536 the contemporary pacific • 31:2 (2019) photos/a.601667066615820/18804168 nity were quite diverse. Some believed 28740831/?type=3 that the tpnpb would never attack rnz, Radio New Zealand. 2018. UN civilians, and some regretted it. Sebby Approves New Caledonia Voter Registra- Sambom, the spokesperson for the tion. 17 September. https://www.radionz tpnpb, made it very clear, however, .co.nz/international/pacific-news/366594/ that the tpnpb was responsible and un-approves-new-caledonia-voter had planned the attack three months -registration in advance (Hadi and Ayu 2018). Tromeur, Françoise. 2018. Gaël Yanno Despite these claims, the truth à la tête du Congrès, analyse et réactions. remains far from resolved since none nouvelle calédonie 1, 30 July. https:// of the state’s legal institutions con- la1ere.francetvinfo.fr/nouvellecaledonie/ ducted investigations to establish facts. gael-yanno-tete-du-congres-analyse ’s national human rights -reactions-611974.html commission (Komisi Nasional Hak Wasmer, Etienne, and Quentin David. Asasi Manusia Republik Indonesia, or 2012. Rapport sur la situation économique Komnas ham) issued a press statement de la Nouvelle-Calédonie: “Et si la declaring that “such an act carried out prospérité n’était pas éternelle?” August. by the armed group is a serious human Available from https://larje.unc.nc/fr/le rights violation” (Tempo.co 2018a). -rapport-wasmer-sur-la-situation The public statement, however, did -economique-de-la-nouvelle-caledonie-2/ not prompt Komnas ham to under- take a proper fact-finding mission, even though it is the only legal institu- tion in the country that has subpoena authority to look into allegations of Papua concluded 2018 with a tragic human rights abuses. As a result, both incident when thirty road workers and the victims’ families and the public one soldier in Nduga District were live with one-sided stories about the killed by the West Papuan National incident. Liberation Army (Tentara Pembebasan In contrast, the government’s Nasional Papua Barat, or tpnpb), response was to immediately deploy one of the military wings of the Free troops to hunt down the tpnpb. This Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua decision shows that a heavy-handed Merdeka) led by Egianus Kogoya approach remains the most preferred (Tehusijarana 2018). The workers option for state authorities in deal- were working on an infrastructure ing with Papua’s security. Still, two project that penetrated the isolation months after the incident, it remained of the Papua Central Highlands. The unclear whether the joint operation incident constitutes the largest number between the Indonesian police and of civilian casualties by a non-state the military had captured the group. armed group in Papuan history. The Instead, the public was informed that tpnpb insisted that the workers were many Nduga residents, especially double agents who worked for the women and children, had fled their Indonesian military in disguise. The homes and taken refuge in Wamena responses from the Papuan commu- or for safety. At the time of political reviews • melanesia 537 writing, these vulnerable groups were cities in Indonesia, such as Ambon, living in dire conditions and required ­Yogyakarta, Surabaya, and Makassar. immediate humanitarian assistance. Statistically, the coalition docu- Father John Djonga, a local Catholic mented the ten most common patterns priest who shelters internally displaced of human rights violations, the top persons from Nduga, made a public three being political arrests in relation appeal: “Please help us since we are to political events (1,201 cases); viola- overwhelmed with thousands of refu- tions of victims’ health (648 cases); gees. Nobody helps us to date” (pers and torture (80 cases) (icp 2019). comm, 20 Jan 2019). He had already Unlike in previous years, in 2018 established a temporary school to we have seen new players involved in shelter some four hundred internally the raids, namely mass organizations displaced children. (organisasi kemasyarakatan, or ormas) The worker tragedy was not such as the Front Pembela Islam entirely unprecedented. Five months (Islamic Defender Front), the Pancasila earlier, a number of violent incidents Youth, the Community Forum for had occurred. tpnpb members shot Sons and Daughters of the Police and at Dimonim Air and Armed Forces (Forum Komunikasi ­commercial aircrafts that carried Putra Putri Purnawirawan dan Putra ­ballots for the regional elections, Putri tni Polri, or fkppi), and the ­injuring the pilots of both aircraft Association of Sons and Daughters of and killing three civilians during the Army Families. These organizations Trigana Air attack (Gumilang 2018; take a more active role in confronting cnn Indonesia 2018). These incidents Papuan students without any restraint were considered a bad omen, prompt- from the police. This action suggests ing the locals to flee their homes and that the police welcome their partici- take safety in the Asmat area (Tempo. pation in dealing with Papuan mat- co 2018b), even though they had ters and consider them proxies. The to walk and canoe across difficult, ormas not only encourage the police swampy terrain. to take harsh measures against Papuan In retrospect, the protracted students but even participate in clamp- conflicts in Papua have changed little ing down on the political activities of in the last five decades. The heavy- Papuans in their own neighborhoods. handed approach of the authorities The involvement of proxies in is not just meted out against Papuans handling security matters in Indo- inside Papua’s jurisdiction. Rather, nesia is not novel. On the contrary, it has become a common pattern for it is common for the state security the police to put pressure on Papuan apparatus to make use of illegality communities across the Indonesian and illegal groups for its own benefit archipelago. The International Coali- (Aspinall and van Klinken 2011). If tion for Papua has documented a we were to take a closer look at these persistent pattern of police brutality organizations, however, we would against Papuan students and their soli- be surprised to see that they do not darity groups. The police raided Pap- naturally come together as one front. uan students’ dormitories in various Rather, they compete and even oppose 538 the contemporary pacific • 31:2 (2019) each other based on their conflict- organized peaceful demonstrations. ing interests and affiliations. For In contrast, the police take no action instance, the Front Pembela Islam is when ormas take to the streets under well-known for campaigning on an the banner of an Islamist agenda. Islamist agenda, such as implement- This discrepancy resonates with what ing sharia law, raiding the places of Robert Cribb conceptualized as a sys- worship of religious minorities, and tem of exemption (2011). That is, the leading protests against former law is unevenly implemented because Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama for policy makers accept bribes, induce- blasphemy. So it was unusual that this ments, favors, commissions, and so on militant group was protesting against in exchange for making decisions that Papuans and advocating for a nation- favor one party over the other. As will alist agenda. be discussed, this system of exemp- Similarly, the Pancasila Youth, a tions is also found in other dimensions legacy of Suharto’s New Order regime of Papua’s political sphere. that he deployed to silence opposi- In sum, unlike in previous years, tion, took to the streets to oppose during which the Papuans’ interna- Papuan students gathering in Surabaya tional campaign absorbed most of in August and December 2018 (see their energy, the 2018 Papua political Wismabrata 2018; Firman 2018b). chapter was largely colored by domes- fkppi’s Yogyakarta branch had been tic politics. This shift might be attrib- involved in rounding up the Papuan utable to a decrease in the intensity students in a dormitory in Yogyakarta of the work of Papuan leaders in the in 2016 (Maharani 2016), and its international lobby arena. Surabaya branch was now taking part While political events remain the in the protests against Papuan students focus of media attention, another big in Surabaya. During the Surabaya news item from Papua is the after- incident of 1 December 2018, the math of the prolonged negotiation police did not allow the proxies to act over Freeport Indonesia’s divestment. above the law after they attacked the ­Having secured an initial agreement Papuan student dormitories. Instead with Freeport Indonesia’s parent com- they arrested dozens of attackers for pany, Freeport-McMoRan, to divest in vandalizing properties. However, 2017, the Jokowi government man- the police also arrested and detained aged to take the agreement one step ­overnight more than three hundred further by signing a major deal with Papuan students for holding a gath- the company consisting of three issues: ering to commemorate what they divestment of Freeport Indonesia, refer to as Papuan independence day becoming a shareholder of Freeport ­(Firman 2018a). Indonesia, and buying shares of Rio If we juxtapose police treatment of Tinto Indonesia. This landmark deci- Papuan students in against sion has given power to Indonesia to that in Surabaya, we can see little have full control over the subsidiary’s difference. In both cases, the police future following Freeport-McMoRan’s did not hesitate to use excessive force free reign since 1967. It is therefore against unarmed students who had understandable that the deal did not political reviews • melanesia 539 come easily, having gone through ing issue, a report in the investigative tough negotiations between the magazine TEMPO reveals the devas- Indonesian government and Freeport- tating impact of this industry in South McMoRan (Sulistyowati 2018, 28). Papua, especially Boven Digoel district The deal, however, did not receive (Silalahi, Hermawan, and Ferdianto much appreciation from the public 2018). The report exposes the prob- (Lingga 2018). The opposition simply lems with Malaysia’s Menara Group dismissed the deal by labeling it as having obtained control over 2,800 window dressing by the government square kilometers of land—more than to win the coming election. They even twice the surface area of New York accused the government of misinform- City (1,213 square kilometers)—in ing the public because the acquisition this district during the last decade. It did not actually happen. An observer should be noted, however, that this labelled this accusation as “distorted” encroaching company’s activity is and “insulting people’s intelligence” inseparable from the ongoing opera- because the opposition’s accusation tions of other permit holders in the did not work according to law. Other area, such as Korindo, which is much observers, however, insisted that more established. the deal does not necessarily benefit The report identifies seven prob- Papuans and even called it “idiotic” lematic behaviors of Menara Group because the government simply pur- and its subsidiary companies (Silalahi, chased its own property (Nathaniel Hermawan, and Ferdianto 2018). 2018). First, they acquire general business Papuans hold various views. Some permits instead of activity-specific argue that Papuans should have been permits, meaning they are not entitled consulted, as they were not present to extract natural resources. Second, during any negotiations between Free- they use fictitious names for com- port-McMoRan and the government. pany directors and commissioners, A member of the Papuan Provincial often borrowing the names of former Council argued that Papua should cleaning staff or drivers without their be given 40 percent instead of the 10 consent. Tacitly, Menara Group’s ceo percent shares of Freeport Indonesia acknowledged this practice, arguing as agreed (Mawel 2018). Papuan that “not all members have money” activists and Papuan students seem to (Silalahi, Hermawan, and Ferdianto be paying less attention to this issue 2018, 23). The ceo “used fictitious compared to the previous generation. names in order to secure general While Freeport Indonesia is the permits as soon as possible to start most important mining project for his company. Once the permits are Papua and even Indonesia, it is not obtained, the company will change all the only extractive industry that has names to those who have money to deeply affected Papua livelihoods. invest,” explained Frank ­Samperante, Another equally concerning issue director of the Jakarta-based nongov- that reflects the system of exemption ernmental organization Pusaka (pers is the politics of permits for oil palm comm, 25 Feb 2019). Third, they plantations. Though this is an ongo- extend general permits in order to 540 the contemporary pacific • 31:2 (2019) obtain forest concessions, acquiring insisted that the authority remains in land until they exceed the legal limits the hands of the Indonesian national of land concession. government. Therefore, he threatened Fourth, the companies persuade to file a lawsuit against the regional local communities to accept their governments. On the contrary, Envi- presence and promises. For example, ronment and Forestry Minister Siti in 2013 Menara Group sent a mes- Nurbaya clearly explained that “min- senger carrying Rp1.74 billion ing permits (iup) are the authority (us$124,000) in cash to be distributed of regional governments” (Silalahi, to the communities as “solidarity Hermawan, and Ferdianto 2018, 20). money,” together with two pigs and The case of Menara Group encap- various staples (Silalahi, Hermawan, sulates the persistent pattern of land and Ferdianto 2018, 17). The villag- grabbing in Papua. TEMPO’s report ers were effectively bribed with the has also revealed that Zulkifli Hassan, gifts, so they raised no concerns when the chair of the National Mandate Menara Group asked them to sign a Party, issued thirty-six permits for blank paper. Later, the company used Papua out of one hundred and forty- the signatures as proof of the lease of five permits all over Indonesia during customary land. his time as the forestry minister under Fifth, the companies sell their the administration of President Susilo permits to other companies before Bambang Yudhoyono. This is the they actually do any exploration. This highest number of permits a minister tactic is a form of tax evasion. Sixth, has issued since Suharto’s period. The they create special-purpose vehicle number of permits for Papua covers­ companies in tax-free zones in order an area as large as 89,000 square to ease transfers and reduce sales and kilometers, or slightly larger than purchase taxes. Finally, they only Portugal’s territory (88,941 square clear the forest in order to get timber kilometers). (Silalahi, Hermawan, and Ferdianto This scandalous land grabbing 2018, 15). All of these patterns have affirms the nature of the system of detrimental effects on both the inhab- exemption in the area of land acquisi- itants of and the habitats around the tion in Papua. Just like in the politi- concession areas. cal sphere, in the sphere of natural Unlike the previous regent, the resources, the law only benefits the current regent of Boven Digoel acted vested interests of politicians, busi- in a decisive manner by revoking the nessmen, and bureaucrats but not permits of subsidiary companies in those of indigenous Papuans. The July 2017 because they have yet to convolution of these actors resembles grow oil palms and also because of a mafia network. The continuous rejection by the community (Silalahi, opposition from the indigenous Pap- Hermawan, and Ferdianto 2018, 20). uan community against this mafia is The governor of Papua revoked other easily defeated. Corporations employ permits of the Menara Group in 2018. ­enticing tactics to divide and rule In responding to the regional govern- the community despite the ongoing­ ments’ decisions, Menara Group’s ceo campaign of church leaders who political reviews • melanesia 541 forbid their congregation members to community refused to have any direct sell their land. One of the strongest negotiations with the Christians, proponents against land sales has been although they accepted any decisions Bishop John Saklil of Timika, who taken by the mediation team and the started the public campaign “Stop local government. The Christian com- jual tanah” (Stop selling your land) munity was prepared to have dialogue (Mawel 2017). Similarly, the ongoing with the Muslims. campaign of environmentalist nongov- Based on these separate negotia- ernmental organizations (ngos) seems tions, the mediation team compiled futile since their data and analyses five key points of agreement between have not led to significant policy the two communities: (1) the minarets changes that give more protection would not be erected; (2) the petition to indigenous people. None of these from the Churches would be submit- organizations have taken any legal ted to the regent for further consider- action against corporations in 2018, ation; (3) places of worship that reflect said Samperante (pers comm, 25 Feb the Regency of Jayapura’s principle 2019), although a few lawsuits were role as a zone of integrity and har- submitted to the court in the previous mony should be constructed; (4) the years. regency should promote interfaith Apart from the typical problems activities; and (5) a local regulation that Papua has had to confront, it has that governs and promotes har- experienced a new phenomenon that mony among different faiths should has been largely under the surface: be issued (tmkj 2018). The state- religious tension between the Christian ment was submitted to the regent of and Muslim communities. While the ­Jayapura for follow-up. latter is the largest religious com- The minaret construction, however, munity in Indonesia, it is a minority was not the only incident that signaled in Papua, where few tensions have the potential for interfaith conflict. surfaced in recent years. However, a Later in the month, a Papuan ustaz flame was sparked in March 2018 (Islamic religious scholar), Fadlan when the Christian churches around Garamatan, made a public statement Jayapura issued a letter of protest that infuriated the whole indigenous demanding that the plan to erect four Papuan community, including Muslim hundred-meter-tall minarets at Al- Papuans. He claimed that he success- Aqsha mosque in Sentani be stopped. fully trained Asmat people to use soap Together with the regent of Jayapura, for taking baths because “the mis- the top leaders of both communities sionaries taught them to rub pork fat moved quickly to confine the flame. over their bodies as ‘bathing’ instead They agreed to establish a mediation of pouring water” (Wartaplus.com team consisting of most of the senior 2018). As a response, the Christian Christian and Muslim figures in Jaya- community around Jayapura orga- pura to mend the tension. The team nized a public demonstration. They managed to organize separate meet- not only demanded an apology from ings with both communities to clarify the ustaz but also called on the local and ease the dispute. The ­Muslim authorities to arrest him for blas- 542 the contemporary pacific • 31:2 (2019) phemy (tmkj 2018). The Wahhabi did not camp in the Tolikara area but ustaz eventually offered an apology. rather anchored his presence at the Interestingly, he offered his remorse outskirts of Jayapura, where he has to the chair of the Papua chapter of undertaken dakwah (proselytism) ever the Indonesian Ulema Council, Ustaz since. He seems to be ­untouchable. ­Payage, not to the Christian commu- If we put these incidents under the nity. Meanwhile, the police did not lens of the system of exemption, it take any legal action against him. becomes apparent that the religious Further, the statement of the tension in Papua also fits into this Christian community also touched category. In contrast to the rapid on the issue of Ja’far Umar Thalib, response of the police and the gov- the former commander of the Islamic ernment in other parts of Indonesia extremist militia Laskar Jihad in to accommodate pressure from the Ambon. This militia fought the Chris- Muslim majority, Papuans do not tian militia during one of the most enjoy such a privilege, despite being violent conflicts in the post-Suharto the majority in their own land. On the era. The community explicitly asked contrary, the indigenous Papuans are the Papua police chief to expel him the ones forced to adjust and toler- from Papua. The request was not ate, not the ones who dictate and entirely new. On the contrary, it reiter- ­dominate. ated the same demand that all Islamic The whole system of exemption is organizations in Papua had expressed nothing but a time bomb. It has exac- in 2016 (Tabloid Jubi 2016). During erbated the sense of injustice among a meeting of the Forum of Interfaith the indigenous Papuans, as they Leaders for Harmony in Jayapura, all feel the law does not protect them. leaders expressed their concerns over Conversely, the law benefits those Thalib’s presence in Jayapura, as it who control land permits, the state reminded them of his dark past during authorities, and Indonesia’s religious the ­violent conflict in Ambon. majority. If these grievances are not Unlike many Papuans who are not addressed properly, the situation will aware of his presence and background, likely explode sooner rather than later Ridwan al-Makassary traced back into social unrest and other forms the history that explained why Thalib of violence. moved to Papua (2017). He discov- budi hernawan ered that the Tolikara incident was the turning point. This was the clash between the Christian and Muslim References communities in Tolikara as the Mus- lims celebrated the end of Ramadan in All websites accessed 17 April 2019. July 2015. Having been driven by his Aspinall, Edward, and Gerry van Klinken, jihad to defend his Muslim brothers editors. 2011. The State and Illegality in and sisters, Thalib arrived in Tol- Indonesia. Leiden, : kitlv ikara to assess the situation. Because Press. ­Tolikara was handled properly by cnn Indonesia. 2018. Baku Tembak di both communities’ leaders, Thalib Bandara Nduga-Papua, 3 Warga Tewas. political reviews • melanesia 543

25 June. https://www.cnnindonesia.com/ academia/2018/12/27/looking-at nasional/20180625132203-20-308822/ -freeport-deal-through-distorted-lens-of baku-tembak-di-bandara-nduga-papua -politics.html -3-warga-tewas Maharani, Shinta. 2016. Mahasiswa Cribb, Robert. 2011. A System of Exemp- Papua Dikepung, Warga Kampung Yogya tions: Historizing State Illegality in Indone- Kirim Makanan. Tempo.co, 16 July. sia. In The State and Illegality in Indone- https://nasional.tempo.co/read/788008/ sia, edited by Edward Aspinall and Gerry mahasiswa-papua-dikepung-warga van Klinken, 31–44. Leiden, Netherlands: -kampung-yogya-kirim-makanan/ kitlv Press. full&view=ok Firman, Tony. 2018a. Nationalist ­Militia al-Makassary, Ridwan. 2017. Insiden Attack Papuan Pro-Independence Rally Tolikara and Ja’far Umar Thalib: Kontro- in Surabaya. Asia Pacific Report, versi Mushalla yang “dibakar” dan Drama 2 December. https://asiapacificreport.nz/ Jihad di Tanah Papua. Jakarta: Kemen- 2018/12/02/nationalist-thugs-attack trian Agama Provinsi Papua. -papuan-pro-independence-rally-in Mawel, Benny. 2017. Papuan Bishop Calls -surabaya/ on People to Stop Selling Land. uca News, ———. 2018b. Peringatan 1 Desember 5 July. https://www.ucanews.com/news/ Papua, Demo amp Surabaya Diadang papuan-bishop-calls-on-people-to-stop pp & fkppi. Tirto.id, 1 December. -selling-land/79671 https://tirto.id/peringatan-1-desember ———. 2018. Papua lebih pantas dapat -papua-demo-amp-surabaya-diadang 40 persen saham Freeport. Tabloid Jubi, -pp-amp-fkppi-daNJ 23 July. https://www.jubi.co.id/papua Gumilang, Prima. 2018. Pesawat ­ -lebih-pantas-dapat-40-persen-saham Dimonim Ditembak Saat Mendarat di -freeport/ Bandara Keyam Papua. cnn Indonesia, Nathaniel, Felix. 2018. Akuisisi Saham 23 June. https://www.cnnindonesia.com/ Freeport Tak Serta Merta Untungkan nasional/20180623053606-20-308280/ Masyarakat Papua. Tirto.id, December. pesawat-dimonim-ditembak-saat 23 https://tirto.id/akuisisi-saham-freeport-tak -mendarat-di-bandara-keyam-papua -serta-merta-untungkan-masyarakat Hadi, Syafiul, and Maya Ayu. 2018. opm -papua-dctu Admits Deadly Attack, Demand Indepen- Silalahi, M, Erwan Hermawan, and Ricky dence. Tempo.co, 6 December. http://en Ferdianto. 2018. Oil Palm Foul Play. .tempo.co/read/924057/opm-admits TEMPO, December. -deadly-attack-demand-independence 3 Sulistyowati, Retno. 2018. Scrutinizing the icp, International Coalition for Papua. Agreement. TEMPO, 2 October. 2019. Human Rights Update West Papua—January 2019. Wuppertal: icp. Tabloid Jubi. 2016. Umat Beragama http://www.humanrightspapua.org/images/ Kota Jayapura Tolak Kehadiran Ja’far docs/Human%20Rights%20Update Umar Thalib. 29 January. https://www %20West%20Papua%20January .tabloidjubi.com/16/2016/01/29/umat %202019.pdf -beragama-kota-jayapura-tolak-kehadiran -jafar-umar-thalib/ Lingga, Vincent. 2018. Looking at Free- port Deal through Distorted Lens Tehusijarana, Karina M. 2018. of Politics. Jakarta Post, 27 December. Papua Mass Killing: What Happened. https://www.thejakartapost.com/ Jakarta Post, 7 December. https://www 544 the contemporary pacific • 31:2 (2019)

.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/12/07/ Guinea by foreign media outlets and papua-mass-killing-what-happened.html acted as a microcosm of international Tempo.co. 2018a. Komnas ham: Worker relationships between China and other Killings in Papua is a Severe ­Violation. powers. To a certain degree, Chinese 5 December. http://en.tempo.co/read/ relations with Pacific Island states 923997/komnas-ham-worker-killings-in were on display, but events show- -papua-is-a-severe-violation ing tensions between China and the ———. 2018b. Papuan Armed Group became the main talking Terror Caused Nduga Residents Leave to points as they were scrutinized by Timika. 6 July. https://en.tempo.co/read/ analysts and journalists from across 919760/papuan-armed-group-terror the globe. While the critically impor- -caused-nduga-residents-leave-to-timika tant apec summit and related events tmkj, Tim Mediasi Kabupaten Jayapura. raised many issues, many other signifi- 2018. Kesepakatan Damai Umat Beragama cant happenings highlighted internal Kabupaten Jayapura 2018. challenges to governance, including emergency responses to natural disas- Wartaplus.com. 2018. Kata-kata Uztaz Fadlan yang Bikin Orang Papua Kesal. ters in the form of earthquake relief 27 March. https://www.wartaplus.com/ and resettlement of victims of volcanic read/635/Kata-kata-Ustaz-Fadlan-yang activity, continuing strife in the wake -Bikin-Orang-Papua-Kesal of the 2017 elections, accusations of corruption at various levels, upticks in Wismabrata, Michael Hangga. 2018. 5 Fakta di Balik Bentrokan Ormas dan various diseases, devolution of powers Mahasiswa Papua di Surabaya. Kompas, to provinces via an as-yet-undefined 16 August. https://regional.kompas.com/ form of special autonomy, preparation read/2018/08/16/05532001/5-fakta-di for the referendum on Bougainville, -balik-bentrokan-ormas-dan-mahasiswa land and development projects, and -papua-di-surabaya the long-standing saga of those seek- ing asylum in Australia but waylaid on Manus Island for the sixth year. Among the many challenges to Papua face the people and government of After the 2017 general elections , perhaps none dominated the headlines, the major had a broader reach than the hand- event to capture the spotlight in Papua ful of natural disasters that affected New Guinea (PNG) in 2018 was the citizens from almost all regions in one country’s hosting of the quadrennial form or another. The largest and most summit of the Asia Pacific Economic destructive of these was the magnitude Cooperation (apec). Indeed, the apec 7.5 earthquake that struck in Febru- meetings garnered large amounts of ary and wrought devastation across attention within Papua New Guinea the interior. The Highlands region while also attracting international was especially hard hit, as subsequent scrutiny into the country’s role as landslides buried homes and villages, host as well as conditions across the cut off access roads, and damaged country generally. The apec meetings airstrips in many communities already led to a fresh look into Papua New considered isolated. Equally dangerous