Doing Business in Mexico a Guide for Indian Investors
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Mexico's Economic Competitiveness Strategy at a Geopolitical Inflection
A NEW ADMINISTRATION CONFRONTS A CHANGING WORLD: MEXICO’S ECONOMIC COMPETITIVENESS STRATEGY AT A GEOPOLITICAL INFLECTION POINT CHRISTOPHER WILSON GOVERNANCE | MAY 2019 A NEW ADMINISTRATION CONFRONTS A CHANGING WORLD: MEXICO’S ECONOMIC COMPETITIVENESS STRATEGY AT A GEOPOLITICAL INFLECTION POINT CHRISTOPHER WILSON EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Some three decades ago, Mexico made a bet on the global economy, and at a time when populism and protectionism are on the rise, the payoff is at risk. In response, Mexico must double down on its openness while addressing the critical structural problems, including corruption and inequality, that inhibit its domestic economy and led to the sweeping electoral victory of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) in 2018. This essay reviews Mexico’s economic progress and the challenges ahead as a new administration takes office at a time of significant stress on regional and global economic institutions. For more than a half-century following the Mexican Revolution, the country’s foreign policy was based on the principal of noninterventionism, a not so subtle way of telling the United States and others not to meddle in Mexico’s domestic affairs. The economic equivalent was Mexico’s policy of import substitution, which raised tariffs and barriers to foreign investment designed to protect the country’s domestic industries from international competition. The two combined to make Mexico an insular country, and despite the significant economic expansion achieved in the decades following World War II, by the 1970s, Mexico’s economy and politics were showing signs of strain. In the following decade, Mexico’s relationship with the world was flipped on its head. -
Initial Determinants of Mexican Mass Migration
Initial Determinants of Mexican Mass Migration David Escamilla-Guerrero [email protected] London School of Economics November 8, 2018 Abstract The paper addresses the determinants of the Mexican-US migration flow in its begin- nings (1884-1910). Exploiting an original data set based on individual border crossings from 1906 to 1908, I present for the first time, the spatial distribution of the flow at the local level. The micro data reveal that Mexican and American historiography misrepresented the composition of the flow regarding the immigrant’s locations of birth and last residence. Contrary to previous literature, most immigrants came from the border states rather than from the central plateau of Mexico. In addition, internal migration was not the main mechanism to cross the border since 60 percent of the flow was characterized by direct emigration to the United States. The quantitative assessment reveals that market potentials and Mexican immigrant networks in the US were the main pull factors rather than the US-Mexico wage gap. On the other hand, differences in living standards across Mexico were the main push factor. Despite their importance for the Mexican economy, railways had a limited effect on the migration flow during the Age of Mass Migration. Keywords: labor migration, railways, institutions, Mexico JEL Classification Numbers: N36, N76, F22, J61 Acknowledgments: I am especially grateful to my PhD supervisors Eric Schneider and Joan Rosés for their guidance and invaluable comments. I thank Chris Minns, Zachary Ward, Neil Cummins, Alfonso Cabreros-Zurita, León Fernández-Bujanda and Mattia Bertazzini for their extensive feedback; and Daniela Gutiérrez and Marco Villeda for their assistance on the data transcription. -
Becle, S.A.B. De C.V
[Translation for informational purposes only] ANNUAL REPORT FILED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE GENERAL PROVISIONS APPLICABLE TO ISSUERS OF SECURITIES AND TO OTHER PARTICIPANTS IN THE SECURITIES MARKET, FOR THE YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31, 2018. BECLE, S.A.B. DE C.V. Guillermo González Camarena No.800-4, Col. Zedec Santa Fe, C.P. 01210, Mexico City, Mexico “CUERVO” Securities Representing the Capital Stock of the Issuer Characteristics Market in which they are registered Single Series Shares of Common Stock Bolsa Mexicana de Valores, S.A.B. de C.V. The securities of the issuer referred to above are registered in the National Securities Registry (Registro Nacional de Valores). Registration in the National Securities Registry (Registro Nacional de Valores) does not certify the soundness of the securities or the solvency of the issuer, or the accuracy or veracity of the information contained in the prospectus, and it does not validate the actions that, as applicable, have been performed in contravention of applicable law. [Translation for informational purposes only] TABLE OF CONTENTS 1) Overview 4 A) GLOSSARY OF TERMS AND DEFINITIONS 4 B) EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 C) RISK FACTORS 22 D) OTHER SECURITIES 42 E) MATERIAL CHANGES TO THE RIGHTS OF SECURITIES REGISTERED IN THE NATIONAL SECURITIES REGISTRY 43 F) PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 44 2) THE COMPANY 45 A) HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMPANY 45 B) BUSINESS DESCRIPTION 49 i) Main Activity 49 ii) Distribution Channels 61 iii) Patents, licenses, brands and other agreements 63 iv) Main customers 64 v) Applicable law -
White Paper Mexican Residential Real Estate
White Paper Mexican Residential Real Estate Toronto, Canada April, 2017 1 Table of Contents Investment Thesis Why Invest Capital in Mexican Residential Real Estate? o Strong Demographics will Drive Growth o Growing Middle Class = Favorable Demand Dynamics o Supply Shortfall (The Opportunity) o Government Support o Evolving Mortgage System Residential Market Overview o Product Segmentation o Housing Market Results 2015 o Housing Market Projections o Final Thoughts Barnhart Asset Management Corporate Overview 2 Mexican Residential Real Estate Investment Thesis Due to a young population in their early household formation years, low unemployment, strong economic growth and a government supported mortgage market, sustainable demand for housing in Mexico is anticipated for years to come. From a supply perspective, a fragmented home builder industry, a non competitive lending community and a non existent apartment rental sector has created a persisting housing deficit year over year. As a result of the supply and demand imbalance, BAM sees an opportunity to make significant risk adjusted returns by partnering with small and mid- sized local developers to provide new housing alternatives for the emerging middle class of Mexico. 3 Strong Demographics Will Drive Growth 4 Wealth Creation and Emerging Middle Class • Mexico has the 6th largest GDP per capita in the Americas with significant room for growth in the years to come. $60,000 GDP per Capita PPP $USD $50,000 $40,000 $30,000 $20,000 $10,000 $- Argentina Brazil Canada Colombia Mexico United States Source: International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Economic Outlook Database, April 2016. 5 Wealth Creation and Emerging Middle Class • Between 1992 and 2010, 42 million people became part of the Mexican middle class (annual income US$18-$50,000). -
Foreign Entry and the Mexican Banking System
These Are the Good Old Days: Foreign Entry and the Mexican Banking System Stephen Haber Aldo Musacchio Working Paper 13-062 January 10, 2013 Copyright © 2013 by Stephen Haber and Aldo Musacchio Working papers are in draft form. This working paper is distributed for purposes of comment and discussion only. It may not be reproduced without permission of the copyright holder. Copies of working papers are available from the author. These Are the Good Old Days: Foreign Entry and the Mexican Banking System Stephen Haber And Aldo Musacchio** ** Haber is Peter and Helen Bing Senior Fellow of the Hoover Institution and A.A. and Jeanne Welch Milligan Professor, Department of Political Science, Stanford University. He is also a Research Economist at the National Bureau of Economic Research. Musacchio is an Associate Professor of Business, Government, and the International Economy at the Harvard Business School, and a Research Fellow at the National Bureau of Economic Research. 1 SUMMARY THESE ARE THE GOOD OLD DAYS: FOREIGN ENTRY AND THE MEXICAN BANKING SYSTEM In 1997, the Mexican government reversed long-standing policies and allowed foreign banks to purchase Mexico’s largest commercial banks and relaxed restrictions on the founding of new, foreign-owned banks. The result has been a dramatic shift in the ownership structure of Mexico’s banks. For instance, while in 1991 only one percent of bank assets in Mexico were foreign owned, today they control 74 percent of assets. In no other country in the world has the penetration of foreign banks been as rapid or as far-reaching as in Mexico. -
Cooperation Arrangement Between the Institute for the Protection of Bank Savings and the Single Resolution Board
COOPERATION ARRANGEMENT BETWEEN THE INSTITUTE FOR THE PROTECTION OF BANK SAVINGS AND THE SINGLE RESOLUTION BOARD In view of the growing globalisation of the world’s financial markets and the increase in cross- border operations and activities of financial institutions, the Institute for the Protection of Bank Savings of the United Mexican States (Instituto para la Protección al Ahorro Bancario - “IPAB”) and the Single Resolution Board (“SRB”) have reached this Cooperation Arrangement (“CA”) on the exchange of information and cooperation in connection with the Resolution planning and the implementation of such planning with respect to Entities with cross-border operations. The IPAB and the SRB express, through this CA, their willingness to cooperate with each other in the interest of fulfilling their respective statutory objectives; enhancing communication and cooperation; assisting each other in the planning and the conduct of an orderly Resolution of an Entity; and maintaining confidence and financial stability in Mexico and the European Banking Union. SECTION ONE: DEFINITIONS 1. For the purpose of this CA the following definitions apply: A. “Authority” means the IPAB or the SRB; (i) “Requested Authority” means the Authority to whom a request is made under this CA; and (ii) “Requesting Authority” means the Authority making a request under this CA. B. “Authorities” means the IPAB and the SRB; C. “Entity” or “Entities” means any credit institution, entity, body or group which is under the direct scope of responsibilities of either of the two Authorities, according to Articles 1 and 67, Section I, of the Banking Savings Protection Law (“Ley de Protección al Ahorro Bancario”) in conjunction with Article 2 of the SRM Regulation respectively; D. -
Mexico Market Update
Singapore: Hotel Market Market Report - March 2019 MARKET REPORT Mexico Market Update AUGUST 2020 Mexico - Market Update Market Report - August 2020 Mexican Tourist Outlook 2020 The following analysis will examine the current state of the With more than 11,100 km of coastline and landscape Mexican economy, the tourism sector, and the evolution that varies from desert to mountains and rainforests, as of variables that have a tangible influence on the hotel well as an abundant cultural heritage that includes well- industry in Mexico. preserved ancient indigenous cities, Mexico has a privileged geographical location that appeals to its North American Size of the Mexican Hotel Industry neighbors. There should be no doubt about the economic importance of tourism for Mexico. In 2019, 44.7 million foreign tourists Number of Rooms visited Mexico and the total income for this concept Country Number of Rooms amounted to 24.6 billion dollars. In that same year, Mexico 808,139 Mexico was ranked number 7 worldwide for the number of Brazil 541,314 international tourists (OMT). The sector directly accounts Colombia 307,458 for an 8.7% share of the Mexican GDP and provides Perú 304,640 employment for 2.3 million people (2018). Tourism provides 6% of the total amount of work in the economy and is in Argentina 118,858 first place as a youth-employer sector, as well as in second Ecuador 74,173 place for women-employer sector. Costa Rica 57,233 Chile 45,112 Tourism’s share in national GDP 2011-2018 Source: DATATUR, MINCETUR, REPORTUR, SERNATUR, EMBRATUR 8.75% 8.70% 8.70% Mexico occupies the largest share in number of rooms, 8.65% 8.60% 8.60% 8.60% when compared to Central and South American countries. -
Executive Summary Mexico Has Undertaken Significant Reforms Over
Executive Summary Mexico has undertaken significant reforms over the past year in matters of financial regulation, taxation, anti-trust, energy, and telecommunications as part of the broad Pact for Mexico initiated by President Enrique Pena-Nieto. By the end of 2013, the government had passed a number of constitutional reforms intended to encourage foreign investment and more competition as well as increase the country’s tax base. Despite the government’s projections for economic growth exceeding 3 percent, Mexico closed 2013 at a more modest 1.1% and much lower than the 3.9% growth during the prior year. While economic growth in Mexico typically slows during the first year of a new administration, weakness in the U.S. economy – which consumes more than 80 percent of Mexico’s exports – also contributed to the slowdown. The most significant changes in Mexico’s investment outlook have been in the energy and telecommunications sectors. Prior to the constitutional reform, the state-controlled oil company, Pemex, had a monopoly on all hydrocarbon activity in the country. New legislation will allow the company to partner with private sector firms, and some of the country’s oil fields will be opened to outside exploration and development. In telecommunications, reforms are intended to improve competition and diminish concentration in the sector through the creation of a new, constitutionally autonomous regulator with the authority to order divestitures, enforce regulations, and apply targeted sanctions on companies it deems dominant in the market. During the past year, Mexico also enacted changes in the treatment of maquiladora businesses, increased the value-added tax (VAT) in the border region from 11 percent to 16 percent, and imposed a number of new taxes including on junk food, mining activity, and on high-earning individuals. -
Mexico Real Estate Outlook 2H18
Mexico Real Estate Outlook Second half 2018 Mexico Unit Contents 1. Summary 3 2. Market Conditions 4 2.a Building surprises with a boost to construction 4 2.b The mortgage market, due to the end of the contraction period. 13 3. Special topics 26 3.a Construction performance below its potential 26 3.b An approach to the prices faced by builders 31 3.c Population, lag and employment; their contribution to the state distribution of the mortgage market 35 4. Statistical annex 42 5. Special topics included in previous issues 46 Closing date: 10 October 2018 Mexico Real Estate Outlook – Second half 2018 2 1. Summary In our previous edition of Mexico Real Estate Outlook, we forecasted that construction GDP would fall in 2017 and not grow during 2018. The first part of our forecast was confirmed, but the rest of it was not, at least until the middle of this year, 2018. The GDP of construction closed 2017 with a fall of 1.1% in the annual rate. This is a result of the 10% decline in civil works and the slowdown in building that only improved 0.4%, both in annual terms. However, for the second quarter of 2018, the construction sector has an accumulated advance of 2%. Civil works are behaving as expected, even on negative ground, explained primarily by low investment in infrastructure works despite the announcement of the most ambitious infrastructure plan of the latest investments, which simply failed. Thus, only building remains as a driver of construction. The level of prices of construction materials has accelerated over the last few months, reaching almost 10%. -
Ben S Bernanke: Celebrating 20 Years of the Bank of Mexico's
Ben S Bernanke: Celebrating 20 years of the Bank of Mexico’s independence Remarks by Mr Ben S Bernanke, Chairman of the Board of Governors of the US Federal Reserve System, at the “Central bank independence – progress and challenges”, a conference sponsored by the Bank of Mexico, Mexico City, (via prerecorded video), 14 October 2013. * * * It is a pleasure to offer a few remarks at this conference marking the 20th anniversary of the Bank of Mexico’s independence. In August 1993, Mexico’s congress approved changes to the country’s constitution that granted policy autonomy to the Bank of Mexico and made price stability its primary mandate. Over the past two decades, these actions, along with a number of other constructive steps taken by Mexican policymakers, have paid substantial dividends in terms of improved economic performance. At the time that the Mexican congress changed the status and mandate of the central bank, the nation’s economy had been suffering periodic bouts of economic instability for many years. The 1970s through the mid-1990s in particular were marked by episodes of high inflation, boom-and-bust cycles, and financial crises. Indeed, shortly after the new Bank of Mexico law went into effect in April 1994, the Mexican economy entered the throes of the so- called peso crisis. However, the changes to the monetary policy framework, along with greater fiscal discipline and the adoption of a more flexible exchange rate, soon bore fruit. Notably, inflation fell to single-digit levels by the early 2000s. And in 2001 the Bank of Mexico formally adopted an inflation-targeting regime, which – outside of some temporary fluctuations – has succeeded in keeping inflation at around 4 percent. -
The Mexican Peso Crisis of 1995 and Its Aftermath
6 The Mexican Peso Crisis of 1995 and Its Aftermath The financial rescue of Mexico in 1995 constitutes the most extensive use ever made of the ESF to supply credit to a foreign government. The Treasury made $20 billion available to Mexico, and Mexico’s maximum drawings peaked at $11.5 billion in medium-term loans, all of which were repaid by January 1997.1 Despite a drop in income for many social groups in Mexico, the economic results suggest that the rescue was dramatically successful. The episode nonetheless raised far-reaching and vociferously debated questions about the role of the ESF in financial rescues and produced temporary constraints on the Treasury’s discretion to use the account. Origins of the Crisis In response to fundamental policy reforms under the Carlos Salinas administration, and in anticipation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) entering into force at the beginning of 1994, large amounts of capital flowed into the Mexican economy during the early part of the decade. Mexico received more foreign investment during this period than any of the other emerging markets. While the Mexican govern- ment had made substantial progress in implementing reforms and had greatly reduced the rate of inflation, it had also made a number of mis- 1. In addition, the Federal Reserve advanced $1 billion to Mexico, bringing total maximum drawings from the United States to $12.5 billion. 61 Institute for International Economics | http://www.iie.com takes: the banking system was weak, and monetary policy had become overexpansionary, the current account deficit too high, external debt too short-term, and official exchange-rate exposure too large. -
GAO-03-891 International Trade: Mexico's Maquiladora Decline
United States General Accounting Office GAO Report to Congressional Requesters July 2003 INTERNATIONAL TRADE Mexico’s Maquiladora Decline Affects U.S.- Mexico Border Communities and Trade; Recovery Depends in Part on Mexico’s Actions a 03-891 July 2003 INTERNATIONAL TRADE Mexico’s Maquiladora Decline Affects Highlights of GAO-03-891, a report to U.S.-Mexico Border Communities and congressional requesters Trade; Recovery Depends in Part on Mexico’s Actions Mexico’s maquiladoras have After growing rapidly during the 1990s, Mexican maquiladoras experienced a evolved into the largest component sharp decline after October 2000. By early 2002, employment in the of U.S.–Mexico trade. Maquiladoras maquiladora sector had contracted by 21 percent and production had import raw materials and contracted by about 30 percent. The decline was particularly severe for components for processing or certain industries, such as electronics, and certain Mexican cities, such as assembly by Mexican labor and Tijuana. The downturn was felt on the U.S. side of the border as well, as reexport the resulting products, primarily to the United States. Most U.S. exports through U.S.-Mexico land border ports fell and U.S. maquiladoras are U.S. owned, and employment in manufacturing and certain other trade-related sectors maquiladoras import most of their declined. components from U.S. suppliers. Maquiladoras have also been an The cyclical downturn in the U.S. economy has been a principal factor in the engine of growth for the U.S.– decrease in maquiladora production and employment since 2000. Other Mexico border. However, the factors include increased global competition, particularly from China, recent decline of maquiladora Central America, and the Caribbean; appreciation of the peso; changes in operations has raised concerns Mexico’s tax regime for maquiladoras; and the loss of certain tariff benefits about the impact on U.S.