The Presidential Pardon Power
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Jeffrey Crouch. The Presidential Pardon Power. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2009. viii + 208 pp. $34.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-7006-1646-6. Reviewed by Donald Rogers Published on H-Law (August, 2010) Commissioned by Christopher R. Waldrep (San Francisco State University) When President George W. Bush commuted I. An up-to-date scholarly synthesis, Crouch's Lewis "Scooter" Libby's prison sentence after his book provides the fullest historical account and conviction in the Valerie Plame spy exposure legal analysis of the presidential pardon power scandal in 2007, many Americans complained published in two decades. He begins by explain‐ that the president had abused his Article II, Sec‐ ing that the clemency power began in ancient tion 2.1 constitutional power "to grant Reprieves Babylonian, Greek, and Roman societies and be‐ and Pardons for Offenses against the United came a favorite instrument of English kings, but States, except in Cases of Impeachment." Earlier, stirred up controversy at the American constitu‐ Americans felt similar outrage when Bill Clinton tional convention of 1787 as to whether such a granted clemency to Puerto Rican nationalists and "kingly" power belonged in republican govern‐ fugitive fnancier Marc Rich, when George H. W. ment. Only after some debate did the Framers de‐ Bush pardoned Caspar Weinberger for his in‐ cide to vest unlimited authority to grant clemency volvement in the Iran-Contra affair, and when in the executive branch alone--without senatorial Gerald Ford pardoned Richard Nixon for possible consent, before or after criminal convictions, crimes in the Watergate scandal. In The Presiden‐ even for treason, though not for impeachment. tial Pardon Power, political scientist Jeffrey Crouch acknowledges Anti-Federalist Luther Mar‐ Crouch contends that Americans are rightfully tin's prescient warning in the ratification debate concerned about these recent presidential deci‐ that presidents might abuse clemency authority to sions, because they signal misuse and sharp diver‐ cover up treason in the executive branch, but he gence from the original constitutional intent and asserts that the pardoning power otherwise historical practice of granting presidential evoked little discussion. He consequently accepts clemency. Alexander Hamilton's Federalist Nos. 69 and 74 as the definitive statement of the clemency clause's H-Net Reviews original meaning: presidents need broad pardon‐ authority politically--as when Thomas Jefferson ing power to serve "humanity and good policy" proffered it to secure testimony against alleged (p. 18), and can be checked by impeachment if traitor Aaron Burr, or when Ulysses Grant refused they misuse that authority. to offer immunity for witnesses aligned against Crouch usefully delineates the legal compo‐ his personal secretary Orville Babcock in the nents of the clemency power. The phrase "re‐ Whiskey Ring scandal. Most of the time, Crouch prieves and pardons," he says, allows the presi‐ says, presidents refrained from using the pardon dent to select one of fve gradations of clemency-- power to disrupt executive branch investigations, full pardons, commutations of sentences, remis‐ whether Theodore Roosevelt in the Oregon Land sions of fnes and forfeitures, reprieves or post‐ Fraud case, Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover ponements of punishment, and amnesty or gener‐ in the Teapot Dome scandal, or Harry Truman in al pardons. Congress institutionalized the pardon‐ a tax-fixing offense at the Bureau of Internal Rev‐ ing process in 1865 by creating the Office of Par‐ enue. don Clerk (Pardon Attorney as of 1891), and feder‐ Crouch only partially explores the political al courts clarified the character and scope of the ramifications of Civil War-era pardons. He recog‐ president's pardoning power over the years. Chief nizes the constitutional tug-of-war between "pro- Justice John Marshall in U.S. v. Wilson (1833) af‐ amnesty presidents" Abraham Lincoln and An‐ firmed that presidential pardons were "acts of drew Johnson and the "anti-amnesty" Radical Re‐ grace" valid only upon recipients' acceptance, but publican Congress, the latter of which registered Biddle v. Perovich (1927) determined (without the most significant legislative challenge to the overruling Wilson) that that they mainly served presidential pardon power in U.S. history (p. 40). the public welfare. Other decisions ruled that par‐ He stops short, however, of discussing the clemen‐ dons could be given at any time after the commis‐ cy power's entanglement in Civil War and Recon‐ sion of a crime, could be partial or conditional in struction policy. He might have observed, for in‐ the benefits that they bestowed, but did not re‐ stance, that Johnson's thousands of pardons to ex- store pardoned parties to status as "new men" ex‐ Confederate officials were not just gestures of le‐ punged of criminal records. Several Civil War cas‐ niency to restore domestic tranquility, but politi‐ es raised the possibility of concurrent congres‐ cal acts that undermined a congressional land re‐ sional authority to grant or withhold clemency, distribution scheme, preserved white supremacy but Crouch fnds that courts consistently con‐ in the South, and courted a southern political fol‐ strued the power to pardon just as an executive lowing for Johnson's potential 1868 reelection bid. function. [1] The Presidential Pardon Power, however, re‐ The Presidential Pardon Power maintains mains more focused on the narrow legalities of that the pardoning process operated mainly out of presidential misuse of and congressional en‐ the public spotlight from the presidency of George croachment on clemency authority, than on its Washington to Watergate. Most pardons involved role in larger political battles. unknown people, but Crouch observes that some Crouch sees President Gerald Ford's pardon concerned notables, from Whiskey and Fries of former president Richard Nixon as the crucial rebels to Eugene Debs, Marcus Garvey, and Jimmy turning point in the presidential pardon power's Hoffa. In most cases, Crouch explains, presidents history. According to Crouch, twentieth-century followed George Washington's practice of granting immunity and parole statutes had likely dimin‐ clemency as an "act of grace" or to serve the pub‐ ished the need for presidential pardons in ordi‐ lic welfare. Rarely did they deploy the clemency nary criminal cases, but Ford's Nixon pardon set 2 H-Net Reviews the stage for a new era of self-interested political personal interests" (p. 95). The pardon of defense clemency decisions. As for Ford himself, Crouch secretary Caspar Weinberger, for example, re‐ strongly sympathizes with his "very difficult cir‐ lieved George H. W. Bush of the embarrassing pos‐ cumstances" (p. 91) and concludes that his pardon sibility of having to testify in Weinberger's trial of Nixon probably did not result from any deal, about his own conduct in the Iran-Contra affair. but rested properly on the public welfare theory Clinton's grant of conditional clemency to convict‐ of "heal[ing] the wounds throughout the United ed members of FALN, a Puerto Rican nationalist States" (p. 67). Nonetheless, Crouch argues that group, were likely intended to help his wife the timing of Ford's Nixon pardon before any in‐ Hillary's U.S. senatorial bid and Vice President Al dictments was understandably very controversial, Gore's presidential race, while his last-minute despite precedents like Ex Parte Garland (1862), pardon of Marc Rich likely aimed to reward the and that Ford himself badly bungled the public latter's ex-wife for a half-million-dollar contribu‐ explanation of his decision, a failure that contrib‐ tion to the Clinton presidential library. George W. uted to his 1976 presidential election defeat. Bush's commutation of Scooter Libby's jail time The Presidential Pardon Power's most origi‐ protected a member of the president's inner cir‐ nal contention is that the 1978 post-Watergate In‐ cle. dependent Counsel Act encouraged abuse of the Crouch convincingly maintains that these re‐ clemency power. Passed in reaction to Richard cent presidential pardons marked an ominous Nixon's infamous dismissal of a special prosecutor turn toward self-interested political use of the in the October 1973 "Saturday Night Massacre," presidential clemency power, but whether he can the counsel law attempted to create an indepen‐ attribute that shift mostly to the effects of the In‐ dent process for investigating executive branch dependent Counsel Act is debatable. Arguably, the wrongdoing. In a chapter devoted wholly to the counsel statute did provide "political cover" for measure's origins and impact, however, Crouch the two President Bushes to protect allies (and contends that the statute had the unexpected ef‐ themselves) by pardoning accessories to the Iran- fect of giving presidents "political cover" to use Conrtra and Valerie Plame episodes, but the the pardoning power "to exercise aides or sup‐ statute seemingly had little to do with President porters caught up in an investigation as victims Clinton's stunning batch of last-minute pardons. worthy of presidential clemency" (p. 94). Presi‐ Here again, the book might look to additional his‐ dents strategically pardoned executive branch of‐ torical circumstances that may have contributed ficials to thwart independent counsel investiga‐ to the recent explosion of political pardons. One tions on grounds that such prosecutions were po‐ was the ratification of the Twenty-Second Amend‐ litically motivated. ment in 1951, giving modern two-term presidents