Social Movements Ln Canadian Constitutional Politics, 1938-1992

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Social Movements Ln Canadian Constitutional Politics, 1938-1992 MISRECOGNIZED MATERIALISTS: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS LN CANADIAN CONSTITUTIONAL POLITICS, 1938-1992 by MATT JAMES B.A. (Hons), Queen's University, 1993 M.A., The University of British Columbia, 1994 A THESIS SUBMITTED LN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Political Science) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July 2000 © Matt James, 2000 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of ftli'iiaI Science The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date cd II DE-6 (2788) Abstract MISRECOGNIZED MATERIALISTS: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN CANADIAN CONSTITUTIONAL POLITICS, 1938-1992 Although Ronald Inglehart's New Politics theory has attracted criticism, its influential distinction between materialist and postmaterialist values tends to go unquestioned. The influence of this distinction is particularly apparent when analysts interpret the "new" social movement emphasis on esteem and belonging as a "postmaterialist" departure from a traditional, or "materialist" focus on security. This way of understanding contemporary feminist and ethnocultural-minority movements is misleading because it rests on a one- dimensional view of esteem and belonging. By treating esteem and belonging as expressive, which is to say as purely aesthetic or psychological goods, New Politics obscures the instrumental significance of esteem and belonging for movements that represent traditionally, marginalized constituencies. This work undertakes a qualitative study of the participation of national social- movement organizations, "old" and "new," in Canadian constitutional politics. The analysis is based on these actors' presentations to parliamentary hearings and royal commissions on major constitution-related issues between the years 1938 and 1992. Above all, the study illustrates what New Politics theory neglects: the instrumental role of social esteem and civic belonging as bases of voice and self-defence. I argue that attending to this role can help analysts to understand better the postwar politics of recognition. The work develops this argument in three major ways. First, I demonstrate the instrumental importance of esteem and belonging for the mid-century traditional left. Second, I show that problems of misrecognition and disesteem presented feminists and ethnocultural minorities with severe difficulties in garnering a meaningful hearing for their security needs. Third, I analyze the discursive ways in which postwar "new" movement participants came to pursue forms of respect that had proved elusive in the past. The work's overall conclusion is this: the material nature of the politics of recognition is demonstrated by the extent to which increased esteem and belonging for traditionally disrespected groups has been paralleled by an expanded menu of recognized security concerns. The study's major message follows from this conclusion: because struggles over esteem and belonging have crucial material stakes, they should not be contrasted a priori with struggles that may appear to target questions of security more directly. iv CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents iv List of Abbreviations viii CHAPTER 1: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, SYMBOLIC CAPITAL 1 AND RESPECT: AN INTRODUCTION New Politics Theory 4 New Politics Theory and the Politics of Recognition 8 The Material Significance of Particularistic Respect 13 The Setting: Constitution as Civic Context 22 Symbolic Capital 25 Tensions and Constraints 28 Methodological Considerations 29 Historical Periods 30 The For a 31 The Actors 35 Summary of the Work 38 CHAPTER 2: SEARCHING FOR A FORUM: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 46 AT THE ROYAL COMMISSION ON DOMINION- PROVINCIAL RELATIONS The 1938 Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations: 48 Craft Unions and Communists Separate Spheres: Women's Groups at the 1938 Royal Commission on 61 Dominion-Provincial Relations Conclusion 74 V CHAPTER 3: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN WARTIME: 80 PARTICULARISTIC RESPECT, PARTICULARISTIC EXCLUSION The 1940 House of Commons Special Committee on Unemployment 81 Insurance Trade Unions and the Male Worker's Esteem 81 The 1943 House of Commons Special Committee on Reconstruction 91 Trade Unions: Demanding Their Due 91 The 1943 House of Commons Special Committee on Social Security 102 The National Council of Women: Pigeon-Holed and Ignored 102 Conclusion 110 CHAPTER 4: RIGHTS, UNTVERSALISM AND VIRTUE 118 The 1950 Special Senate Committee on Human Rights and Fundamental 123 Freedoms Social Esteem and Security: Jewish Canadians, Japanese Canadians and 126 Communists Retrenching Virtue: The National Council of Women 136 Trade Unions and the Power of the Strike 141 The 1960 House of Commons Special Committee on Human Rights and 147 Fundamental Freedoms Labour and the Canadian Jewish Congress: Strikes and Exhortations 151 The Roval Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism: Hearings 154 and Briefs. 1963-65 Cosmopolitan Virtue: Ethnic-minority Organizations and the Royal 155 Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism The Traditional Left and the Royal Commission: Divergent 163 Constitutional Directions Defending Universalism: The National Council of Women 165 Conclusion 168 vi CHAPTER 5: CHARTER POLITICS AS MATERIALIST POLITICS 177 The 1970-72 Special Joint Committee on the Constitution of Canada 182 Asymmetry and Identity: The Traditional Left 184 The Prestige D ilemma of Feminism 187 Multiculturalism and the MacGuigan-Molgat Hearings: Recognition 191 and Voice The 1980-81 Special Joint Committee on the Constitution of Canada 197 Labour (not) at the Hays-Joyal Hearings 200 Ethnic and Visible Minority Advocacy: Prestige, Social Learning 201 and Social Control Constitutional Ambivalence: The National Action Committee and the 214 Charter Debates Conclusion 224 CHAPTER 6: FROM MEECH LAKE TO CHARLOTTETOWN: 236 RECOGNITION, POWER AND VISIONS OF POLITICAL COMMUNITY Approaching Meech Lake 237 The Special Joint Committee on the 1987 Constitutional Accord 245 Authorization and Symbolic Power 245 Charter Recognition and Nationalism: Exchanging Prestige 253 Conflicting Communities 257 Unions and "The People" 260 The Road to Charlottetown 268 The Special Joint Committee on a Renewed Canada 272 Constitutional Visions: Asymmetry versus Pan-Canadianism 272 Redistribution, Belonging and Prestige 285 Conclusion 292 vii CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION: SOCIAL ESTEEM AND MATERIAL 304 STRUGGLES The Traditional Left 311 The Women s Movement 317 Ethnocultural Minorities 321 Shelter from Disrespect 323 Universalism, Symbolic Capital and Voice 325 Group Memory 332 Prestige: Authorization and Exchange 334 Summary and Concluding Thoughts 341 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 349 viii ABBREVIATIONS AAFC Afro-Asian Foundation of Canada ACCL All-Canadian Congress of Labour CAVM Canadian Association of Visible Minorities CCL Canadian Congress of Labour CCNC Chinese Canadian National Council CEC Canadian Ethnocultural Council CIO Committee for Industrial Organization CJC Canadian Jewish Congress CLC Canadian Labour Congress CP Communist Party of Canada CPC Canadian Polish Congress FFQ Federation des femmes du Quebec LDR League for Democratic Rights LWR League for Women's Rights NAC National Action Committee on the Status of Women NACOI National Association of Canadians of Origins in India NAJC National Association of Japanese Canadians NBCC National Black Coalition of Canada NCIC National Congress of Italian Canadians NCW National Council of Women of Canada IX NJCCA National Japanese-Canadian Citizens' Association NUPGE National Union of Provincial Government Employees PSAC Public Service Alliance of Canada QFL Quebec Federation of Labour TLC Trades and Labour Congress of Canada UCC Ukrainian Canadian Committee 1 CHAPTER 1 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, SYMBOLIC CAPITAL AND RESPECT: AN INTRODUCTION The great rise of "new" social movements representing the marginalized and oppressed comprises a central dimension of twentieth-century Western experience. Though overshadowed by cataclysmic wars, environmental destruction and state socialism's resounding defeat, the politics of recognition—the politics with which campaigns like feminism and anti-racism have become so closely associated-must surely warrant a top spot on the new century's agenda for historical stock-taking. Indeed, the very reason that these campaigns are referred to as "new" social movements is their conceptual role in post-1960s social science as epigrammatic evidence of a fundamental transformation in the advanced capitalist states. This is a transformation that scholars employing the "new" movement label seek to interpret and understand.1 Thus, the label "new" not only differentiates movements like feminism and multiculturalism from the "old" movements of socialism and trade unionism: it signals a contrast between the historical contexts in which these campaigns emerged. While the "old" movements are viewed as symptoms of the economic hardship wrought by the transition to industrial capitalism, the "new" are seen as telling reflections of the heightened
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