Notionql Commitlee. CPUSA t I l Focing the 85th Congress

Nemmy Sporks tl9l Anno Louise Strong's "The Stslin Ero"

Nolionol Committee. CPUSA t43l A Messoge to Porty Orgonizotlons

Merle Brodsky 146) On the Role of the Porty

Louis Fleischer i 55.1 Peoceful Co-Existence: Mox Weiss & Discussion

Joseph Storobin t60l A Communication

WHAT ,(IND OF irEflT:".L"nn;, t27], o'' ' X''8F i?f H il #":r_..X j;, I5l For Negro History Weekl JANUARY, I957 v. XXXV N. , politieal affairs TOWARD NEGRO FREEDOM Facing the 85th Congress* Bg HERBERT APTHEKER By National Commitfee, CPUSA This volume. by an outstanding authority in its field, consists ^ 85ru coNGREss of nineteen es^says dealing r,vith central aspects of American Tur will convene 1957.For labor and its Negro history from colonial times to the present. None of these January 3, allies, the Negro people, essays has hitherto appeared in book forir and several of them the small farmers and small business and pro- were prer)ared speciallyJor this volume. Those published before fessional people, appeared in such periodicals as The lournal oi Negro Historu, it marks a new stage in the fight peace, The lournal ot' Neqro Educotion, and have been reiised for econom- ic security and equal rights. is, s are estimates of Frederick It in a very deep sense, a continuation ton, Carter G. Woodson and of the struggles of the election cam- wn and Abraham Lincoln, and crimination and Dixiecrat violence- paign concluded last November. While- s toward slavery, of class the civil rights struggle re- Labor and its political allies, of the nature of the Civil by mains the No. r issue of domestic rallying their growing independent War. About half the volume deals with the post-Reconstruction affairs, world peace remains the un- strength in a non-partisan drive for period,-especially fr_om 1890 to the presentl including studies derlying chief concern of the Ameri- their legislative demands, can play of the Negro in both World Wars. There are extendei studies can people. This profound concern a major part in writing the record has also of the abilities of white and Nesro. been heightened by the Middle of the coming session. East crisis of the cont entists, of the nature of ArXer- and the efforts of the On its opening day the Senate ica's racist ations are made Knowlands, McCarthys and East- of the writings will face a popular demand leading authorities as U. B. Phillips, to curb lands to exploit the tragic events in 1f ych V. O. Key, Jr., arid the Dixiecrat C. Vann Woodward. filibusterers by amend- Hungary in order to rekindle the ing Rule zz. A simple maiority rrrn $2.00; cr-orrr $2.75 can cold war. amend this infamous rule if the new . At home our people are plagued Senate and Vice President Nixon, its by NEW CENTURY PUBLISHERS o 832 Broadwoy, lrlew York 3, lrl. I. an ever-mounting cost o[ Iivins presiding officer, wish to do so. But and a crushing rax burden. The Nal this majority can be produced only if tional Association of Manufacturers the labor movement, Negro people's threatens a new drive on labor,s po- thc Post Officc at New Yorft, Y., organizations N. and other democratic litical and economic rights. A con- is published monthly by N€u Ccntny civic groups throw their full mem- to whom subsniptions, payme?rts dttd tinued failure to meet the precarious a year; $z.oo lor sir months; lotcigtt bership into a whirlwind campaign Tlrg_ strcEent was relased on Decerntcr to eflect this end. 19,- ^' 7956.-Ed, prrNTD rN u.s.A @2Oe POLITICAL AFFAIRS FACING THE 85TH CONGRESS pro- position of the small farmer and pro- Republican Party, the party of the political action. The political prgg- political forces to advance their issues of the hour. longed drought in some arfas leave Cadillac Cabinet, a majority in Con- iess of labor and its coalition allies grams on the main ques- the farmers in a mood of deep dissat- gress. Negro people, the farmers, the Along with civil rights, -the policy be very isfaction. Small business is demand- The Negro voters again demon- small businessmen-will depend on tions of foreign will The ing relief from the intolerable pres- strated their deep political aware- the answers to these questions. much to the fore in C,ongress. makes impera- sure of the monopolies. ness. The substantial shift of Negro Great headway could be made in Middle East crisis it The post-election hearings of the voters from the Democratic Party Congress and in '58 and'6o, were la- tive that our government be urged peaceful ne- Eastland and Walter committees are was their form of rebuke of Eastland- to renew the process of a shocking reminder that McCarthy- ism; their support of labor-backed gotiation at the summit, as the Swiss ites in Congress are still hacking Democratic Congressional candida- Government has proposed. The time away at the Bill of Rights. cies was their form of maintaining has come for serious consideration the historic alliance with labor to of the proposal, advanced by the Once again, as in past years, the advance the welfare of the people. the peace-time draft and a shift of Soviet Government and powerful anti-labor coalition of reactionary Re- Organized labor, in alliance with the swollen sections of public opinion in the publicans and conservative Demo- the Negro people and the small time'produc U.S.A. and elsewhere, for the with- troops from all crats will be in the saddle in the new farmers, strongly infuenced the elec- on housing, drawal of all foreign and Congress. Labor and its allies must tion returns, particularly in the con- new TVA's countries, the neutralization Germany and an all- reckon soberly with the fact that gressional races. Such was the case ized atomic energy plants. unification of two-thirds of the Congressional com- in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Ore- Labor also needs, in alliance with European security agreement. It is strengthen the mittees are headed by Southern gon and in the farm belt. The ac- the Negro people, to lead an uncom- also high-time to UN Democrats, some of them of the tivities of labor's Committee for Po- promising fight for a full civil rights by the admission of the People's Re- Dixiecrat stripe, and that the ef{ec- litical Education in the first political program and for a decisive break public of China. tive Congressional leadership is in campaign since AFL-CIO unity gave with the Dixiecrats by all political Especially is it necessary for la- bor and its allies to fight the efiorts the hands of Senator Lyndon ]ohn- organized labor new political power forces supported by labor. and son and Rep. Samuel Rayburn, both and foreshadows the type of aggres- It needs to put forth a more of the Knowlands, McCarthys conservative Democrats with strong sive legislative activity that labor rounded-out anti-monopoly program Eastlands to exploit the Hungarian war ties to Texas oil monopolies. and its allies must carry on in the that will win the support of the events in order to whip up a But the set-up of the 85th Con- B5th Congress. farmers, small business, white collar spirit and destroy completely the As an over- gress does not mean that Congress At the same time, the defeat of and professional people. spirit of Geneva. part of progra-m, loans and will be able to forget that it was Stevenson and the failure to make It needs to place ever-increasing all foreign aid should extended without chosen in an election in which more any substantial inroads on the GOP- emphasis on year-round independent grants be than 6r million Americans, despite Dixiecrat bloc in Congress, have labor political organization in the strings attached to newly-liberated semi-colonial countries as as to the obstacles of the two-party sys- given rise to considerable self-ex- communities and the shops, on closer well tem, manifested their deep concern amination on the part of organized ties with its allies and on a grass- Socialist countries, like Poland, now seeking such business-like arrange- for peace and progress. The desire labor. As the unions seek the rea- roots, non-partisan approach to leg- of the electorate for peace was ex- sons for these failures, we believe islative activity. ments. pressed in their landslide vote for they will find them in labor's inade- With the opening of Congress and Labor will undoubtedly press in Congress, as the Eisenhower, particularly after his quate approach to four main ques- President Eisenhower's State of the the next it did in pledge of "non-involvement" in the tions: peace, the Dixiecrat question, Union message, the opportunity will election campaign, for its corxpre- Middle East. Their desire for prog- the anti-monopoly struggle and be presented for labor, the Negro hensive program of social and eco- program, ress was expressed in denying the strengthening labor's independent people and all other independent nomic legislation. This re- POLITICAL AFFAIRS Ilected in part in Stevenson's "New Together, these issues in and America" projections, was one of the around the coming session of Con- most important features of the '56 gress constitute basic elements of an campaign and deserves the fullest anti-monopoly program as against 0n Social Democracy in the U. S. support. the reactionary policies of Nixon, This program includes tax relief the Cadillac Cabinet and the Dixie- for those in the lower brackets, rais- crats. The legislative struggles on ing the level and extending the cov- these issues in Congress-and their A CP Sub-Committee Report erage of the minimum wage law, counterparts in the State Legisla- increased social security benefits, and tures and City councils-are an in- income parity and other farm legis- dispensable basis for the eventual there countries, as example the Sara- lation demanded by the family-type development in our country of a IN uosr of our Party's material for farmer. The sharp rise in the cost of great labor and people's political al- is repeated emphasis on the decline gat group and the Nenni Socialists living underscores the need for such liance against the trusts. of Social-Democracy and the victory in Italy. The Social-Democratic Par- measures and makes timely labor's If labor continues to extend the of the Communists in the world ty is also a mass party and the main much party of the class demand that Congress investigate the independent organization and ac- labor movement. There is working in Japan, monopolies. tivity shown in the '56 campaign truth in this. But we would be mak- and there are reformist parties in a The unions and other major peo- and if it helps to organize a many- ing a very serious mistake i[ we whole number of countries in Asia ple's organizations, in their own in- sided mass movement for the urgent were to underestimate the infl.uence and in Africa. In the United States, terests, need to raise the demand for needs of the people, it will profound- of Social-Democracy, or reformism while we have no mass Social-Demo- repeal not only of the Taft-Hartley ly influence the new Congress. in general, or neglected to consider cratic party, nevertheless reformism Act, but of the McCarran-Walter, To the fight for such a people's how it particularly expresses itself does dominate our growing labor McCarran, Smith and all other program and movement, the Com- in the United States. movement. Social- witch-hunt legislation as well. The munists of the United States are It is true that the Communists It is clear, therefore, that restoration of the Bill of Rights like- dedicated. We will cooperate with make up not only the sole or lead- Democracy, nearly four decadbs wise calls for amnesty for Smith Act all supporters of the labor movement ing Party in the lands of Socialism, after the Russian Revolution and the and other political prisoners. to help effect these aims. but also major parties or significant formation of the Communist Parties, mass parties in countries like France remains a force not to be ignored in and Italy in Europe, Indonesia and the capitalist world. It did not disin- India in Asia, and even in such tegrate, it did not disappear, al- countries of Latin America as Bra- though changes of all kinds un- z1l. doubtedly took place, and are con- Yet it is also true that the Social- tinuing to take place. Here too, in Dem,ocratic parties are the main regard to these changes, dogmatism parties of the working class in coun- and doctrinairism will not help. We tries like Britain, West Germany, must study what is ner,v and con- 'We Ilolland, Belgium, the Scandinavian crete in the situation. have seen countries, and Australia, where they in a number of countries, in given also clominate the trade-union move- specific circumstances, the merger ment; while in countries like Italy of Social-Democratic Farties with and France, where the trade unions Communist Parties, as in Poland, are split, these parties are strong, Czechoslovakia, Eastern Germany, though different in character in some Hungary. We know the specific role POLITICAL AFFAIRS SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY IN THE U.S. those who turn toward the bourgeoisie. of the Nenni Socialists in Italy, veloped a position-we arq not even though there are obviously dif- which is not entirely the same as the sure how widespread-that there ferences between us and Social-De- Obviously the above was also Social-Democratic Party in other are already practically no differences Inocracy, these difierences have a with written in a specific and concrete countries. In some respects this is between us and Social-Democracy. history, and they will remain There have been situation and should not be viewed also true of the united party of so- This tendency falls into two cate- us for some time. as dogma or doctrine. The only rea- cialists in following the gories. Some say that this is so many new things, new possibilities, fapan son it is brought forth is to show merger of the two- socialist because of the new world situation that have a direct and immediate Parties. that the one-sided view of one aspect We know of the difierentiation in and new relations of forces and the bearing on all our work, not only in of Lenin's characterization of Social- the British Labor Party, the role of new concept which wd have devel- the daily tasks, not only in regard place before Democracy, namely "labor lieuten- the forces led by Bevan, the role of oped in regard to the peaceful transi- to the basic aims we the of an anti- ants of imperialism," at one time in such leaders as Cole. In 'fact, under tion to Socialism, etc. There are also ourselves in building also re- a given situation, which is held by ,he necu conditions and the new others who take the position that monopoly coalition, but in obiectives, and some comrades even today, was situation, neu possibilities exist notu not only are there no diflerences of lation to our socialist United Marx- never correct. It was not a Leninist netu relatio'ns and the question any consequ,ence, but that there the perspective for a for Parry country. Those who position. Simply to keep repeating becomes uery important or us to never should have been a split in the ist in our f continue to repeat the old phrases of "labor lieutenants of imperialism" establish where tue and Social-Demo- first place. We refer now not to the "labor imperialism," and to attack everybody and make crats agree and where ue disagree split in any particular country, but lieutenants of always speak of the Meanys and them the main enemy is wrong and and tuhat tl're possibilities are cuith in general, on a world scale. We will who along the Charles E. alienates us from the masses. regard to united action, uith regard deal with this a little later, but this Reuthers with Wilsons, Dulleses, etc, are not only to cooperation ol all and with is not the most difficult question ftinds, following narrow, sectarian, self-de- DIFFE,RENCES WITH regard to a un;te(J party ol Social- rvhich we shall be compelled to deal SOC|IAL-DEMOCRACY feating tactics, but are in fact theo- ,sm. with, for it is not difficult to prove lt \4/rong. retically and politically wrong. And We turn now to another question: We think the rnost important since this line is put forward and NEED FOIT Do we and the Social-Democrats question will be the following: defended in the name of Marxism- NEW'APPROACH stand on the same platforml Polit- Tl-rere rvill be comrades who agree Leninism, let us listen to these words ically, ideologically I Here we do not Most of us are agreed that we that there is something new, that from " Left-W in g" C ommunism-An refer to the Nenni Socialists, or to need a new approach to the question we need a new approach, but it will Inlantile Disorder; a Cole, or in our country, people like of Social-Democracy, but we maY be limited in practice in these com- The petty-bourgeois Democrats (in- Muste. Nor do we refer to people not all agree on what this aPProach rades' thinking merely to the need cluding the Mensheviks), invariably around rhe Monthly R.euieou and should be. There is the tendencY for more skillful m.ethods of expos- vacillate between the bourgeoisie and similar groups with whom we have which maintains that there is noth- ine Social-Democracy;. that just. as the proletariat, between bourgeois de- much in agreement. It is important ing ner.v, so that some comrades con- we are now using less sectariarr mocracy and the Soviet system, be- to have a correct approach to what stantly repeat the old formulas about methods in general, we should also tween reformism and revolutionariness, is generally called reformism, that is, Social-Democracy, its character and have a less sectarian approach to between love of the workers and fear Social-Democracy as it is today prac- its role. This is, of course, a ten- this question. But this limiting of of the proletarian dictatorship. The ticed through its main organizaiions dency which will not be very diffi- the pr"oblem to one of better tactics proper tactics for the Communists to adopt is to utilize these vacillations and and leaderships particularly in coun- cult to defeat. Life itself is already is not nterely inadequa,te, but fails and utilizing them tries like Brirain, West Germany, doing that, and we find from our to see tuhat is neu in the sitwation, not to ignore them; calls for concessiofls to those elements France and those who occupy the experience that we can cope with and is absolutely turong. It will not which are turning towards the prole- same position in the political spec- that. lead us to the kind of app_roach tariat . . . while simultaneo'r.rsly fighting trum in our country. We know that On the other hand, there has de- which is necessary. We must see that POLITICAL AFFAIRS SOCIALDEMOCRACY IN THE U.S. with the parliamentary Social-Democracy or reformism, the can master these and not only a few, road the So- ber Revolution and the attitudc to- cial Democrats reformist trend in the labor move- not only a small group of intellectu- talked about and wards the revolution which was which has as yet ment, matured in the era of imper- als. This is true, if it is brought nowhere led to the developing in Central Europe ar that ialism establishment of Socialism. time and in the first place esien- down to earth on the basis of ex- further sharpened the crisis in In our conception peaceful tially reflects the rise of i labor aris- perience which these masses can of the Social Democracy and exposed its tocracy, the privileged section of the grasp. and constitutional road to Socialism, policies. When we examine those the transformation parliament But these Social-Democratic par- of in- questions we see that what we have ties do not srand on historical ind to a real people's parliament is neces- today which creates the new world dialectical materialism. -Eclecticism sary. We view this as occurring on relationship; the new concepts, the the basis of the struggle is the common denominator of their of the work- possibility of peaceful transition and ing class and its allies, which creates has been fu,rther developed in the the conditions to make such a ma- era of imperialism. jority possible, which creates the Today, taking the official position climate where other classes can be of these organizations, we Certainly affected, won over, or neutralized. Communist movement and parties have many difierences with them. We see the possibilities of contain- and the carrying forward o1 this Not unimportanr is the different ing or restraining violence on the struggle along the lines that de- view on dialectical materialism. The part of the bourgeoisie-which will veloped during and immediately never like the situation-through preceding rnore we study today the history of other class collaboration is thc the the first World War and strong movements the the.Chinese party, the more we can dominant approach. We know that which will bring revolutions. see in our own country that we will into being the conditions for this In saying this we do'not want to never develop fully our own inde- peaceful transition and which will say that no mistakes were made in pendent approach to Socialism, our enforce it by strength, by its vigil- premature splits. We think that in own independent approach to prob- ance, by its fight for this goal. All the United States hindsight shows lems of our working class until we this shows that while we have much that many mistakes were made. Un- master more thoroughly the philoso- in common with Social Democracy, doubtedly the Lefr should have been and this must be emphasized, phy of our movement-dialectical working class, not to talk of their many materialism. challenge to our conception-where fundamental differences remain. One of the reasons many of us, they still formally profess belief in leaders and rank-and-file comrades, Socialism-that THE SPLIT DURING Socialism is not sim- WORLD \MAR I find it hard to keep their bearings ply a series of capitalist reforms but masses and today is because they feel everything a reorganizatio.n of society. which made impossible .radical Now, as regards those who believe any collaboration is lost. Now it is true there are many The difference is not solely upon with those from the split following the First World whom we split new things and we shouldn't be how we are going to arrive ai Soclial- 'War away. These mis- was a mistake. The historv of afraid to face them. But there are ism. And on this question, tal

the United States need such a Marx- excluded, particularly when we bear Now the Chinese comrades, for vance more and more towards So- ist organizaiton. And when there is in mind the new impact of Socialism example, are speaking more and cialism. more developed in the United Stares a on a world scale and that given a about the existence of difler- ences broader, united socialist organiza- number of years of peace the social- within the Party, and declar- ON THE AMERICAN WAY tion, it will also be a Marxist organ- ist countries will reallv be able to ing that it is with such difierent points ization. It is not a reformist, Social- show what they can aicomplish, es- of view that a line is to be With regard to new roads to So- Democratic organization that we pecially now with democratization hammered out. But that is not iden- cialism, we know that we will have have in mind when we speak of the taking place and with.the new con- tical with differences in ideological to find the American road and it is eventual emergence of such a broader ditions and new possibilities devel- systems. This diversity is possible impossible to predict everything to- Marxist party. oping. The experience of the rise of only on the basis of adherenie to a day. We already did project, how- There is some confusion because the Nenni Socialists in Italy cannot common basic ideology. ever, the need and the possibility of some comrades, and some people be looked upon as some freak de- The kind of party we wanr to developing the anti-monopoly coali- outside our Party, mix up the need velopment, something incapable of have in the future-a Marxist party tion as the next strategic task and for a labor-peoples coalition with the happening in other countries under -is the kind of party whic6 we we see this as one of the important should new united Marxist party. We will certain conditions. Of course, let us try to bring into being now steps in the direction towards that have to be careful on that, too, be- bear in mind that this took place also at our coming convention. It is goai which we Marxists have. This cause a lack of clarity on this ques- with a very strong Communist Par- wrong to say that if we are going is not something which will develop tion can lead to a Leftist-sectarian ty which knew how to win over the to have a mass party we must bi the sarne in all countries. In Great position on a people's coalition and masses. There is a big lesson for us willing to abandon the principles of Britain, for example, it is quite pos- an opportunist position on the united in this. Marxism, but that while we have sible that the Labor Party may come Marxist party. It is clear that the our own party, we should fight for to power under rlew conditions, struggle for both movements will Togliatti more and more deals Marxism. That would be ridiculous. that the British working class develop simultaneously. They will with the possibility, in fact what he It is possible to make certain conces- will be able to carry forward in generally support each other object- accepts almost as a certainty for Italy, sions here and there to people who the direction of establishing Social- ively in what they do or don't do. that Italy will come to Socialism are not yet fully clear, especially if ism, not in the same way as was But they are distinct movements, through a Socialist party side by this may be necessary to achieve a done in October rgr7, bluL still ac- with distinct objectives which we side with the Communist Party and broader Marxist Party. But what we complishing a radical transforma- have to keep in mind and clarify for perhaps other democratic parties. It strive for is a Marxist party based on tion of society. Now there too it is our own Party and for those with is not accidental that at rhe present a common ideology and on the possible that it may take the form whom we want to collaborate. time when there is talk of the recognition that reformism and first of a partid development to- Now the reformist movement in merger between the two socialist Marxism are not identical in ideol- rvards a certain anti-monopoly pro- the United States and in the other parties in Italy, there is no talk of ogy. We have to be clear on that. gram. But under any conditions, countries will not stand still. It is merging the Socialist Party with the A new approach, new possibilities given the British Labor Party, its possible there will be among them Communist Party. This, of course, towards immediate struggle as well strength, its power, its influence, the significant forces moving to the Left. does not mean opposition to such a as bringing many ultimately to experience of the British working It is to be expected that many forces merger in principle. But it does closer collaboration or evefl to or- class, it will not be identical with the will move in the direction of an anti- show the probability of a number of ganic unity, does not mean that we perspective as we see it for ourselves monopoly coalition program and na- workers' parties existing side by side abandon these difierences or that we today. So when we in our Resolu- tionalization. It is even conceivable and cooperating, and that the Com- leave out the probability that here tion projected the anti-monopoly that side by side with this movement munist Party, no matter under what too there would develop, side by coalition as a strategic task, this was ' there may grow socialist currents in name, is a Marxist party in every side, difierent parties of the working already a major contribution as to the reformist movement. This is not sense of the word. class as the American workers ad- the American road to Socialism. I8 POLITICAL AFFAIRS It is necessary to be clear that by ical moment will not arise on the projecting such an approach we do basis of the masses feeling they are Anna louise Strong's "Ihe Stalin Era" not conceive that somehow at a cer- impoverished. There will be a whole tain point there will be this qualita- complex of economic and political tive change and we'il have Socialism. factors, including the need for peace By Nemmy Sparks Socialism still represents, no matter and democracy and the intensifica- how it will be achieved, a radical tion of all the social tensions that'are transformation of society, a leap. We building up in the country, and the know that it is the working class example of Socialism in other lands, bY construction had to wait for the that will be the leading force in this etc. But Socialism will still come TnB apptenaNcn of a new book consolidation of the Soviet Govern- transformation; it will not be handed about because of objective necessity, Anna Louise Strong* is heartily to ment itself, for the victory in the civil to us by the imperialists, who will and not because people will decide: be welcomed. It is a tribute to her war, and the defeat of the interven- say, "Well, we had enough already "Capitalism is pretty good, but can't fortitude during years of ostracism an intermediate of and let somebody else take over." we try something else?" It wouldn't on a shameful charge, shamefully tion, for Period the New Economic PolicY with its We know that the struggles of the come iike that. We do not abandon false. And it is a tribute to her un- restricted capitalism, for the bitter people, of the working class will the concept that Socialism will come shaken faith in the new world of discussions, first with the Trotsky- precede, create the conditions for the when the objective conditions show Socialism. ites and then with the Bukh-arinites peaceful constitlrtional path to So- the masses they must move to the F'ollowing her particiPation as a finally the beginning of the cialism. And the peoples' struggle next historic stage of development columnist on the Seattle Union -and plan. will support the legal, constiturional because they can no longer live un- Record in the Seattle general strike frve-year period beginning with steps in that direction. der the old conditions. But we must of t9r9, Miss Strong went to Russia It is the the discussions on the possibility of Some say that the example of So- piace a new interpretation on this on with the American Friends Service Socialism one country cialism in other lands changes our the basis of the new realities and the in r9zr, and soon became, through building in the of Stalin in 1953, that conception that the masses will not new situation. In all this the impact her continued travels, lecture tours until death Miss Strong designates as "the Stalin arrive spontaneously at the necessity of the socialist world will be a tre- and books, one of the foremost PoPu- of Socialism, that this gives a new mendous factor. larizers and interpreters to Ameri- era." booklet is aspect to the question of spontaneity. The emancipation of the working cans of the rising new world of So- Of course, this rz8-page sense intended as a defini- We do not deny the inspiration the class is still the job of the working cialism in the USSR and later, Peo- not in any But is based socialist countries are already having class of each country. And socialist ple's China. tive work of history. it ,& personal observation and in large parts of the world, and will consciousness will not develop spon- ,( ,r on vivid One its best features have, too, for the most advanced taneously. Socialism in other lands It was in the midst of world war, experience. of for people today-and capitalist countries-given a certain will help; make it easier, but to de- military collapse and economic ruin is lts revival post-war genera- amount of time and peace where velop consciousness is the job of the ultimate fruit of tzarist and especially for the -the excitement they can show what they can really Marxists of our country. That is bourgeois reaction in Russia-that tion-of the world-wide uPward thrust achieve. This will have a rremen- among the chief reasons why the Lenin spoke his historic first words over the tremendous Socialist system. This dous impact and will help deter- American working class will con- to the Soviet Congress on Novem- of the new was the period when the slogans of mine when the masses will feel they tinue to build-and better than ever ber Z, agtTi "We shall nou Proceed do not want to live any longer un- before-its Marxist party. to construct the Socialist order." "planning" and "industrialization" der the old conditions. This histor- But as a matter of fact, only the first rang out as a challenge to capi- foundations of the Socialist order --16, Sralin Erd, New Cennrry Publishers, could be laid at that time. The actual N. Y., cloth $2.75; paper $1.00. r9 POLITICAL AFFAIRS ..THE STALIN ERA" 2l talism-a challenge even more real hard and fast separation of economic that occurred in the USSR in ry36-q8, winning gains in the form of insti- today as the peoples of Asia contem- and political democracy, though they or can yet assess properly the blame. tutions, especially in the original plate the Soviet example in seeking do not necessariiy develop uniform- . . The anti-Soviet press finds easy establishment of the Republic, in solution; their own path to economic deveil ly hand-in-hand. it claims that Socialism is by winning the Bill of Rights, in the nature 'totalitarian' and 'ruthless.' No- opment and independence. Without overcoming the economic extension of the franchise, the over- body who knows the initiative of It revives likewise the story of the backwardness, the Russian Revolu Soviet people in recent years and their throw of Negro slavery, the build- Soviet struggle for collective security tion had no future at all; and tht passion for what they call their 'free- ing of the trade-union movement, to prevent World War II, and the country rtself had no.future except dom' accepts such a view. etc. enormous role of the Soviet people to fall prey to foreign exploitation In Russia, on the other hand, ow- in crushing I agree with the author's character- Hitler. and partition, or at the very best, to ing to the past history of the coun- But it could hardly ization of the Soviet people-a sub- be expected slowly build up a new native capi- try, its feudal system, economic that anyone at this ject to which she devotei a special eaily date would talism under sufferance of the great backwardness, etc., the struggle for be able to develop chapter. the story of the powers. democracy took place through a suc- Soviet Union from the vantage point Necessarily, this task required the cession of revolts and revolutionary of the new era, characterizeJ The characteristic of the people who in the hardest and most painful struggle. struggles, as well as repeated na- words of Khrushchev built the new industries and farms was by "the emer- Peasant backwardness does not give tional uprisings by the nations held gence of Sociaiism boundless initiative. When Americans into a world sys- way gracefully to superior logic and more than tem." speak of Soviet people as 'regimented,' subject to the tzars, over ideals for the future. On the con- I always laugh. . . . Never in any land, two centuries. Only in the middlc Thus the author hardly throws any trary, it clings to the past with end- until my visits to China have I met so of the rgth century did the people further light on the historic problems less tcnacity. Thor-rgh thousands of many dynamic individuals as those abolishing serfdom, and centering around succeed in the development of peasents had given their lives for the who found expression in the USSR's in the early zoth century winning democracy in the Sovier Union. As five-year plans. new Soviet system, it was on this such a weak form of parliament as the writings of Lenin demonsrrare, pedsant baclyuardness that the de- The idea that the defects the the tzarist Duma with a limited the Soviet revoiution, carrying for- of feated interventionists were basing Stalin era were due to the "darkr" franchise, but eventually bursting ward the aims set by the Russian their future plans. One has only to "benighted" character of the Russian through in the r9o5 Revolution, and working class in the Revolution of look again at the novels of Sholok- people, today or in the past does not finally in the Revolution, r9o5, originally intended estab- ryr7 to hov, or to read again such a vivid classes lish the stand examination. sweeping away all oppressor widest political democracy, work as Libidinsky's A Weeft, pub- limited The Russian people have a history from the country. only by the necessity of pro- lished here in 1923, to see rhe rurh- tection against of struggle for democracy equal to In searching for explanations, the the counter-revolu- less violence of the peasant opposi- tionists. our own. The fact is that while the author goes no further than the tion to change. form and outcome the struggle "the arbitrary power of But nowhere had history shown of growth of By the end of the first five-year for democracy were difierent the and any possibility of advanced political in the political police" centralized plan, the basis of Socialist industry two countries, in each country nev- developed Stalin, and its actual democracy on a basis of economic by had been laid and collective farming ertheless these struggles took place possible infiltration. Others have backwardness. The primary task be- or stabilized. The second five-year plan and established an enduring tradi- looked for defects in the mechanism fore the Soviet Government was to was well under way. Then came tion. America, setting first others overcome the economic backward- up the of the Soviet system. Still what Miss Strong calls "the great modern republic, cleared away the have advanced the idea that the So- ness. It was not a questton, as some madness." vestiges of feudal survivals (outside viet Union should have borrowed in- have put it, of "choosing between of the South). The struggle for de- struments from the American demo- economic democracy and political do not anyone anywhere I think mocracy succeeded repeatedly in cratic system democracy." There can be no such knows the full story of th. .*..rr., ..THE POLITICAL AFFAIRS STALIN ERA" But Soviet democracy cannot be crimes so alien to the spirit of Soviet I, the question of internationalism tion by Wall Street imperialism. the same as American democracy. Socialism. was considered such a simple and But from another maior sector the The country is different; the social dr 1s it obvious matter in the Socialist move- tide of nationalism has surged to im- and economic system is different- Miss Strong raises briefly the ment that Lenin had great dimculty mense importance. F-or nationalism and historically more advanced. The problem of the relations between the in convincing the Russian Socialists and national independence are the Soviet Union must continue to de- Soviet Union and the People's De- of the importance of the national slogans of the vast colonial revolu' velop its own forms of dsmocratiza- mocracies, in the light of the news question. He warned of national tion of the peoples of Asia and tion. But no system, constitution or headlines on Poland and Hungary: chauvinism and demanded a spe- Africa. scheme can be immunized against cial. policy and special consideration Thus nationalism, far from losing distortion or violation. The guaran- W'arsaw and Budapest replied that for the sensibilities of oppressed or importance since Lenin's day, has tee must be in the living people and their friendship with the USSR was formerly oppressed peoples, to win grown in importance, and can in no living organizations that operate the "r:abreakable," that all they wanted them as allies of the working class. way be treated as Miss Strong seems system. was "sovereignty," "equality.t' What Still many people tended to think here to imply, as something prac- are these wordsl They have waited far It seems to me that the balance- that national boundaries would just tically outdated. too long-the time is late. wheel of the Soviet svstem disappear or become unimportant seems to me that the error of is to be What "sovereignty" has any nation It Socialism. Socialist regard lay found not in gove.nmental institu- in today's world? What "equality" has under But the the later approach in this tions, but in the Communist Party a nation the size of Poland in a bi- revolution following the war was in sftipping stages, refusing to recog- of the Soviet Union. It is not inci- Iateral argument with the USSR's zoor- not world-wide; it was confined to nize this situation. It lay in treat- dental that the CPSU finds a place ooo,ooo people, holding one-sixth of one country. Everywhere the war irg the People's Democracies as in the USSR Constitution. In the the worldl These terms must be de- had heightened nationalisrn, besides though the national independence of USSR, the Communist Party must fined. They have been defined again creating a number of new national these countries were only incidental be truly a vanguard of the working and again in history; but always they states. to their Socialist system, instead of must be redefined in new conditions. class and the people, connected by Today the tide of nationalism is recognizing that it mu6t be the Now they must be defined in a So- innumerable threads higher than it has ever been in the necessdry of their Social- with the masses cialist sense. Unless this is done and fra,meuorft modern Prior to, and during 1Sm. -the collective leader, social con- quickly, then all protestations of world. science and inspiration of Soviet so- "friendship" are hollow. F-riendships the Second World War. both sides I believe this is the essence of what ciety. This was the path in which between nations change; allies drift of the class struggle fostered it. The the USSR officially recognized in its Lenin led it. aPafi, imperialists, in striving for their acknowledgment of error in its When Stalin's distortions damaged own domination; the working class October 3oth statement. And the the composition of the Party and its I cannot agree with the author in and peoples' forces, in the struggle promise of rectification lies in its as- democratic functioning, treating dis- this placing of the question. Nor can against fascism and in the irnti- surance that its relations will be gov- sent and ideological differences as I agree when she says: fascist war in defense of the na- erned by Lenin's policy on this treason, he distorted the balance of tional existence and independence of questlon. Khrushchev has not solved for the Soviet system and removed the it; their countries. question underscores the the moment he has made it worse. His This obstacle to his individual supremacy. Since World War II nationalism apologies to Tito, his attacks on Stalin statement in our own Communist has still been fostered; the imperial- His theory that the class struggle have released all the separatist tenden- Party's Draft Resolution: continued to sharpen even after the cies in Eastern Europe. ists still in their own drives for achievement of Socialism was used domination; on the other hand, the The relations fbetween the to justify the inordinate expansion To my mind the basis for the people's forces in England, France, C.P.U.S.A. and other Marxist parties] of the security forces and contributed answer is to be found in the national Italy, etc., raising the slogan of na. must be based on the principles of to the disastrous injustices and policy of Lenin. Before World War tional independence from domina. scientific Socialism, on proletarian in- .,THE 24 POLITICAL AFFAIRS STALIN ERA'' 25 Of course, life come be based on and by reasonably intelligent and de- did not turn out contrary, such changes can ving the best voted oltrcials. The constitutional forms quite as simple as Mr. Hindus's sta- about only as a result of struggle. exist; so do the wealch and the will. tistics. "A tense international situa- The struggle in the lower levels of .li?l".r'lfl tion" did indeed arise and became the Party against local bureaucracy progressive I agree this. Elsewhere Miss humrnity. This r.e quires with chronic-the cold war. The Soviet and rigidity; in the factories and the equality and .independence Strong of Nrlarx- shows that the objective soil system had to strain itself not only farms against mismanagement and ist parties in the mutual discussion and in which the distortions could grow for defense but also to help develop callousness; in the country as a resolution of common problems; the the perennial were threat of war and the industry of China and the Peo- right and duty of the C-ommunists of whole against excessive difierentials intervention and economic back- ple's Democracies under conditions in standards of living; in the ideolog- wardness. Today the Soviet Union of the strategic trade boycott by the ical and literary ficlds against dog- is no longer encircled. Geneva and capitalist world. Nevertheless, the matism and sterility-it is these, in the prospect peaceful of co-existence, figures now in sight do represent a my opinion, that were refected and resulting large in part from the per- new qualitative stage-a stage in encouraged in the line presented by tional solidarity. It will advance the sistent peace policy of the Soviet which, as Bulganin pointed out, the the leadership and adopted by the cause of Socialism in all countries, IJnion, creating is a new climate in country is becoming ready to enter delegates at the XXth Congress. the country. the new industrial era atomic The new qualitative change regis- I do not believe that Khrushchev of energy and automation. tered in production on the economic "released separatist tendencies." Re- As for the economic situation, to- day But in building industry the So- front, together with the consequent laxation of control, flowing from a the Soviet Union is the second viet Union has likewise been build- social developments, the resurgence relaxation of tensions in the objec- greatest industrial power of the ing the forces to oppose the bureau- of activity among the working class, tive situation, is always a tremen- world. The figures for annual So- cratic distortions: the men and provide, in my opinion, the chief dously difficult business, full of risks. viet production of pig-iron and steel women who man the industries- causes of the moves towards demo- Witness how seriously Lenin dealt are now 33 and 45 million tons re- the new working class. In r9r7 the cratization, as well as the indication with the relaxation of tension ar the spectively. The sixth five-year plan Russian working class numbered a that despite possible and end of the civil war and interven- is to bring these figures to 53 and all ups mere two-and-a-half million a downs, irreversible. tion in r9zr, sounding the alarm 68 million tons by 196o. An interest- in ,n., population of r3o million. Today the against inaction, and bringing about i.g prediction made by Maurice Tr, *roove working class has risen to some a major change in the country's life Hindus in ry45 in his book The Cos- 40 million out of a population of zoo On one other point must take to meet the situation-the New Eco- sacfts ties in with these figures: I million. issue with Miss Strong. She has a nomic Policy, which paved the way The question arises when will civil With the working class coming of right, of course, to draw her own for a new leap forward liberties . become living facts [in age, many former peasants trained balance, but to me, her general pic- But I agree with Miss Strong that the U.S.S.R.ll In my judgment . . . in the cities as skilled workers and "the forms of that union in diversity barring a war, or a tensc international ture of Stalin still suffers too much technicians have been returning to frorn Stalin's own popularization of (of Socialist states) are still to be situation, the real test will come when the rural areas. This interchange is his role, from the actual cult the devised." Perhaps the point in the the annual outputs fof pig-iron and of steel] approximate figures helping to shake up the situation in individual. USSR October statement about of 5o or 6o While she is correct that 3oth million tons. With such an output of the collective farm areas and he "the "a commonwealth of independent in the was engineer of the world's these metals the Soviets will have the local Soviets and Party bodies. The first Socialist state," she tends to un- Socialist srates" leads in that direc- secure and stable foundation for the idea that the changes registered and derplay and exculpate him to a tion' two conditions which have been in the promised at the XXth Congress certain degree from the crimes, dis- * {k rk forefront of their thinking and plan- were initiated only by the top lead- tortions stultification he To correct the faults of the USSR ning . . namely, national defense and and that . . . can be done by an aroused people an adequate standard of living. ership does not hold water. On the fostered, the damage to the cause of 26 POLITICAL AFFAIRS Socialism in the USSR and every- tion from capitalism to Socialism. It where. Nor can he, in my opinion, has shown that Socialism works and rest in the same category as Lenin. has the capacity to grow and to cor- The gigantic influence of Lenin as rect errors, trlhat Kind ol a Change?* the inspirer of the Soviet people, At the cost of enormous sacrifices, and the initiator of the Age of Social- its people time and again accom- ism, is itself shown by the fact that plished the incredible. We cannot By Eugene Dennis Stalin always prefered to be called forget they bore the brunt o,f Hitler's "the best disciple of Lenin." Bult attack and came through to crush Stalin's metho& of leadership were fascism. They were the first of the Tne CPUSA rs ar a critical turning views that developed and exist be- not the way Lenin. system and of new Socialist world point in its history. Emerging from tween Comrade Foster and myself The history of the development of the made an easier path for all the repressive blows of the cold war and others concerning the April the Soviet since Union that day in others to follow. decade and profoundly shaken by meeting of the National Committee November years ago, Lenin 39 when The concise re-telling of this story the Stalin revelations and the tragic and our approach to the main polit- spoke with such confidence the characteris- to by Miss Strong in her events in Hungarn our Party is in ical line of the Draft Resolution. Soviet Congress, remains, despite the tically compelling style is a welcome the throes of a grave crisis. In my opinion the stru,ggle against distortions, the great epic of the zoth contribution to the present discus- It is now striving to surmount its Left-sectarianism and dogmatism- century. It has marked for the whole sion of the problems of the new era. move forward. is world the beginning of the transi- difficulties and It now and on the morrow-still re- seeking to overcome its relative isola- mains the number one internal prob- tion, rectify its past errors and draw lem confronting our Party na:tion- the necessary conclusions from the ally. And this is so despite the fact far-reaching changes that have taken that, as the Draft Resolution indi- place in the world. cates, the danger of Right-opportu. It is in this situation that many nism is bound to grow in the present proposals and ideas are being put and coming period. forward to enable our Party to resolve Recognizing that the political- the problems that beset it and to en- ideological struggle against Left-sec- hance our contributions to our na- tarianism-which so deeply in- tion and its working people. In the is grained organization-has search for correct answers, sharp dif- in our begun and be a protracted ferences and divisions have arisen in only will note that our ranks, including the divergent one, it is also necessary to currently one of the most controver- * This anicle was written early in December, sial issues of all-one that presently threatens the unity and future of our organization-is that now taking place in our ranks around the ques- tion of party versus association. its opposition to auy such chaoges at this coo- vention, though a majority urged that thse and By now it must be clear to all related matters be eximined further by the in- of comiog Natiooal C-omitte-author's note. that the difierences among some 27 28 POLITICAT AFFA]RS WHAT KIND OF A CI-IANGEI 20 us over proposed changes in the tional, and national relationships. They believe that such changes are name and form o{ our Communist 'fhis is the kind of change I ad- advisable and might bring iertain Party have deep roots. Beneath the vocate. advantages to the Party. Bicause of surface lie profound differences over To efiect such vital changes it this, because of the cardinal issues the future and basic character of our seems to me that the primary ques- involved, and because this question organization, and these, in turn, tions involve guaranteeing a sound may probably play a special role ar arise out of difierent estimates of thc Marxist-Leninist program and poli- our convention, I wish to deal with State of the lJnion, the world we live cy; maPPing out correqt tactics and some of the reasons which certain in, and the shape of things to come. dispiaying greater political and or- proponents of a political association ganizing initiative in the popular party. d the idea advance in behalf of their proposals. mass movements for economic and of WHAT \ME WANT into a polit- At the outset, it'should be under- social betterment, for Negro rights on-and do stood that earnest arguments are be- Most of the membership and and civil liberties, for peace and so- now. more strongly than ever-up ing advanced in behalf of transform- leadership agree that big changes cial progress; achicving a stronger until recently I {or one have had an ing the Party into a political-actior* working class base and infuence and must be made in our Partyr open mind as to type of organization" These musr broader united front relationsl in whether a change in its policies and practices-indeed of name might be desirable be evaluated on their merits. In this. streamlining the way we work and at tf,e they are long overdue. Most of those coming convention. However, for connection it should be recognized favoring these changes seek to learn function, ensuring a new dimension the past several months I have defi- that among those who advocate that from past mistakes and new devel- to inner party democracy, including nitely concluded that to caffy we change the name and form of the opments, order to build a more not only the right to dissent while in through a change of name now Communist Party there are diverse effective working class Marxist or- abiding by the majority will-but, schools of thought and difierent mo- above all, assuring that our party might have extremely negative ef- ganization, with closer ties to the fects. tivations. labor movement, the Negro people, membership is enabled to play a At this moment when some in Some say we should continue as a and all progressive forces in America. more decisive and consistent role in Marxist-Leninist organization, our ranks-including a number of but They see the urgent need for a the formulation as wcll as the cxe- not as a political party. They argue leaders-contend that our Party is drastic break with dogmatism and cution of policy. that a host of restrictive laws have finished, bankrupt and hopelessly sectarianism. They consider it im- already robbed us of our electoral compromised, and when our Party is perative to alter radically our meth- NAME, AND FORM status, and that in surrendering our sorely divided on the nature of some ods of work, and assure genuine claim to rhat status we would sirn- party democracy that will enlist the I believe questions involving a of the changes our Party should ply be facing up to a fact of life. creative initiative of all our members change of name and form of organ- make-even a change in name could ----cspecially of those who participate ization are, at best, subordinate and have harmful consequences. WRONG ADDRESS in the big mass movements and or- secondary. Whilc these are legiti- I wish to avoid and help prevent ganizations of the working people. mate matters of discussion and war- this. I think these comrades address. They favor bold steps to refresh rant consideration on their merits, I recognize, of course, that many their demand for change ro the and strengthen the leadership at all and while the latter are not necessar- comrades believe otherwise. Some of wrong quarters: what needs to be levels. They believe, too, this requires ily questions of principle-nonethe- them, especially in New York, are changed are the undemocratic and that we modify or develop certain less they do involve matters of prin- waging an all-out crusade not only un-American laws that now circum- theoretical propositions in accord eiple. for a change in name, but also for a scribe our Party's civil liberty and with changed conditions in interna- Further, it is my view that prop political action type of organization. electoral activity. Such laws caffrot 3o POLITICAL AFFAIRS WHAT KIND OF A CHANGEI 3t be permitted "fact mass move- to remain a of fold anti-monopoly that the architects of the McCarran requires that we PIaY an even more life" in America, if we and other ments,-rather than by the name or Act and the Communist Control efiective role in the struggle for civil progressive and working class par- Iorm of our organization. Act proscribed not the Communist liberty and civil rights, for an end to ties are to help keep open the demo- Nevertheless, and since this is Party, but Conr,munist "action" and antilabor laws-while more reso- cratic and constitutional processes likely to be a process, some argue Communist "front" organizations. of social advance and change."On the that we should therefore cease to be They "outlawed" any organization, contrary. The defense and extension a political party now, so that mean- including any trade union, that en- of the important, although limited, while our members may more freely gages in militant working class rights now grudgingly conceded to participate in the af{airs of one or struggle. Let those who doubt this us as a minority party are vital not the other of the existing mafor par- look at the new attacks against, the and other mass organizations. only to us Communists, but to all ties. But how can we make our ma- Mine, Mill .\ Smelter and the UE Those who think otherwise must Americans who seek to restore the jor contribution to the support of leaderships, and let them heed the have come to the mistaken conclu- Bill of Rights and strive for a "New individual progressive or labor can- current "states rights" drive to out sion that monopoly reaction is no America." didates whose program merits such law the NAACP in the South. longer a serious threat to democracy Some of these comrades also ar- supportl Is it not through the trade in America. Likewise theY close gue that since our Party envisages unions and their political instru- STRUGGLE IS REQUIRE,D their eyes to the fact that during and strives for a broad anti-monop- ments, and through other popular the past year or so more and more oly corlition, and a ncw progressive organizations-rather than through Must we therefore submit to and liberal and labor spokesmen are political alignment based on such a the machines of the Republican or learn to live with our present status speaking out in defense o{ the Bill coalition-expressing itself through Dernocratic parties ? of twilight legalityl By no means! of Rights for Communists and non- a mass labor-farmer party or some What would happen if our mem. The experience of the last difficult Comrnunists alike, and in this proc- other form of political re-alignment bership were diffused in one or the five years has demonstrated how ess willingly meet and speak and co- -and since this is a realistic per- other of the two parties of Big Busi- deep is the American people's at- operate with members and represen- spective-that our participation in ness I I think two things would tachment to the Bill of Rights. For tatives of the CPUSA. such an anti-trust coalition would be happen: many individuals would all our Party's shortcomings and There are some advocates of a facilitated if we were not a political lose their bearings and become more mistakes, our staunchness under at- change to a political association, or party. infuenced than influential, and our tack has helped growing numbers to an equally nebulous "League for But I think these comrades are Communist organization as such understand that civil liberty is in Socialist lJnity," who see this as a in too much of a hurry to cross the would be rendered impotent and re- fact indivisible, and that the demo- transitional move toward a new bridge we won't get to for awhile. duced to conducting abstract propa- cratic rights of labor, the Negro peo- united party of socialism. A nationwide anti-monopoly coali- ganda for socialism. ple and of all Americans are inex- tion and mass party, under labor's Some comrades hope that the tricably bound up with those of the ON A MERGER leadership, has yet to be built; what problem of regaining our constitu- American Comrnunists. it will look like and how it will view tional rights and achieving full le- The hard lessons of the days of No one can say with certaintY at our Party remains to be seen. Our gality might be facilitated by chang- rampant McCarthyism and the this moment just when or how a participation in a new democratic ing the Communist Party into some more favorable political climate of broad mass working class PartY of coalition and political realignment of kind of political action association. today create new opportunities for socialism, based on Marxism, will the future will be determined by the Obviously, in certain circumstances, further spreading that understand- come upon the American scene. It extent of our contribution to its de- it may be necessary to take some ing. New opportunities impose new may develop prinaarily through and velopment and growth, especially by steps dictated by legal requirements. obligations. Now, more than ever, around our Party. It maY come rvhat we do to help shape and un- Yet today it should be borne in mind our duty to our fellow Americans about through a merger of our PartY 32 POLITICAI AFFAIRS WHAT KIND OF A CHANGE? 33 with other Marxist groups-some al- parallel struggle for labor and social to be either "foreign importations," ade or so definitely aflects the uay ready in existence, although most welfare legislation, for civil liberties outmoded, or otherwise unsuited to in which the adherents of Marxism- probably tuith those yet to be organ- and civil rights, for peaceful co-ex- the needs of the American working Leninism should develop and per- ized lrom and uithin the ranfr,s of istence and banning the H bomb, class and its socialist vanguard. form their vanguard role. organized labor-all of which need and for independent labor-farmer It is true, as the Draft Resolution Now more than ever a Marxist to be encouraged and stimulated. political action. In the process of de- correctly notes, that over the past vanguard is needed not only to help Certainly at the present time there veloping unity of action for specific decades we American Communists raise the class consciousness of mil- is no realistic prospect or basis for a and urgent mass issues and de- made not a few costly mistakes in lions of trade unionists, but also to merger of the Communist Party mands, and in the course o[ fraternal the dogmatic and sectartan way ue help imbue wide sections of the with any of the existing groups exchanges around programmatic interpreted and applied Marxist- working class with socialist con- which profess to be Marxist. Virtu- ideas-a sound basis can be laid for Leninist principles. And the severe sciousness. This is required not only ally all of these groups are narrowly encouraging and cultivating the abuses arising from the misapplica- to enable the working class to pro- sectarian, have the most l-enuous ties growth of diverse Marxist and So- tion of these principles have tended mote its fundamental interests and with the working class, and do not cialist groupings, as well as their to place some of these principles into fulfill its historical destiny, but also have a basic Marxist program. eventual merger. This should be question and to render suspect some to advance the immediate interests To date there has not emerged in energetically developed everywhere. of the terms used to designate them. of labor and its popular allies. any of them a sizeable .or consistent Simultaneously, and pursuant to this But we should not let our errors or Whether it is in the struggle for Marxist grouping-although such a end, it is essential at all costs to con- distortions of any principle lead us desegregation and abolishing Senate development probably shall yet oc- solidate and build the CPUSA as a to throw out the-baby-with-the-water, rule zz, for a 3o-hour week without cur. Hence any proposal for a new strong Marxist-Leninist political to discard the essence of that which reduction in pay, for independent united party of socialism at present party of the working class. is valid and which needs to be in- political action, for building a labor- is realizable only on the basis of terpreted and applied in accord with farmer-Negro alliance, etc.-it is splinter groupings and of a mixture Together with those who are legit- American conditions and working necessary that we American Commu- of Marxist and non-Marxist policies imately concerned about the elec- class interests. nists, individually and collectively, and display greater political and organ- program-all of which is con- toral and legal status of our Party, FOR A VANGUARD trary to what was projected at the there are some who make no bones izing initiative in helping implc- April meeting of the National Com- about the fact that they want to For instance, I for one do not be- ment and advance all decisions and mittee. change not only the form and name lieve that anything that has hap- progiams of action of the unions and In order to help advance the trend of our organization but its basic pened in these United States-in- other mass orgarizations that arc in to a mass party of socialism, which character as well. While enumera- cluding the historic upsurge of the the people's interest. It is necessary should be resolutely fostered, the ting or latching onto the reasons dis- Negro freedom movement and the to expand and raise to new levels need of the hour is not wishful cussed above, they add other argu- progressive role of the NAACP, or our contributions on the ideological thinking about the eventual possi- ments that strike directly at matters the great promise of the merger of front in the battle for ideas-and as bility of a merger of Marxist and of fundamental principle. the AFL-CIO and the progressive a party to independently bring for- pro-Marxist groupings. What is Thus there are some proponents role o[ certain unions-in any way ward our own political position and urgently required is a renewed effort of a political action association who obviates the need for a vanguard vlews. to engage in fraternal discussion consider that one of the prerequisites Marxist party of the American In this connection it is appropriate with all socialist-minded groups and for building an effective mass Marx- working class. Quite the contrary; to heed the perceptive observations people not only around basic issues ist organization in our country is to though obviously the changes that of the foremost Marxist of the zoth of program, but also and above all scrap the principles of a vanguard have taken place in the labor and century-words which are still valid in order to promote their united or party. For the latter are considered people's movement over the past dec- today and for us: 34 POLITICAL AFFAIRS WHAT KIND OF A CHANGET 35 The task of the party is not to in- misused in word and deed-this too g-uarantees for a vast expansion of There are some advocates of an vent some fashionable method of help- is a cardinal working class principle inner party democracy within the association who think the Commu- ing the workers, but to join the work- of organization that should not be lramework of the concept of demo- nist Party is discredited and hopeless- ers' movement, to bring light to that scuttled, though it definitely needs cratic centralism point the way to a ly compromised, and that there is movement, and assist the workers in to be understood, used and devel- new and sound application of that nothing left for us to do but make the struggle which they have already is an in- which is universally valid this started themselves. oped in a new way. For it in way for and be superseded by some dispensable source of working class Marxist organizational principle, as other "Marxist" alignment. Those strength, particularly in a country well as of that which is extremely who have left our ranks in the re- The biggest struggles now under like ours which has the biggest, most pertinent and applicable to our own cent period put it as frankly and way in the United States are those ruthless giant monopolies. American conditions. bluntly as that. Among those who for Negro rights and freedom and As for the underlying concept of have these same opinions re- NUB OF THE and especially for full equality and de- QUESTION monolithic unity-a very cumber- main in the Party, some say we mocracy in the South; union and Contrary to certain views, bureauc- some and misconstrued term-which should re-organize the Party into a job security, higher living standards, racy is not synonymous with nor in- some of the advocates of a change in loose association, league, or some and organizing the unorganizedl herent in democratic centralism. The name and form likewise wish to other transitional type of organiza- adequate housing, education, social nub of the question is how this prin- bury, suflice it to say that no genuine t.ion, in order to rise again some- welfare; civil liberties and the en- ciple is applied-one-sidedly and Marxist organization t parLy or asso- times, like some Phoenix, from the forcement of the Bill of Rights; out- mechanically, or with full considera- ciation, could long exist if it dis- ashes. lawing H-bomb tests and atomic tion for the twin aspects of its fea- carded the substance of this basic warfare, and ensuring peaceful ne- tures, i.e., the combination of the precept which means having a com- THE PAST DECADE gotiations between the East and greatest inner party democracy, in- mon theory and political program, West. cluding the right to dissent, with the plus singleness of purpose and action. Since no one can altogether ignore The real issue is not whether there policy and practice of subordinating For what is involved here is not the Communist Party's proud is a need for a Marxist vanguard but the minority view to that of the ma- "freedom of discussion" versus "iron achievements in the struggle against precisely ltoau we American Com- jority will and of various party sub- discipline" as some distortedly claim Hitler, Tojo, and Franco; for or- munists exercise olrr vanguard role divisions to the highest bodies, in- today. What is at stake is whether ganizing the unorganized; for un- in the new conditions of today. The cluding to the collective will of the we Communists, while ensuring the employment and social insurance; answer to this can only be provided national convention. right to debate and dissent, shall ad- in defense of Tom Mooney and Sac- by the collective experience and Moreover, the main features of here to the science of Marxism-Len- co-Vanzetti; in championing the judgment of the entire Party. dcmocratic centralism are just as inism, and whether we shall be a lives of the Scottsboro Boys and the While some comrades question American as they are British or Rus- united and a cohesive organization rights of all the Negro people-it is this-it is obvious that the economic sian, Chinese or ltalian. As everyone which can act collectively and with said that the irreparable damage to royalists are not so indifierent as to knows, most American trade unions dispatch. To the extent that such our good name was done in the last what is involved. The continued ex- and even the U.S. Congress operate terms as democratic centralism and decade. istence and operation of the McCar- on a version of democratic central- monolithic unity may convey objec- No one who has read my report ran Act, the Taft-Hartley Act, the ism, even if these bodies happen to tionable or confused meanings-these to last April's meeting of the Na- Communist Control Act and the place their chief emphasis on "cen- should be replaced by terms which tional Committee can charge me Smith Act are proof-plus. tralism." accurately define precisely what we rvith attempting to gloss over our As for the question of democratic In any event, it seems to me that American Commr-rnists mean and grievous mistakes of those ten years, centralism-a concept and term the main changes embodied in our want. including those in which I share re- which has been grossly abused and Draft Constitution which provide 36 POLITICAL AFFAIRS WHAT KIND OF A CHANGE? 37 ourselves by forgetting the real ene- whose liberation from capitalist ex- which has taken place in the world that happened qry, in the period of ploitation it guided, are equally com- requires that the Communist Farty the Communisr Political Aisociation promised. of the United States transform itself irt t944; and no,t after the reconsti- No one can deny that the leaders into a new type of organization tution of the Communist party enemy in of the socialist countries are con- ideologically independent of world cannot say we ever failed to 1945. fronted with difficult, unprecedented Marxist thought. take the side o[ labor against the What really promprs those who and complex problems-some of big corporations. make the charge that our Commu- them arising from the harmful ef- WORLD CHANGES nist -Party is discredited beyond re- fects of past mistakes and certain pair I Is it not their notion that gross violitions of socalist principles. It is obvious that very big changes Marxism-Leninism is "discredited,, those who brush have taken place in thc world and or "obsolete" bgt ofi their l on-the-spot analysis of these prob- that elements of significant changc Jlr.. *y!t that there are any in- lems, seek to prove a shocking apPear in our country. It is obvious counterparts. fallible" individuals anywhere in the contrast between "appearance and that we can only solve our political take, a[ times, of rvorld hrs been exploied. The best reality," and minimize their pio- and organizational problems on the precise phase of Marxists, being human, are llot rm- neering effort correct mistakes, basis of a common understanding of in our country. mune to to error. But this incontro_ efiect changes and cope with these changes, of the times in which etimes been sec_ vertible fact does not now entitle the new problems arising from we live, and the direction in which tarian in our struggle to defcnd the non-Marxists, or self-styled,,crea- the emergence of socialism as a events are moving. Bill of Rights. j3ur we never ex- tive" Marxists to assume the mantle world system-obviously lack confi- It is generally recognized, for in- hibited cowardice in the fight of infallibiliry. dence in the working-class naturs stoflce, that the main featufes of the against McCarthyism. Over the past decades we Ameri- and the self-correcting potentiality of new situation include the emergence We sometimes'made the mistal

43 44 POLITICAL AFFAIRS MESSAGE TO PARTY ORGANIZATIONS 45 lution itself, its members have stated dogmatic and doctrinaire manner in I':rrty to correspond to changes in the should consider the motives of all com- which we had been atrempring to apply world and our nation as well as to over- rades as honest and that we all share Marxism to the American scene. z) ( ()n1e long-standing and deepseated in an equal regard for our Party. Our oft-time uncritical acceptance of wclknesses. This National Committee meeting, the views of Marxists of other coun- 'l'his Convention will not be the attemDtins to assess the views and con- tries.3) Our bureaucratic system of cnd but rather the beginning of a pro- .lusio'ns oi the meml,ership, feels that a We are deeply concerned that the organization and lack of internal Party cardinal principle ccss of reinvigoration and strengthen- fundamental basis for unitY of the _ of Negro-white democracy. Since then the National irrg of our orgar,ization. Of necessity Party and the work of the Convention unity within our Party and-our un- Committee has presented _a new Draft we are mainly determining the main lies the general agreement with the Constitution in which declares in its tlirection and route to travel. Only as rnairL propositions in the first three sec- Prearnble: wc test our policies, tactics and new tions of thc Resolution. These sections The Communist Party bascs its theory gen- theoretical concepts in practice will we project a policy on such vital questions be able to fully judge their validity and as an esdrnate of the present situation develop thern further. in which we now live and work, the z) Of necessity also we must limit path of struggle toward a labor and sion draws to a close we need also to our decisions to those matters that we peopie's anti-monopoly coalition, and have had time to discuss, to thoroughly our views regarding an American can class struggle, traditions and customs. review and to thrash out conclusively. Road to Socialism. We feel these will We are living through a period of Obviously the Convention must answer undoubtedly be further strengthened great change in which the world so- the main questions of line and organ- by amendrlents, bringing the Resolu- cialist izational policy as they are projected tion up to date. icies, and amended in the Draft Resolution We note that the largest amount of long-h and Draft Constitution. discussion and controversy has re- bring Clearly many fundamental matters volved around Section dealing most realities. 4 Our Party must seek to re- of theory and program will remain, directly with our Party. In order to orient itself not on the basis of adopt- even matters on which we have and bring the debate more into focus and ing one another or set of ideas from may for some time continue to have to fix attention on a number of issues initiated. But this is a process that is abroad but must work out its own widely divergent views. It is therefore that have proved most controversial, far from completed. It should not be course based upon the discussions of important that we see the establish- this National Committee meeting has halted, but, rather, it should be en_ our own party, particular our -use condi_ ment of full inner,party democracy adopted and now presents for discus- tions, and own our o[ Marxist including the right ro dissent as es- sion three further additions to the science. In so doing, we should examine sential also to our ability after this Resolution. We feel these help to make the discussions and proposels. the points Convention to continue discussing clear also the views of the National view of o[ Merxists irr all countries in many questions while moving forward Committee upon these important mat- friendly, a critical and open-minded unitedly to implement the decisions of ters. (Party Name and Form, Demo- modves otherwise made suspect. Fail_ fashion. the Convention. cratic Centralism, and the Vanguard ure to curb any such tendencies or The National Committee feels that Yet we wish to achieve this in the Role of the Party). practices can only deprive the partv in rounding out. and concluding our frame-work of basic unity within the The National Committee is also of the full benefit of fiee discussion or discussions we should be guidei, lead to destructive all Party. Party unity is one of our big making public the Agenda of the Con- factionalism. All of us, by cerhin consideritions. We proposals shall be assets and should surely be sought with ventlon. voted upon on rheir are convinced that the membership and merits. energy. It is timely to restate that we We urge that these closing weeks leadership of our Parry is .apable of conducted Our discuss do not wish to proscribe the expres- of debate !e with a view to and will resolve many'basic issues. recognition of *** sion of opinion in this discussion. We bringing the discussion to a successful want to read no one out of the Party conclusion, in a spirit of free debate, come our long- r) We recognizc that this Conven- for his views. We know by now that free also ef acrimony, based upon the ism. The Reso tion must strike out on a new course none of us has a monopoly on wisdom basic unity of purpose that binds us roots of this sectarianism in: r) The to initiate 'We significant changes in our and none of us is immune to error. togethcr 11 the fraternity of our Parq. ON THE ROLE OF THE PARTY 47 tlrc contrary, the particular national any degree of real consctousness. ,lt'vclopments will effect the nature of Has this character of the American 0n the Role of the Farty tlr() stages of the classes in each country. working class been altered? We have Nor are stages separated one from an- heard a lot of loose talk about the im- .tlrcr by Chinese walls; on the con- pact of prosperity on the American tr:rry, they grow one within the other, working class. Let us see what the By Merle Brodsky ,rrrd the relationship of one to another facts show. is conditioned by the political and eco- In ry39 there were only 6,5oo,ooo -Oaftland, Calil. rromic events. Thus, to judge the workers organized into trade unions of the American working class the year Wuar rs rHE answer for the Marxist the working class. It dare not fashion lrowth and these were split. It 1946, rvc must compare where it now stands act, there were Left in t itself in any way that would separare of the Taft-Hartley rvith where it has come from. Seeing had increased what is it from the working class nor adopt rz,96o,ooo, In 1955 this it in this light, and adding to this was over without a concepts that its'actions can b,e a sub- to r7,oro,ooo. It ry56 it Ir concrete examination of the various million. is needed stitute for those of the working class. eighteen trends in the class, we might be able ye need an organization firmly Our orgenization, its lorms, tactics, The degree of organization of the :ay to determine which possible positive based on the princi[les of Marxism- and program must be conditioned by working class is concealod by the sta- steps could take. Such knowledge Leninism. Some say let us continue the class, political and economic devel- it tistical method used by the Department would help us become a factor in the opments of this narion. The United of Labor. Thus, according to their lchievement these forward steps. States is not Russia. Our working of figures organized labor constitutes about Historically the greatest lack of the class is not the French, German, or z8 per cent of the total working force. American working class has been unity. any other working class. It is a class Yet, by their definition, "labor force," It has been a class divided against it- that has and wil have its own path includes all self-employed, all profes- self. Immigrant versus earlier arrival, of developmerrt. Our organization, sionals, all executives, all salaried work- skilled against unskilled (earlier craft American people. Where is America or any other Marxist organization that ers, all people looking for work, etc. unions helped prevent organization of goingf What are the trends and devel- wishes to make a contribution, can not Subtract these, which run into the mil- unskilled in exchange for concessions), opments in the various groups and have as its starting point only what lions and the percentage of organized minorities against native born, and classes in this countryl The American it thinks must be done. It cannot workers rises considerably. The same minority against minority, Negro di- LeIt must determine its role and forms hope that some applies to those who work in small industrial unions of organization by the class and po- will wake up to vided from white, stores, omces, are technical workers, apart the craft unions, etc, The litical developmenis in this nrtion and zation has been. from etc., who, although they number mil- not on the subjective opinions and zational forms, American working class, almost one lions of workers, do not represent main hundred years after the Civil War, had wishes of individua-ls and groups of must be such as to enable us to "get or decisive sections of the working not yet achieved the most elementary the Left. with the working class," to make it class. fonn of class organization, that is a Our orgtnizational forms and possible for us to become part of the But of more significance is a compari- single trade-union organization that prograi11 must be conditioned in a historic forward movement of the son of the size of the various unions e ncompassed the majority, and the large part working class and through such a re- with the total employed in the corre- most decisive sections of the class. This life : The lationship lend consciousness of direc- sponding industry* lack contributed and was afiected with its alli tion to the working-class movement. to, by, the failure any Marxist gromp that can est As a rule, all growing things, in- of to gain a permanent foothold within tion. It is they, and not a Marxist or- cluding classes, through stages. go + ganization, that effect transfor- the working class movement. A class fn a number of oses more workers re listed will a Political and economic events can cause then employed in the industry, be- as divided as the U.S. working class, in a union mation of the social system. Thus the stages to be speeded up, skipped or re- cause the uoion covers more than that iodus- has been a class without the ability rry. Yt, in other cases, more unions exist in Marxist organization must so mold it- tarded. Stages are not uniform, or the field than are listed, thus a balance is to function for its own interests with self as to be a service organization to necessarily similar in all countries; on achiryed.

46 48 POLITICAL A.FFAIRS ON THE ROLE OF THE PARTY 49

, r,rrtlucted a survey some time ago class. What is more irhportant is tirac Industry Worfters Employed, Union Membership and union Affil. ;rrrd announced that the results showed the growth of numbers and increased United Steel Workers . rr2oorooo th:rt the American worker considers consciousness of the workers, alone, United Auto Workers rr23grooo lrimself part of the middle class and does not tell the whole story. With. rrot a worker. Figures don't lie but amalgamation there has come into ex- Ail Unions 927,ooo li:trs can figure. The question asked istence one overall trade union, includ- All Unions .. ... 72g,Ooa United Rubber Workers 175,ooo lty Fortune uas: Do you consider your- ing at least a million and a half Ne- sclf part of the Upper, Middle, or groes, that eRcompasses the most de- UMW, Mine & Mill 5oo,ooo l,tiwer classesl A majority of workers cisive sections of the American work- AFL BIdg. Tr. Unicins 3,r4t,ooo All Unions ... 2,456,Ooo rvhen confronted with these choices ing class and has within its fold the picked the middle class category. How- majority of non-white collar workers. cver, Richard Centers,* of Princeton In r95z the Marxist movement be- Again let us turn to facts. Let us University, set out, among other ob- came more disoriented than ever when jcctives, to determine the validity of it failed to fully recognize that the the Fortune survey. The results of this objective possibilities for amalgamation survey, are quite revealing. Partici- had materialized and that substantial pants in this survey were asked the trends within labor were inclined in thirds organized, but scattered into following question: If you were asked that direction. In 1956, when the many unions, the largest having over to use one of these four names for Marxist movement must re-chart its roo,ooo workers. A less accuraie pic_ ernment supervised elections and bal- your social class, which would you say course, let it not overlook the objec- ture of lumber is available b".a.rr. loting, conducted in secret, on a num- you belonged in: the middle class, low- tive possibilities that exist for the labor ef overlapping with Carpenrers Union. ber of questions. er class, working class, upper class, movement nor the trends that cxist Between 1936 and 1954, rr,678,ooo don't know, or don't believe in classesl within the trade unions. Let it rec- votes were cast to determine the ques_ 7r per cent of the skilled, 83 per cent ognize that the American working class tion of. union representation. Of these of the semi-skilled, 75 per cent of the has at last achieue d an clemcntary g,r98,ooo or 78 per cent of the votes unskilled chose the working class. An state of organization as a class. cast, were in favor of the unions. From additional 7 per cent of the unskilled The question is no longer onc of r948 to r95t,5,547,ooo ballots were cast chose lower class. Perhaps more re- whether the labor movement "ought" to dete.rmine support or rejection oI vealing is the fact that not one of the to participate in political activity. It the union shop. Of these 5,o7t,ooo, workers in all three categories of skill is now one of what type of political is whethe r or not consciousness the or 9t.4 per cent, were cast in favor stated that they did not believe in action it will engage in, and in what of the working class has increased. o_[ the union shop. From 1944 to rg45 classes. directions can political action Involved is whether this or not the in- the Smith-Connoily a.t *hiih ordriiJ6 But do the workers have any knowl- lead. The answer these questions creased organizational to status of the government-supervised strike votes, was edge of what determines a classl will be infuenced largely by thc fol- working class has any chance to be- in existence. Under it r,9z6,ooo ballots When asked, per cent of the work- lowing factors: The strength and status come a really permanent feature 79 of were cast. Despite the existence of a ers listed occupation as the main thing of the trade union movement and its American life and, if the workins war, tr593,ooo, or 82.5 per cent, sup- which determined which class you are new relationship to the class as a whole class has achieved an ; elementaru for# ported the union recommendation f6r in. When asked to list what factors political and economic developments of class oudook, then more advanced a strike had no aside from occupation determined a on a national and international scale; forms of class consciousness become doubt as t of the class, per cent of all manual work- the divisions and struggles within the more likely. Again we ,.more 46.2 warn, ad- workers year of ers listed beliefs and outlooks. labor movement and in the relations vanced" means in relation to what has operation True, these statistics by themselves between the labor movement and been the American other workers, outlook Surveys can be very misleading. To may lead to an over rosy picture. But segments of the American peoplc; the and not by comparison - with the judge their reliabiliiy we musr ex- does appear to be certain that the influence conscious French or other it of a or Marxist work.... amine their content. Fortune magazine American working class has made im- H. CeDters, Tbc Psycbology of Social portant strides towards maturing as a Claues (Princeon Uoiversiry Prcss, 1949). ON THE ROLE OF THE PARTY 5o POLITICAL AFFAIRS 5t sector, (.rning events will not determine movement are efiecting the other im- or-if such a sector fails to de_ the of states ,,right-to_ velop 13.sh rights and rvlrcther or not the powerful trade- portant groupings. Thus, movements a proper relationship to the la_ work" proposals. yit the Demlcratic rrrrion movement will continue to exist. exist, especially amongst the Negro bor movemenr then its lack of infu- Party, because of its class and sectional 'l'hc powerful combination wLich grew people, and to a serious extent amongst ence. composirion, is le ss and less able to to its present strength despite two the farmers and the middle class, that refect labor's interests on the legis_ \vrrs, a rash of anti-labor legislation, a are moving in an anti-monopoly direc- lative fronr. ticge of tion. These forces can and do stimulate Labor, of course, does not move as lolcl up independent movement in the working one harmonious grouping in a single icll and class. In the last instances, however, drrectlon. Un the contrary, manv divi_ tlrese events will only sharpen the the course taken by these groups will sions exist within the labor mov.m.r,t \rruggle that now exists within the la- be conditioned by that taken by labor. over what course should be followed, as what course it By themselves, due amongst other L.L.P.E. in a new form. In the pre- l,or movement to and the course raken will be deter_ electoral system vious period the ord *lrould take. things to the whole The outcome of this contest between here, they are incapable of launching tlre various trends in the labor move- a new electoral alignment. On the ijfi#:i*li as settled' other hand, if labor does move it has of being a polit- r)renI cannot be regarded ()n are those forces, which by excellent possibilities of winning these decisive section one side positions, whether elements to a labor-led electoral align- of the class. As the merger proceeds, their actions and -between it be on one event or many, objectively ment. In fact, these groups are more contradictions, especially la_ the interests of the monopolies. and more turning to labor, as shown bor and the Democratic party, achieve rcfect and ideological re- in a series of recent events. a. greater porential of exploding. The All of the political sources the monopolies are geared No group outside the labor move- eighteen million strong labor" move- of towards strengthening this trend. It ment can decide by itself that the time ment now not only represents the main potenrial of reflecting itself, as it has in threat the is ripe and then go about trying to numerical support for the Democratic represents a dangerous to start such a party, expecting labor Farty, but in many instances independent development of the work- it repre- and its friends to follow. Any other or- sents the most substantial finaniial ing-class movement. On the other side leading towards ganization that tries wiil get the same support. In some areas, such as Michi- ari those tendencies independent action. Overall, the factors rebuff the Wallace Party received from are favorable for the extension and labor, as well as other groups. strengthening of this trend. It is handi- There can be little doubt as to what capped by the lack of consciousness as effect a conscious Marxist sector could to where it is going. Since it is a more have on the working class movement spontaneous reaction to events, it is or that such a conscious sector could unable as yet to chart a course. Though influence the unfolding of a new elec- reaction the toral alignment involving the non- oth the La- this trend refects a of working-class movement to monopoly monopoly sections of our population. monopolies ment. adequate under- If a Marxist movement were able to at the domination, it lacks same become an integral part of the trade- "favorable" standing of, and expression against, new event union movement it could help provide economic picture, labor and monopolies this main enemy. Thus, each sources that feature most seriously lacking- are engaging in serious skirmishes. hes the potential of presenting consciousness of direction. Such a Note the struggles around speed-up, oI division and confusion. out movement, if it could gain influence automarion and job security questiorx. This article deliberately singles labor move- amongst the Negro people, farmers, The monopolies, because oi lrbor,, in- the development of the it be and middle class, could aid in the un- creased strength, are rnore and more rrent as its chief concern. Let same forces folding of a new political alignment. utilizing their influence in legislative briefly noted that those labor Therefore the question is not whether bodies to hamstring Labor. bbserve tl'rat are having an impact on the 52 POLITICAL AFFAIRS or not ON THE ROLE OF THE PARTY 53 such a movement (and move_ vehicle of its own, in alliance with ments are built we throueh orsanizations) other groups, would the mass o[ work_ lx-ginning a new mass party will have to the working class as to what is desirable. The lacliof rri.h , *orJ- :r socialist perspective. In light of the think it ought to do. Rather we must ment increases the groping for direc_ l;rck of a long-standing socialist sector determine what actions it is now tak- tr9" og the part of the working class. in the labor movement and the nature ing which, .if strengthened and given Thus forward movement is alw*ays in ,,[ the forces in the leadership of the more consclousness, will aid the for- jeopardy. trade-union movement, it does not seem ward movement towards independent A critical goal socialist consciousness. of a Marxist move- nature. The most that could be ex- roo likely that this latter development action and ment is to help achieve mass socialist will confront us. As part of these movements we can consciousness in this country. In order Regardless of what political forms play a role in sighting the enemYr that it not lose its way, it must alwavs working-class action takes, the need is monopoly. Whether it be in joining keep this aim in the'forefront of ils to recognize that the main field frorn considerations. Mass socialist conscious- which a mass socialist movement must ness, however, does not develop in a cmerge is the working class. A mass vacuum. Individuals, thousands of socialist vehicle will not come about them, can be convinced of Socialism because individuals or groups think through education and argumentation, it is a good idea, but only if the Marxist around these questions to expose the But mass socialist .o^..-iorrrr.r, re- rnovement in this country is able to role of the monopolies. quires certain objective conditions. The cflect a merger of socialist conscious- In order to play such a role it is type of struggles within the working ness and the working class movement. necessary for the Party to make its own class and berween the working clasi 'fhus the starting point of a Marxist estimates as to what are the possible and the monopolies, and with]n the movement must be the present trends, goals for the workers in the various atmosphere of current political events developments, and level of the working areas and for the movement as a whole. is not buch as to create any mass recep- class movement, A proper estimate of In this sense it is a vanguard, for it is tiveness for Socialism. More than thii, these will not only enable our move- conscious of the objective process. Yet any organization that confines its activ- rnent to find those tactics that will end in the main, what steps the working ities solely primarily the coming or to socialist movement. Further developments led our isolation, but will enable us to class will take, at least for agitation will be leader- firing over the heads to a split between Laboi and the become an effective force in helping period, will not be under the ot present movements and thus have Liberal Party and the British Laboi the working class understand and or- ship of the Communists, so in the sense party was lauoched. It was not until garize for Socialism. of actual physical leadership we will What type of organization do we not be the vanguard of the working need ro fulfill this rolel class. Perhaps this seems obvious, but Our organization will have to dis- examine our activity for at least the card certain distorted concepts of what past ten years and it will be seen that constitutes a vanguard role. No Marx- we violated this understanding again ist organization or combination of and again. For every course of action Marxist organizdtions is, or is likely proposed by the leadership of the T. U. velopment would have on the ultimate immediate future, movement proposed counter The likelihood is not that both a to become in the we a s socialist party in the actual leadership of the working course and expected the workers to is especially im- class in the sense that the working follow us. many are today class or decisive sections of it look In order to play such a role we both a mrrs .o- to such at organization for leadership. should project what we think are real- cialist party and a mass anti-monopoly More than this, the immediate problem istic goals for the trade union move- party simultaneously. for us is not how to lead the working ment but not project these as though If the working .irs in this nation class movement, but how to become we, instead of the T. (J. movement, succeeded in esrablishing a political r:onnected with it. could accomplish them. The tradc 'We cannot make grandiose proposals union movernent and not the Party 54 POLITICAL AFFAIRS will forge a We can play Peacelul Co-Existence: A [liscussion the working of this need, movement to orgaDizfr. it. Our movement must have as a key cliques and are doing task the development of socialist con'_ Editors, Political Afrairs: pro-war were sciousness within the labor and general About a year ago I submitted a everything to reverse that trend, to hotter people's movement. We must ie the communication taking sharp issue with bring the cold war back to a in and more sinister stage. fight for immediate issues not as a out struggle. Max Weiss' contention, expressed diversion from your pages, that the American bourg- I do not know which cold war phe- the task of develooino There are many questions one could socialist eoisie had ended the threat of war. Yo'u nomena Mr. Weiss would classify as consciousness but as an'aie go into, such as critical relations with did not publish that cornmunication, structure, and which as suPerstructure. other forms of organization, _Parties, stating thit it was too long and that But the American network of rnilitary etc. These have been adequ-ately deali misinterpreted Weiss' position. I i-Soviet mili- with by numerous parricipanrs'in it the he had read it. ous military drscussron. was assured that he either completely dis- he operations To the extent Apparently not take it to heart. For e Agency, of ment such as guaranteed annual wage, is able to build asreed or did the November Political Radio Free Europe, etc., remained speedupr. automation, etc., present op in developing ii his article in throughout a source of provocation and portunities for discussion of socialiit this in country, aggravation of international relations. Weiss tells us that "barriers to east- west trade are crumbling everywhere", but it must be admitted that the most complete barrier, that involving U.S. trade, has never opened more than a hair's-breadth. Further, he states that comes isolated and talks to himself. as a result of relaxed popular pressure: Our movement must further assume the b.urden of developing a body of Post-Geneva negotiatiors on clisarmament live American socialist liierature tf a and rolations with People's China ended in popular type. Socialism is a living deadlock. T'he situation in Gcrmany, Korea dynamic thing and can be pr.r..rt.i and Indo-China re mained stalemated. Our as such. government tabled indefinitely the unfinished business of Geneva. Our organization must have its own program, not has come to an end; only advocating Socialism All this hardly sounds hke the end- but also a substantial g under waY. sectiJn devoted of ing of the cold war! to the improvement wa, a relaxation "l of conditions un- and I share the author's enthusiasm for der capitaiism. ion during 1955 As Socialism is nor on Stevenson's raising of the issue of pro- the order of the day we must present hibiting H-bomb tests. But one cannot other alternatives to war arrd *'a, pro- but note the militancy of the Repub- duction. Such a program must be licans in opposing this. Nor the extent directed towards winning anti-mon- to which St v.t to.t himself wiped out esPecially its value by demanding, -to- wards the end of the campaign, higher

55 56 POLITICAL AFFAIRS arms spending PEACEF'UI-CO-EXI STENCE and a more aggressive The Kremlin has buried the Geneva )/ policy . soirit in relarion to Egypt ,riJ H,rrr_ in Hungary. It can hardly ,.ulu. uotii'ro tlrc struggles of peoples abroad against were forced to stop their invasion entirely new regime, of gary. aiming tn. trr"rt-_ A merican imperialism. Egypt! Clearly, mation rather than the aef.rrr."t of Co-- Mr. Weiss' remarks were Starting from such a gross omission, But they starred it. And at least until written before the actual invasion of rve have such "careless" mistakes as they are out of there, they may resume Egyp,, and before rhe counterrevolu- Weiss' attributing to Britain the over- it. And they continue without let to tionary uprising in Hungary. But from tlrrow of the Mossadegh regime, when attack Algeria, Cyprus, Malaya, the the above discussion it stroula be clear American popular magazines boasted meantime getting U.S. aid. that even prior to these events the evi- of the primary role of U.S. diplomats I too am optimistic about the chances :rDd arms in that reactionary coup. To of victory in the struggle for peace. But irssume that U.S. imperialism will stick only if we carry out that struggle with to exclusively peaceful means to ac- a full appreciation of its importance, complish its objective-correcdy placed and with every ounce of energy and lry Weiss---of moving in on the Suez skill. crease in this fiscal year's budget esti- Oanal, is to gild the lily and risk being I sincerely hope that this time my mates. lor delense spending. 'Weiss' And in the rnade a fool of by history. criticism of Mr. views will be hrst halt of October, Delense Secre_ The whole world realizes the danger published promptly and in full. tary Wilso o% rise in of our moving backwards towards the I-ours Fr-nrscrrun. the fiscal udget. Srill rvorst disasters. How else can one ac- earlier the asked for, (-ount for the somber warnings of and partly increase in Nehru, the proposal of the Swiss Gov- military foreign aid authorizations. crllmen[ for a new five-power confer- Editors, Por,rucar. Arr,r.rns : Recent events in the Middle East cnce, the very far-reaching conces- Mr. Fleischer takes issue with my and Eastern Europe should make it sions by the Soviet Union in the latest contention that American imperialism obvious that Mr entire world, peace front-right of its persistent attemPts to achieve has ended in the present period, its here un- to say the least, rn the Unrted States. ;rlmost any sort of start towards dis- former policy of threatening to nection with the Ieash a world atomic war. But he does And this leads to what is perhaps ;trmamCntl barons othe substantiate view. my and the main point-Weiss' arricle l, Thinking Americans, above all re- not his In -"lh sponsible Marxists, must concentrate opinion, he cannot. nb little of their energies on the ab- If, in the present period, Wall Street solutely vital job of helping develop_a policy were characterized by such a more accurate understanding right policy of threatening world atomic here of the situation, and a greater par- war, the Egyptian and Hungarian situ- as in the U.N., have engaged in an ticipation of the American people in ations would have dramatized that fact. orgy of unrestrained anti-soviet slan- combatting the cold war and the war They did no such thing. der not surpassed in any phase of the In the Egyptian situation, the policy cold war. of American imperialism was to bring Extremely powerful circles of Big the fighting to an end; it did not have spreading the conflagra- Business are engaged in a furious cam- a potcy of 'the paign to wipe out all of the beginnings tion. In the Hungarian situation, of Geneva, and to raise international policy of tension to a new high pitch. kt me essentially cite Bwsiness Weeft, whic\ cannot be bilizing th regarded as ar irresponsible organ it did not speaking only for its editors: rcference-a.g. Look how good the the armed struggle in that country situation is, the British and the French into a world con0agration. POLITICAL AFFAIRS s8 PEACET"UL.CO-EXI STENCE 59 In neither case did the policy of whether this process is under way or creases as there is every indication that To bring the process of ending the American imperialism originate in any not. Is there nothing new in the cold it is doing. cold war to a conclusion, to liquidate considerations of sweet reasonableness. war today over and above a "relaxation To asseit, as Mr. Fleischer does, that the cold war completely, will require It stemmed from a purely cold-blooded of tensionsl" There was a relaxation this process is only "beginning," stubborn struggles. The policy of the calculation of the strength and power of tensions when the Berlin airlift was .that it is only "tentative," is to lag behind main sections bf American monopoly is of the forces opposed to a world war, ended, There was a relaxation of ten- the timei. Such an estimate would have still to continue the cold war. That is including the strength of peace senti- sions when negotiations were begun been accurate and sufficient in the ment among the American people as on the Korean war. There have been spring of To assert it todaY is shown in two natiqnal elections. many moments in the Cold War when ry55. ti* to underestimate the progress which may The fact that American imperialism, extreme tensions were relaxed. But they will the present period, does relaxed in not conduct were in the context o{ air there is a qualitative change in the in- its policy, as did at the height ascending curve it of the of development of the ternational situation, such momentary cold war, by threats of unleashing cold war. This is not the case today. an increases in tensions, as in the case of atomic does not mean The Cold has war that the War passed its peak be- Egypt or Huogary, wiil not cancel out danger of such a war has been ended. cause American imperialism has been the main features of the period we are So long as compelled by a whole series of political, in today. It seems to me that this is danger will diplomatic and military defeats to put what we must cling to in our estimate is being dis an end to its policy of threatening- to complacent passivity in the other. I of current develoPrnents. the current unleash a world war. believe it is-possible to recognize ad- perialism; is it being conducted by The cessation of threats to unleash W'Brss vances without being beguiled bY Max threats to unleash a world war or not? a new world war has set into motion them. In the present period, in my opinion, centrifugal tendencies in the strucrure it is not conducting a policy of threat- of the cold war-both in the superstruc- ening to unleash a world war. By de- ture and base. Perhaps Mr. Fleischer nying this, Mr. Fleischer flies in the does nor believe thai the barriers ro

formul y be in:ny is straining at the seams. But I think, arricie s letter. The here also, he entertains a lonely view. ending a process, a OnJy spit and paste still hold some process struggles. lt orher countries in NATO. Other as_ A COMMUMCATION 6r peaceful competition, instead of for legality. What did it mcan to t}e project as dangerous as world war.^ Party membership and to the worldl The Party became so accustomed to It was a definitive political judgment A Communication abstract denunciation of imperialism, that the Party's fight against war until By Joseph Sfarobin as a substitute for practical political ac- then had been fruitless. More, it was tion, that the concept of being able an estimate that the whole world cam- to impose a period of pcace prior to the paign for peace was likely to be so fruit- To rur, Eorrons: chapter transformation of imperialist relations less that within a short time the only Allow rne, simply for the sake the of point o was viewed as heretical doctrine. way to maintain an American Com- historical record, to comment on those Party's My own view was that the nature munist movement would be througtr referqnces to my views which appear Like so and scope of tempo of the cold war an "underground." in five separate articles by leaders of the hearted part in it, and served through- were being misjudged. The real rela- I make no abstract comment on the American Co,r,nmunist Party in Politi- out rg5o-5r as secretary of the Party's tionship of world forces, arising out need for "security," which might have cal Affairs, October and November, national commission on peace activities, of the defeat of the Axis, was proving been accomplishcd in many ways. Nor rys6. a time when some achievements were stronger than all the attempts to re- do I cast a shadow on .the personal I am mrrch indebted, first of all, to registered. What I began to consider verse that relationship. New factors courage and selflessness of the leaders William Z. Foster. He now confirms wrong, for the very reason that it im- rvere operating-such as the end of the and the cadres of this cnterprise, and, what was only a hint in letter to peded my these peace activities, was a atom bomb monopoly, the Chinese their families, just as I mean no per- The Nation for August 25, ry56. He Revolution, the rise of a world con- sonal refection on Foster himself. But reveals that proposals some for basic sciousness for peace-all of which had it was a testimonial to fruitlessness. It developed, it should be noted, by r95r. stemmed from Foster's way of seeing It was never a matter of minimizing things. Many may have thought they how aggressive were many forces in were in step with a world outlook. American life, nor denying the right- Perhaps a better perspective on this ness of making the issue of peace the whole era will show the American a year before, shortly after we returned centfal aspect of the Party's work; it Communist Party contributed as much was a matter o{ recognizing that the to the misunderstanding of American cold war was not necessarily a prelude reality elsewhere as did foreign Com- to world war but a struggle to deter- munists to the misunderstanding frorn mine the terms of some kind of settle- which the American Party suffered. har'd to distinguish the real trend of ment, within the framework of which Perhaps the real disservice r95t. to interna- events. Instead of confidence in win- the rivalry of the systems would con- tional solidarity was the responsibility What was this "first serious element ning the peace, a definite hysteria took tinue peaceably, though not automati- of American Communists. ,of political confusion Parry," hold. in the cally or smoothly. I said this in many The famous "war danger" issue was ,as Foster now calls it without explain- It does not seem to have occurred ways at that time. The Party's own only one aspect-in fact only the form ing why he took so long to expose it Draft Resolution of September, 1956, ----of a confict of views which come and how it was dealt withl In his like the Dennis report last April, now under the heading of what Foster now view (October, 1956 Political Affairs) admits the misjudgment and recog calls "Americanization." The convic- Clark and I considered "the Party's nizes it as a crucial aspect of the tion had been growing in me over fight against the war danger both Party's deeprooted sectarianism. many years that the strategy and tactics. SS,,, Who really considered the Party's of other Communists usi were simply not fight against war fruitless? Consider valid for this counrry, that we had meri or even a settlement. It was also pos- the "Operation Security" which en- specific-yes, exceptional----conditions. ermi sible that the decisive circles of Ameri- guifed the whole Party from r95o until I felt that little progress was possible pressed Party's moraler" etcetera. can capitalism, faced by many-sided r956-the attempt to combine somq without a clear break with the habits No proof is ofiered obstacles, for such grave still retained enough con- sort of "underground" with the fight of thought and the system of leadcr- ,charges. Without taking space for a fidence in themselves to enier into 6o 62 POLITICAL AFFAIRS A COMMTINICATION 63 ship, carried over from the bygone era Many who opposed them thought the Oongress-raised questions about So- Steve Nelson shares a similar view, of the Communist in International rough edge could be taken ofi Foster's .,ialist development far more basic than though in a more tentative way. which so many leaders and members views; others believed a mistaken the old "war danger" debate. By then, It does not seem to have occurred had been shaped. course could be corrected if "managed" history was proving very dramatically to these commentators that the Nation do not claim to have had fully- properly. I a Yet they were driven, often rvho had been right and wrong. It Ietter was not written to them, but to lashioned outlook this effect, only against judgment, to their better along Lurned out that some Party leaders, a Mr. Benjamin of San Francisco elements of Nor did return home it. I a ruinous path. who had made their own reappraisals who believed that the revival of a new in August, 1953 more an with than This inner paralysis was continuing in jail, were not able to take the helm Left depended on the Party's self-dis- inkling of the crisis maturing the in in 1953. When Clark's. views, and of change prior to the Soviet Con- solurion. My reply was that Benjamin Soviet Union. But I did feel strongly then my own, were made available to gre ss, though they tried to. Others oversimplified on two counts. I chal- that by 1953 the danger had war Party leaders on some levels, they said tlid not even then recognize the is' lenged him to take steps toward a re- plainly receded so that even those who they agreed and that they had reached sues. And the Congress itself defected vival of the Left irrespective of what oversimplified it r95r could see in it; the same conclusions. Nonetheless, it the American debate to a terrain which the Communists do about their own hence it was urgent to re-examine all seemed to me that nothing was being r,vas unfavorable as much as it was Party; I urged him to do so without policies and practices quickly. To those done. These men were the real Fa- favorable. "a lamentation of how fine everything who needed to read the zodiac signs bians, as they had been for many years. It is certainly true that a new sPirit would have been had the American in the world Communist firmament, Foster is mistaken when he speaks blows in the Daily Worfter, and a Communists never existed, or in mak- the events of that year should have a "disruptive of agitation." There was genuine search for a new coutse exists ing believe none exist now while urg- been persuasive; my feeling was that so "agitation" little that the rank and in some Party levels. But the moun- ing them to dissolve." As for the Party, the American Party had every warrant file and most leading people knew tainous labors that brought forth so it is true that I doubt whether ir to act on its own policies, independently nothing about this conflict until late little during the crucial Spring and can regenerate itself or the American and autonomously. If the Party could in 1956. Neither did Foster and his Summer of. only refected the deep Left and I believe something new must not take its own initiatives, the very ry56 aides invite much discussion; and thus contradictions in the Party leadership, supersede it, which is diflerent from fact of acting only after others did a situation was created, to use a famous its lack of candor and political courage. demanding from the outside that it would continue outmoded relation- phrase, "nasty, brutish, and short." My This finally decided me that whatever dissolve here and now, and unless it ships in a disastrous way. protest was a refusal to re-register. The I could contribute on the Left would does, nobody else can do anything. Why were Clark and myself so im- whole experience raised the deepest have tq be done differently than in Aptheker asks for evidence to sup- patient, and not-alittle stubborn? Be- moral and political issues, calling into the past. port such doubts, If the American cause it was perfectly clear that a question long-time loyalties to ideas In the same Octobet, 1956 Political people can be confidently expected to deadlock in leadership had prevailed and friends. I understand very well Affairs, Eugene Dennis takes issue with choose Socialism over capitalism, why ever since 1945. Many Party leaders that this dilemma was not unuiual. It various negative attitudes toward the can't a few thousand Communists had hesitated over the "way-our-in-lefr- is now admitted that hundreds, if not Communist Party and says: "Still change their own party, he asks, as field" policies. relating them not to the thousands, of Party memb,ers suffered others, such as Starobin, invite us to though this were a perfect syllogism. "war danger" thesis but other consid- ostracism, threats of expulsion, and 'disband,' 'fade away,' and thus alleg- Perhaps the problem of the American erations. Many realized that after more, for voicing independent propo- edly 'facilitate the emergence of a new people as a whole can be resolved, rg45, the Party might have gone back, sals or balking a sectarian course. party of Socialisrn.' " If Dennis was whereas a particular political forma- so to speak, to r935-when American My activities thereafter we re con- quoting me, I do not know where he tion has, by now, insoluble problems? Communists did some real things and got the words. They are nowhere to Max Weiss considers that the built- helped our people solve real proh. be found h the Nation letter. Herbert in principles of the Party distinguish lems: to returrr to 1925 was "out of Aptheker, who has a rather more seri- it from any forerunner and make self- this world." ous reputation for scholarship than correction inevitable. This does not ex- But there was always a well-defined Dennis, also has me believing (in the actly explain why Max Weiss has had group around Foster, more dynamic November 1956 issue) that the Party such dificulties over ten years in ap- than any other, which waved "the story. By the Spring of ry55, the So- should be dissolved. He differs from plying such principles to achieve the bloody shirt" of "Browderism" at viet-Yugoslav reconciliation which Dennis in placing no quotes around his Party's correction. To Weiss, the Draft every opinion contrary to their own. really anticipated - the Soviet Twentieth own misunderstanding. I regret that Resolution is a "most incisive refuta- 54 POLITICAL AFFAIRS A COMMUNICA]ION 65

tion" of my doubts. A strange word or even community activities, has liirrrl ol-perty the Communists have Negro and white workers and non- for such a document, rr ictl to be He calls it a "Fabian workers -"incisive" cven risen sharply. Behind the statisrics are . who have questions about granting that it charts a forward course human beings we have all known. srciet1,," and considers it a backward Preselrt-da)r America which go unan- which it hesitates ro pursue. stcp. The Communists, he is sure, will swered. fohn Gates recognizes that neither rrot break down doors to join it, and It is not for any single individual "it is difficult to believe that this is or group to form such a movement, , rllered seriously as an instrume ntality just as I do not think ir can come lor generating a Socialist revival." from the ex-Trotsk)rites or the Com- I am proposing nothing for which munists. Nobody can re-make the thcre is no real need or prospect. Many past, even i[ he wants to do better, Socialist-n'rinded people feel that a pe- nor can any group inherit the capital riod of "dis-unification" on the Left, organization. Such a movement needs of a freedom from any organizational to be educational within itself ard be- l'orms enables them to re,thirk and re, 1on.l irself, which is in no scnse to study best. I respect this feeling and weaken the activities that are going I

lookl Max Weiss is aghast that I favor_ in terms of the American Left as a whole---something difierent than the THE STALIN ER.A by Anna Louise Sfrong

uise Strong n this book. There are few .'tJle who can sp authority about Stalin er or more i e of its inner workings and

ion of Sergei Kirov, Zinoviev, Kamenev, and rationalizaUons. in the Soviet-Finnish War, and she was there to watch the Soviet Armies design to seize Latvia, Lithuania and Esthonia. She wa during World War II, when Poland was liberated, and the Berlin c the as rmy. in face his methods in group discussion. S scores ders of the Soviet Uhon, China, and other countries. I

thirties, and to the death of Stalin and after. Five-Year Plans to what she has called "The Great Madness" in the late No American, concerned with the future of his country and of the world, can afford to miss this vital and timely book.

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