Galen's Teleology and Functional Explanation
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Chapter IV Book IV
Book IV 1 WE have thus spoken of the generation of animals both generally and separately in all the different classes. But, since male and fe- male are distinct in the most perfect of them, and since we say that the sexes are first principles of all living things whether animals or plants, only in some of them the sexes are separated and in others not, therefore we must speak first of the origin of the sexes in the lat- ter. For while the animal is still imperfect in its kind the distinction is already made between male and female. It is disputed, however, whether the embryo is male or female, as the case may be, even before the distinction is plain to our senses, and further whether it is thus differentiated within the mother or even earlier. It is said by some, as by Anaxagoras and other of the physicists, that this antithesis exists from the beginning in the germs or seeds; for the germ, they say, comes from the male while the fe- male only provides the place in which it is to be developed, and the male is from the right, the female from the left testis, and so also that the male embryo is in the right of the uterus, the female in the left. Others, as Empedocles, say that the differentiation takes place in the uterus; for he says that if the uterus is hot or cold what en- ters it becomes male or female, the cause of the heat or cold being the flow of the catamenia, according as it is colder or hotter, more ‘antique’ or more ‘recent’. -
Lucyna Kostuch Do Animals Have a Homeland
H U M a N I M A L I A 9:1 Lucyna Kostuch Do animals have a homeland? Ancient Greeks on the cultural identity of animals The role of animals in ancient Greek culture has been discussed in a variety of contexts, — the relation between human and animal, the moral status of animals, animals in the works of naturalists, animals in tragedy, animals in art, zooarchaeological research. 1 In the literature of ancient Greece, animals are used to represent all things that do not belong to civil society or to the Greek community: slaves, women, and foreign peoples (barbaroi ). Symbolically, animals are often placed outside the country. 2 However, a close reading of texts by Greek authors leads to the conclusion that this is just one side of the coin. The Greeks attributed regional identity to animals, defined by the local geography, and by the history of a region enclosed by borders. At the same time, the world of animals seemed to be ethnically diversified, for the Hellenes coined the terms “Hellenic animal,” belonging to the Greek culture, and “barbaric animal,” belonging to a foreign culture. In this way, Greek animals became an inalienable part of the Hellenic “national” legacy. The Greeks imagined the human world and the world of animals as a world of common borders — there were “familiar” and “unfamiliar” animals at all levels of spatial division. This article, based primarily on literary sources, aims to answer the following questions: How did the ancient Greeks associate animals with space, geography, and their own settlements? Did they attribute nationality and territory to animals? Did they think animals missed their homelands? Could a foreign animal experience a process of cultural integration, namely Hellenization? Animals and Greek civilization . -
Interpreting the History of Evolutionary Biology Through a Kuhnian Prism: Sense Or Nonsense?
Interpreting the History of Evolutionary Biology through a Kuhnian Prism: Sense or Nonsense? Koen B. Tanghe Department of Philosophy and Moral Sciences, Universiteit Gent, Belgium Lieven Pauwels Department of Criminology, Criminal Law and Social Law, Universiteit Gent, Belgium Alexis De Tiège Department of Philosophy and Moral Sciences, Universiteit Gent, Belgium Johan Braeckman Department of Philosophy and Moral Sciences, Universiteit Gent, Belgium Traditionally, Thomas S. Kuhn’s The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962) is largely identified with his analysis of the structure of scientific revo- lutions. Here, we contribute to a minority tradition in the Kuhn literature by interpreting the history of evolutionary biology through the prism of the entire historical developmental model of sciences that he elaborates in The Structure. This research not only reveals a certain match between this model and the history of evolutionary biology but, more importantly, also sheds new light on several episodes in that history, and particularly on the publication of Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species (1859), the construction of the modern evolutionary synthesis, the chronic discontent with it, and the latest expression of that discon- tent, called the extended evolutionary synthesis. Lastly, we also explain why this kind of analysis hasn’t been done before. We would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their constructive review, as well as the editor Alex Levine. Perspectives on Science 2021, vol. 29, no. 1 © 2021 by The Massachusetts Institute of Technology https://doi.org/10.1162/posc_a_00359 1 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/posc_a_00359 by guest on 30 September 2021 2 Evolutionary Biology through a Kuhnian Prism 1. -
Teleology and the Concepts of Causation
Philosophica, 46 (2), 17–43, 1990. 128 Teleology and the Concepts of Causation he term ‘teleology’ was coined by the philosopher Christian Wolff in his Latin T treatise of 1728 and he defined it as indicating the part of natural philosophy that explains the ends, or purposes, of things.1 It has been used to describe a prominent feature of the theological views of Thomas Aquinas and the metaphysics of Aristotle. Some forty years ago, it was adopted by the founder of cybernetics to characterize a mechanism designed, among other things, to steer missiles to their target. Since the instrumental purpose of artificial devices would seem to belong to a domain that is somewhat different from the metaphysical purposes of Nature and its components, it is reasonable to suspect that the term has shifted its meaning and become ambiguous. Where ambiguities remain hidden, all kinds of nonsense can be generated. In the present essay, I argue that the problem with ‘teleology’ goes back to one of the four ‘explanatory principles’ that resulted from Aristotle’s examination of what we now call causation. After a brief survey of the contemporary uneasiness about teleology I present an exposition of Aristotle’s classification of causes, suggesting that modern science has been somewhat cavalier in dismissing all but one of the four. I suggest that an adequate analysis of the concept of efficient cause opens a way to showing that the notion of final cause, usually condemned as ‘teleological’, is in fact twofold and that one of its components does not at all infringe the accepted rules of science. -
Quiet Debut'' of the Double Helix: a Bibliometric and Methodological
Journal of the History of Biology Ó Springer 2009 DOI 10.1007/s10739-009-9183-2 Revisiting the ‘‘Quiet Debut’’ of the Double Helix: A Bibliometric and Methodological note on the ‘‘Impact’’ of Scientific Publications YVES GINGRAS De´partement d’histoire Universite´ du Que´bec a` Montre´al C.P. 8888, Suc. Centre-Ville Montreal, QC H3C-3P8 Canada E-mail: [email protected] Abstract. The object of this paper is two-fold: first, to show that contrary to what seem to have become a widely accepted view among historians of biology, the famous 1953 first Nature paper of Watson and Crick on the structure of DNA was widely cited – as compared to the average paper of the time – on a continuous basis from the very year of its publication and over the period 1953–1970 and that the citations came from a wide array of scientific journals. A systematic analysis of the bibliometric data thus shows that Watson’s and Crick’s paper did in fact have immediate and long term impact if we define ‘‘impact’’ in terms of comparative citations with other papers of the time. In this precise sense it did not fall into ‘‘relative oblivion’’ in the scientific community. The second aim of this paper is to show, using the case of the reception of the Watson–Crick and Jacob–Monod papers as concrete examples, how large scale bibliometric data can be used in a sophisticated manner to provide information about the dynamic of the scientific field as a whole instead of limiting the analysis to a few major actors and generalizing the result to the whole community without further ado. -
A Short History of Botany in the United States</Article
would have extended the value of the classes (the chapter on plant ecology book to the layman, the high school to my environmental biology class, for ScienceFilmstrips biology student, and even the elemen- example) in order to give students a tary-school child. fine historical overview of the particu- R. E. Barthelemy lar discipline's development in this BIOLOGY CHEMISTRY University of Minnesota country. Meanwhile I read the book PHYSICS MICROBIOLOGY Minneapolis piecemeal myself for biohistorical ap- ATOMICENERGY preciation and background; it shouldn't at one sit- ATOMICCONCEPT be read from cover to cover HISTORYAND PHILOSOPHY ting! HOWTO STUDY Never before has such a fund of di- on American botani- GENERALSCIENCE A SHORT HISTORY OF BOTANY IN THE UNITED verse information in FIGURE DRAWING STATES, ed. by Joseph Ewan. 1969. cal endeavor been brought together LABORATORYSAFETY Hafner Publishing Co., N.Y. 174 pp. one handy volume. We might hope that American zoologists, undaunted by HEALTHAND SAFETY(Campers) Price not given. Engelmann of St. having been upstaged, can shortly man- SAFETYIN AN ATOMICATTACK In 1846 George Louis, after finally receiving some fi- age to compile a comparable volume SCHOOLBUS SAFETY nancial encouragement for the pursuit for their discipline. BICYCLESAFETY of botany in the American West, opti- Richard G. Beidleman Colorado College mistically wrote that he could "hope a Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/abt/article-pdf/32/3/178/339753/4442993.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 WATERCONSERVATION Springs little more from this country for sci- Colorado ence." Today, Engelmann would be de- CARL LINNAEUS, Alvin and Virginia Ask for free folder and information lighted and amazed by what his adopted by Silverstein. -
DICTIONARY of the HISTORY of SCIENCE Subject Editors
DICTIONARY OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE Subject Editors Astronomy Michael A. Hoskin, Churchill College, Cambridge. Biology Richard W. Burkhardt, Jr, Department of History, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Chemistry William H. Brock, Victorian Studies Centre, University of Leicester. Earth sciences Roy Porter, W ellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, London. Historiography Steven Shapin, & sociology Science Studies Unit, of science University of Edinburgh. Human Roger Smith, sciences Department of History, University of Lancaster. Mathematics Eric J. Aiton, Mathematics Faculty, Manchester Polytechnic. Medicine William F. Bynum, W ellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, London. Philosophy Roy Bhaskar, of science School of Social Sciences, University of Sussex. Physics John L. Heilbron, Office for History of Science & Technology, University of California, Berkeley. DICTIONARY OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE edited by W.EBynum E.J.Browne Roy Porter M © The Macmillan Press Ltd 1981 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1981 978-0-333-29316-4 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission. First published 1981 by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD London and Basingstoke Associated Companies throughout the world. ISBN 978-1-349-05551-7 ISBN 978-1-349-05549-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-05549-4 Typeset by Computacomp (UK) Ltd, Fort William, Scotland Macmillan Consultant Editor Klaus Boehm Contents Introduction vii Acknowledgements viii Contributors X Analytical table of contents xiii Bibliography xxiii Abbreviations xxxiv Dictionary Bibliographical index 452 Introduction How is the historical dimension of science relevant to understanding its place in our lives? It is widely agreed that our present attitudes and ideas about religion, art, or morals are oriented the way they are, and thus related to other beliefs, because of their history. -
Dioscorides De Materia Medica Pdf
Dioscorides de materia medica pdf Continue Herbal written in Greek Discorides in the first century This article is about the book Dioscorides. For body medical knowledge, see Materia Medica. De materia medica Cover of an early printed version of De materia medica. Lyon, 1554AuthorPediaus Dioscorides Strange plants RomeSubjectMedicinal, DrugsPublication date50-70 (50-70)Pages5 volumesTextDe materia medica in Wikisource De materia medica (Latin name for Greek work Περὶ ὕλης ἰατρικῆς, Peri hul's iatrik's, both means about medical material) is a pharmacopeia of medicinal plants and medicines that can be obtained from them. The five-volume work was written between 50 and 70 CE by Pedanius Dioscorides, a Greek physician in the Roman army. It was widely read for more than 1,500 years until it supplanted the revised herbs during the Renaissance, making it one of the longest of all natural history books. The paper describes many drugs that are known to be effective, including aconite, aloe, coloxinth, colocum, genban, opium and squirt. In all, about 600 plants are covered, along with some animals and minerals, and about 1000 medicines of them. De materia medica was distributed as illustrated manuscripts, copied by hand, in Greek, Latin and Arabic throughout the media period. From the sixteenth century, the text of the Dioscopide was translated into Italian, German, Spanish and French, and in 1655 into English. It formed the basis of herbs in these languages by such people as Leonhart Fuchs, Valery Cordus, Lobelius, Rembert Dodoens, Carolus Klusius, John Gerard and William Turner. Gradually these herbs included more and more direct observations, complementing and eventually displacing the classic text. -
Chapter Four T H E P L a C E O F T H E G O O D in Aristotle's Natural Teleology
Chapter Four The Place of the Good in Aristotle's Natural Teleology by Allan Gotthelf In previous writings I have offered an interpretation of Aristotle's conception of final causality in terms of his conception of an "irreducible potential for form."1 I have argued that final causality is operative in nature, and teleological explanation thus appropriate, only when there is being actualized a potential for a complex organic outcome which is not ontologically reducible to a sum of actualizations of potentials of the organ- ism's elemental constituents. At no place in this analysis do I refer to the goodness of that complex organic outcome.2 Some recent writers have suggested that the absence of any reference to goodness in the analysis of Aristotelian ends is a mistake. Thus, one of the most influential recent discussions of teleological explanation, John Cooper's 1982 Owen Festschrift paper, "Aristotle on Natural Teleology," begins as follows: Aristotle believed that many (not, of course, all) natural events and facts need to be explained by reference to natural goals. He understands by a goal (ov evexa) whether natural or not, something good (from some point of view) that something else causes or makes possible, where this other thing exists or hap- pens (at least in part) because of that good. Copyright © 1988 Allan Gotthelf. Revised from the paper read November 19, 1987, at Clark University, as part of the Tenth Annual Boston Area Colloquium in Ancient Philosophy. 1. Gotthelf 1976/77, reprinted with a long "Postscript 1986" as Gotthelf 1987a. Cf. Gotthelf 1980, 19876. -
"You Can't Make a Monkey out of Us": Galen and Genetics Versus Darwin
"You can't make a monkey out of us": Galen and genetics versus Darwin Diamandopoulos A. and Goudas P. Summary The views on the biological relationship between human and ape are polarized. O n e end is summarized by the axiom that "mon is the third chimpanzee", a thesis put forward in an indirect way initially by Charles Darwin in the 19 th century.The other is a very modern concept that although similar, the human and ape genomes are distinctly different. We have compared these t w o views on the subject w i t h the stance of the ancient medical w r i t e r Galen.There is a striking resemblance between current and ancient opinion on three key issues. Firstly, on the fact that man and apes are similar but not identical. Secondly, on the influence of such debates on fields much wider than biology.And finally, on the comparative usefulness of apes as a substitute for human anatomy and physiology studies. Resume Les points de vue concernant les liens biologiques existants entre etre humain et singe sont polarises selon une seule direction. A I'extreme, on pourrait resumer ce point de vue par I'axiome selon lequel « I'homme est le troisieme chimpanze ». Cette these fut indirectement soutenue par Charles Darwin, au I9eme siecle. L'autre point de vue est un concept tres moderne soutenant la similitude mais non I'identite entre les genomes de I'homme et du singe. Nous avons compare ces deux points de vue sur le sujet en mentionnant celui du medecin ecrivain Galien, dans I'Antiquite. -
ARISTOTLE's TELEOLOGY and Uexk1tll's THEORY of LIVING NATURE
ARISTOTLE'S TELEOLOGY AND UEXK1tLL'S THEORY OF LIVING NATURE THE purpose of this paper is to draw attention to a similarity between an ancient and a modern theory of living nature. There is no need to present the Aristotelian doctrine in full detail. I must rather apologize for repeating much that is well known. My endeavour is to offer it for comparison, and, incidentally, to clear it from misrepre- sentation. Uexkiill's theory, on the other hand, is little known, and what is given here is an insufficient outline of it. I do not maintain that either doctrine is right. I am fully aware that the problem of the essence of living nature by no means admits of an easy solution.' In offering for consideration the comparison contained in this paper I would go no farther than owning my belief that the two authors here discussed, both thinkers who combine an intensely philosophical outlook with a wide biological experience, are worth the attention not only of the historian of science and philosophy, but also of the student of philosophical biology. One of the various meanings which dv'at bears for Aristotle is that of a cause. In the second book of his Physics, as is well known, he investigates the philosophical character of that cause. The result is what we are accustomed to call his teleology. He maintains that not only rpoalpacr~sbut also dv'c is rTwvEIEKL r'tov alrlwv.2 This teaching has exercised a deep influence, especially throughout the Middle Ages. It has subsequently been discarded, especially since modern science established its mechanistic outlook on nature, which is strictly opposed to teleological explana- tions. -
TELEOLOGY and DIALECTIC Introduction
CHAPTER FIVE TELEOLOGY AND DIALECTIC Introduction: Teleology and Natural Science We have seen how Marx addresses several issues in the philosophy of science on his way to constructing his research principles which, in turn, lead him to theoretical conclusions. Several issues he addresses are shared with natural science, including conceptualizing variables, looking for their interrelations, and accounting for causal dynamics. Teleological explanation is one philosophy of science category that directs attention toward the temporal relationship between variables and their causal properties. In this chapter, I inquire into the logic of teleological explanation in natural and social science and how Marx’s approach addresses this issue as well as its political implications. Teleological reasoning comes up in the works of classical philoso- phers, Christian theologians, and modern philosophers of science. As expressed by Aristotle and Kant, teleological arguments depict things as existing or coming to exist because of the purpose or role they play in the world.1 It is a seductive way of thinking. Th ings are here because of what they do for us and/or for other things. Teleological reason, however, at its traditional rudimentary level at least, does not go beyond speculative reason as it simply rests on argument, not on test- able empirical demonstration. As these sorts of explanations are sub- ject to misleading us, we need to clarify teleology’s logic and root out 1 “Philosophers as divergent in their perspectives as Aristotle and Kant have