016 2010 2012 2013 2014 2015 National Democratic Governance 5.25 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 Electoral Process 4.50 4.25 4.50 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.50 Civil Society 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.75 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Independent Media 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.25 5.00 5.00 Local Democratic Governance 5.25 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 Judicial Framework and Independence 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 Corruption 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 Democracy Score 5.14 5.07 5.18 5.18 5.25 5.14 5.14 5.07 4.96 4.93 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo, Albania and the Prospects of Unification
    All in? Kosovo, Albania and the prospects of unification On 14 February, Kosovo held snap parliamentary elections which the main opposition party, the left-wing nationalist Self-Determination Movement (LVV), won by a landslide. The victory was historic, as it dismantled the hegemon of the two parties that have dominated the post-war landscape, namely the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) and Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), neither of which will form part of the next government for the first time since 2001. This is significant not only for the domestic affairs of Kosovo, which LVV aims to transform through institutional and economic reforms, but also its geopolitical relations. This was not a central plank of LVV’s electoral platform, but it is an elephant in the room given its uncertain implications for Kosovo’s relations with Serbia, which inform whether Pristina can achieve full recognition of its 2008 independence – and thereby consolidate its territorial integrity, a necessary condition of moving towards eventual membership of the European Union. Two days after the election, the leader of LVV and its prime ministerial candidate, Albin Kurti, said in an interview with Euronews that in the event of a referendum in Kosovo on unification with Albania, he would vote in favour. Kurti heavily caveated his statement, but as an experienced political operator he would likely have been aware of the headline that the media would pick out. Reheated arguments Though controversial, the public declaration of this stance is nothing new. Unification has been at the back of the collective Albanian mind since 2001, with the assumption being that once Albania and Kosovo became members of the EU, borders would be redundant.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo After Haradinaj
    KOSOVO AFTER HARADINAJ Europe Report N°163 – 26 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE RISK AND DEFLECTION OF REBELLION................................................... 2 A. MANAGEMENT OF THE HARADINAJ INDICTMENT ..................................................................2 B. SHADOW WARRIORS TEST THE WATER.................................................................................4 C. THE "WILD WEST" ON THE BRINK ........................................................................................6 D. DUKAGJINI TURNS IN ON ITSELF ...........................................................................................9 III. KOSOVO'S NEW POLITICAL CONFIGURATION.............................................. 12 A. THE SHAPE OF KOSOVO ALBANIAN POLITICS .....................................................................12 B. THE OCTOBER 2004 ELECTIONS .........................................................................................13 C. THE NETWORK CONSOLIDATES CONTROL ..........................................................................14 D. THE ECLIPSE OF THE PARTY OF WAR? ................................................................................16 E. TRANSCENDING OR DEEPENING WARTIME DIVISIONS?.......................................................20 IV. KOSOVO'S POLITICAL SYSTEM AND FINAL STATUS..................................
    [Show full text]