PUBLIC REALM USAGE PATTERNS LESSONS FROM SHENZHEN’S DISAPPEARING URBAN VILLAGES
By Phillip Hu
Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master in City Planning and Bachelor of Science in Planning and Bachelor of Science in Architecture at the MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY June, 2016
© 2016 Phillip Hu. All Rights Reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created.
Author Department of Urban Studies and Planning May 18, 2016
Certified by Professor Eran Ben-Joseph Department of Urban Studies and Planning Thesis Supervisor
Accepted by Associate Professor P. Christopher Zegras Chair, MCP Committee Department of Urban Studies and Planning PUBLIC REALM USAGE PATTERNS LESSONS FROM SHENZHEN’S DISAPPEARING URBAN VILLAGES
BY PHILLIP HU
Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning on May 19, 2015 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in City Planning and Bachelor of Science in Planning.
Thesis Advisor
Eran Ben-Joseph Professor of Planning, Department of Urban Studies and Planning Department Head of the Department of Urban Studies and Planning, MIT
Thesis Reader
Lawrence Vale Ford Professor of Urban Design and Planning, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, MIT
2 ABSTRACT Shenzhen’s villages in the city or urban becomes a potential model for a responsive, typological elements affect usage pattern. The villages are forms of informal settlement that never-obsolete, flexible structure that allows for thesis concludes with design recommendations emerged in the midst of rapid Chinese urban- a pluralistic approach to understanding cities. and possible design interventions that reflect ization. For a period of time, both the city and The thesis looks at the how both informal and the continuing relevance of urban villages. villages mutually benefited from the arrange- formal spaces in the public realm are used and ment where rural-designated urban villages asks: How are informal and formal spaces used used their unrestricted developmental rights differently? How does public life in a flexible, to create an alternative affordable housing adaptable public realm preserve affordability option for low cost workers. Recently, as land and community in urban villages? How does prices have increased, city leaders and devel- informal public life challenge conventional opers have begun redeveloping urban villages understandings of the role of public space? as a new source of land supply. Even when Through design, how can the lessons from these the original village cooperative, now corpo- spaces be translated in contemporary develop- ration, is well compensated, migrant workers ments to foster community and public life? must continuously move further away from The thesis begins with an overview of existing the city to find affordable housing. The cost of public realm design recommendations with erasing urban village cannot only be measured regards to unplanned activities. A field study by figures of relocation costs, rental prices, in January 2016 provides the primary research and potential profits. This thesis acknowledges data, including observations, time-lapse the value of urban villages as a community photography, and informal conversations with and place through its dynamic public realm. public realm users and planning-related profes- The unplanned activities and street life in the sionals. The thesis follows with a mapping and village’s alleys and niches include many social analysis process of building elements, adapta- and recreational uses alongside necessary tions, and activities that reveals how physical economic and domestic uses. The urban village
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS To my former colleagues, interns, and friends Professor Anne Spirn for five years of good at the Urban Planning and Design Institute of conversation and for sparking my passion for Shenzhen (UPDIS) who shared their perspec- urban planning. tives on urban planning and made me feel like To the generosity of the MIT architecture home in a foreign place. And most of all, for department and the Leon B. Groisser Under- showing me the best things to eat and see, graduate Travel Fellowship for funding my including a tour of urban villages, an inspira- research trip to Shenzhen. And to the gener- tion for the thesis. osity of the Kelly Douglas Fund from the MIT To my friends at MIT who supported me, School of Humanities, Arts, & Social Sciences exchanged ideas, and offered proofreading help for providing additional funding. and late night snacks. To my wise and encouraging advisor Eran To my relatives in Taiwan and Hong Kong, Ben-Joseph whose advice steered my thesis Bobby Hu, Candice Teng, and Stanley Lau towards quality and completion. for showing me new sights, perspectives, and And most of all, to my parents for always cultures of Taiwan and Hong Kong. supporting, encouraging, and having faith in To my incredible thesis reader Professor Larry me even when things seemed bleak: “It will get Vale who first taught me the basics of urban done!” design and then later allowed me to join his research group in Shenzhen to tour additional villages and meet new contacts.
To all my professors in architecture and plan- ning who have been positive, encouraging forces. Especially to my academic advisor
4 TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION 6 THESIS STRUCTURE 11
HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS 12
SHENZHEN’S URBAN VILLAGES 24
FIELD STUDY 30 Urban Context of Urban Village Belt 31 Documentation, Methodology, Definitions 34 Nanyuan, Nanshan 38 Xinnan 51 Tongxia 68 Other Villages 77 Formal Public Realm 85
FINDINGS 90 Design Recommendations 91 The Case for the Chaotic Public Realm 99
CONCLUSION 116
APPENDICES 118
5 INTRODUCTION1 CHAPTER 1 | INTRODUCTION DISAPPEARING HANDSHAKE Shenzhen’s villages in the city or urban villages are forms of informal settlement that emerged in the midst of rapid Chinese urbanization. Among the commotion of the urban village market, sounds of construction and sights of green scaffolding foreshadow the seemingly inevitable fate of these neighborhoods. Urban villages or village within the city (cheng zhong cun) refer to previously rural towns that became engulfed in the expanding city. For the case of Shenzhen, the reverse is almost true, where the city was ‘plopped’ within the original landscape of townships. During China’s economic reform in the 1980’s, Shen- zhen was established as a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) to attract foreign investment with Chapter Title Page: Image looking south at Nanyuan Village from an apartment tower a more market friendly and flexible govern- Figure 1-1 ment environment. Around the same time, Urban Villages in Shenzhen and the city landscape (source: Shenzhen Urban Planning Bureau (SUPB) land started becoming privatized through land city first transferred surrounding farm land Villages without agricultural land sought out leases and ‘rights to use’, though ultimately, while preserving the town’s footprint, since new revenue streams for themselves. Many urban land is owned by the state and rural land villagers’ homes were too costly to compensate villagers became landlords, leasing small apart- is owned by collectives. Because Shenzhen’s and relocate. Land leasing for Chinese cities ments in densely packed buildings to migrant land was designated as rural, the government has become an extremely profitable method of workers who work in new factories. With unre- had to transfer rural land to urban land and pay generating income to develop infrastructure stricted or unenforced rights of development, compensation to the village collectives. The and to power rapid urbanization. urban villages thus underwent a parallel but
7 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN different process of urbanization alongside the China’s hub of creativity and technology as a congested, unsafe, and unhealthy neigh- formal ‘urban’ fabric. Using the term ‘village’ industries. The Handbook of Contemporary borhood. The neighborhood was razed, and a to describe ‘urban villages’ is misleading, as China describes redevelopment of villages as a reimagined neighborhood based on best prac- the editor of one of the few English guides to ‘last frontier’ for a city’s ‘economic upgrade’.2 tices replaced it. ‘Rational’ city planning with urban villages, Stefan Al writes.1 ‘Village’ now Because the central government limits the complex codes, zoning, and models legiti- only refers to the land classification of these amount of rural land that can be converted to mized the emerging technical profession. The spaces while ‘urban’ describes what the town urban, the natural course of action is to erase demolition of the West End and historic struc- has actually become. These neighborhoods the urban village to increase land supply in one tures such as Penn. Station in New York were are not old or excluded from the city; rather, of China’s most expensive real estate markets. later seen as mistakes of a planning culture that they are an integral, dynamic part of the city’s Cities have begun working with village collec- did not see value in historic forms and failed to economic machine which responds flexibly to tives and developers to redevelop villages for predict the social costs of displacement. Plan- its context. commodity housing and in situ relocation. ning has responded with historic preservation Mutually beneficial, villagers receive generous districts and affordable housing strategies that While manufacturing began moving farther out compensation and possibly higher profits from seek to avoid future mistakes. of the city, the urban villages remained. Urban higher rents, and the city has assimilated villages have always been seen by municipal- Many urban design decisions are still based underutilized land back into the rest of the city. ities as a placeholder whose role has become on a set narrative of selected facts, values, and obsolete. Prime central land seems to be going The ‘best use’ argument is quite logical and assumptions, obscured by bullet lists guised as towards dens of illegal activities and low-level is not only limited to China. Lower income ‘best practices’. When the district produces a migrants instead of the ‘best use’. For housing inner city neighborhoods have often been plan titled, “Eight model villages, eight model a class of modern professionals, ‘best use’ targets for grand city building moves, since streets”, we must ask what their version of the includes gated communities, shopping malls, political opposition is minimal. Boston’s ideal means. Designers often begin a presen- and office towers. Shenzhen has been strug- West End in the 1950’s became a target of a tation or report with a discussion of prece- gling to find its identity through its rapid growth media and political smear campaign, painted dents and focus on the imagery of the object. and currently is looking towards becoming They then proceed to propose a tabula rasa, 2 Fulong Wu, “Urbanization,” in Handbook of Contem- blank slate redevelopment based on the ‘case 1 Stefan Al, Villages in the City : A Guide to South China’s porary China, by Shusen. Zheng and Alvin Y. So (Singapore; Informal Settlements (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Hackensack, NJ: World Scientific Pub., 2012), 237–62. studies’ as the solution. The image of the model Press, 2014).
8 CHAPTER 1 | INTRODUCTION
Figure 1-2 Left: Example of ‘Handshake’ Houses and the active public realm below.
Right: Urban villages are not only different from other villages. Within villages, diverse spaces accommodate a wide range of unplanned adaptations and activities.
9 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN street becomes clean, leafy, and without street the conditions of different urban villages, its urban villages. There are trade offs of elements hawkers running amuck.3 Beyond studying the praise of the active public realm in the case in the urban village’s public realm in different urban village, this thesis is part of a continuing studies ends at the neighborhood scale and models of measuring ‘success.’ In simplified dialogue of reevaluating the assumptions a few select street-level photos. Its in-depth terms, active, recreational, and social might be different academic frameworks used when discussion of building interiors highlights a one model but active, functional, and individ- confronted with designing the public realm. surprising modular process to the rooms and ualized might be another. Hence, the primary uses. The thesis seeks to fill in the gap with research question is in two parts, asking what Debating views of urban villages work simi- a study as detailed as the documentation of model we use to measure public realm success larly, where groups with varying focuses building flexibility. A focused public realm and what combination of elements leads to approach the problem with different methods, study that looks carefully at patterns in both different models of success. Time is increas- values, and assumptions. Both romanticizing Chinese urban village and formal space is ingly running out to determine the fate of the life of the urban village and dismissing its needed, using methods derived from Gehl, urban villages. Cities around the world are also ‘value as a place’ are equally unproductive. Whyte, and People Places. facing diverse challenges while public realm The public realm is one aspect of the urban design still follows one-size-fits-all, non-con- design of urban villages that has not been fully As the public realm is the face of the neighbor- textualized models. explored and has mostly relied on two opposing hood, where the city interacts with the build- narratives rather than careful documentation. ings, Gehl writes the physical environment The thesis aims to reveal the ways urban One version of urban villages includes descrip- must be “a factor that influences the activi- villages contribute to an unconventional public tions such as: dark, dirty, “eyesore, scar, ill, or ties to a varying degree and in many ways.”5 life for villagers, migrants, and their neigh- even cancer of the city.”4 The second version Within villages themselves, there are specific boring urban dwellers. It also aims to explore of the urban village includes descriptions such relationships between physical elements and the value of a contextual public realm study as: lively, active street life, and preserving activity at the human scale, such as benches, as an updated framework to informing urban ‘long term identity’. While Villages in the City trees, setbacks, and porches. The thesis uses design strategies. The thesis is limited by its presents an excellent, balanced discussion of the urban village public realm as a platform chosen emphasis on studying the direct rela-
3 “南山8街道创建‘样板村、样板路’ 6月开工年底完 to build upon and reevaluate both previous tionship between the built environment and 工.” SZNews, March 21, 2013. http://www.sznews.com/news/ studies of public spaces and previous studies of usage in a specific typology. Thus, the conclu- content/2013-03/21/content_7843460_2.htm. 4 Al, Villages in the City : A Guide to South China’s Infor- 5 Jan Gehl, Cities for People (Washington (DC); Covelo; sions from the thesis cannot necessarily guide mal Settlements, 5. London: Island Press, 2010), 11.
10 CHAPTER 1 | INTRODUCTION new developments in Shenzhen, let alone planning pressures in Shenzhen reiterate the dimension, as a place in constant transition and inform cities in different international contexts. need to think of urban villages as part of the what that means for its identity as a place. The The missing component that relates usage with whole system of urbanization rather than an chapter ends as a call to action with recommen- rules, regulation, participatory design, and isolated issue. dations for future study and design research. process are necessary before a designer can Chapter 4 chooses three primary case study be more confident that these physical elements villages in Shenzhen and applies a time-lapse can recreate ‘the urban village street life’. observational study to a sample of the villages’ THESIS STRUCTURE public realms to answer how they are used. Physical elements related to differences in use Chapter 2 traces through a history of the are defined and evaluated. The chapter ends different frameworks, values, and motiva- with a comparison of the three case studies tions that inform public space design. A quick with formal public realm examples and other discussion of pre-modernism methods of less-intensely studied villages to establish urban design is followed by a short critique whether the results are replicable in different of modernist methods to urban design. The contexts. second section traces different responses to the modernist model of urban design, focusing Chapter 5 begins with a cross-examination of on the user experience rather than large scale, the design conclusions from the public realm abstract ideas. This is followed by a set of analysis with established literature. The goal research questions that draw from the appli- is to establish the differences between the cable frameworks that examine public realms. new analysis from current, international ‘best practices’ for public realm design, relating Chapter 3 goes further in depth on current the temporality of urban village spaces as a understandings of Chinese urban village and possible key to its role as a space in transition. formal public realms to initially conceptu- The section then offers design recommenda- alize the cultural context. City-wide scale tions. The chapter transitions into a broader factors that influence urban villages and other discussion of urban villages in the temporal
11 HISTORICAL2 CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS CHAPTER 2 | HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS The design of the public realm exists in the to conform to principles that exerted the emper- Vietnam Memorial solidified the importance intersection of urban design, architecture, and or’s Mandate of Heaven.1 The Ottoman palace of landscape. The memorial sinks below landscape architecture. Consideration for the emphasized the sultan’s omnipresence power the surface of the ground and “demands that design of public space and the public realm is over his empire. Through screened windows, the viewer acknowledge the vast expanse of as old as the buildings it surrounds. Arguably, towers, and sectional differences, the sultan space it gestures toward - suggesting that the the city is shaped as much by its monuments became the ‘wandering eye’, and palace inhab- meaning of the spaces between the monu- and buildings as it is by its streets, market itants never knew if they were being watched. ments, memorials, and landmarks on the Mall spaces, plazas, and parks. The first section of 2 The Washington Mall acts as a palimpsest are themselves portentous and deserve explicit the chapter discusses the history of the study of American history through the arrangement acknowledgment.”5 This model of contempla- and design of the public realm as a larger ques- of its many monuments. While the previous tive public realm design imparts a higher level tion about how the role of these spaces in cities emphasis was on the monuments themselves, symbolism, from power to democracy, on the transformed throughout history. The second Skidmore, Owings and Merrill (SOM)’s plan city’s public realm. section analyzes the responses to modernism “demarcated the essential contours the Mall WELLNESS AND SOCIAL BETTER- 3 as alternative readings of the design and usage retains to this day. With minimal formal orna- MENT ROLES of the ‘everyday’ public realm. mentation, the major landmarks on the Mall The role of everyday public spaces such as now expressed a streamlined ‘abstract monu- PRE-MODERNISM ROLES markets, streets, and parks became of height- mentality’ that many observers believe best ened interest and evolved along with the begin- SYMBOLIC ROLES synthesizes and arranges the monumental and nings of planning as a practice. During indus- The function of public spaces in societies populist influences always vying for expres- 4 trialization, cities were congested and polluted, has shifted dramatically over time and differ sion on the Mall.” Furthermore, Maya Lin’s and the city’s elite were concerned about the by culture. Generally, pre-industrialization, 1 Victor Cunrui. Xiong, Sui-Tang Chang’an : A Study in social unrest that would emerge from the vice notable, and surviving public spaces were the Urban History of Medieval China (Ann Arbor: Center for and illness. The everyday public realm became often shaped by obvious political and spiritual Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 2000), 41. 2 Gulru Necipoglu, “Framing the Gaze in Ottoman, Safa- a social transformative tool, since a good envi- motives. In the context of early Chinese cities, vid, and Mughal Palaces,” Arsorie Ars Orientalis 23 (1993): 303–42. ronment was thought to also ‘civilize’ its users, the political and spiritual were entangled, since 3 Matthew Witt, “America’s Palimpsest: Ground-Zero De- mocracy and the Capitol Mall,” SAGE Public Administration mostly recent rural transplants. Central Park’s the organization of the city’s key structures had Abstracts 33, no. 2 (2006), 526. 4 Ibid., 527. 5 Ibid.
13 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN Bethesda fountain celebrated the completion largely had the same goals as Beaux-arts as a older cities.6 Even though approaches during of the Croton Aqueduct in 1842 that connected mechanism to impose order and efficiency in this time differed, such as the three classic New York City to sources of fresh water. Fresh a new technological age. Modernism further examples, Howard’s Garden City, Corbusier’s water access was critical for the mostly brackish sought to integrate the design of open spaces, Radiant City, and Frank Lloyd Wright’s Broa- New York City area which was plagued by roads, and the public realm, especially from dacre City, all of them envisioned an efficient water-borne diseases. Burnham’s Chicago the user’s point of view. Corbusier’s classic public realm that enabled its occupants to have plan and design of the Chicago World’s Fair example of the Radiant City works at multiple more free time to engage with recreational, reflected the dominant Beaux-Arts urban plan- scales, from the housing unit to the pedestrian civic, and cultural activities in beautiful green ning paradigm. The public realm was shaped and to the car. Modernism in the mid-century spaces or monumental, functional buildings. by wide diagonal boulevards and monumental embraced the automobile as the dominant The public realm of the city that responded civic sites. The lakefront was preserved for all unit of the city, and all elements responded to to liberating technologies was a blank, green people’s access. At its core, the plan was to the new scale. City blocks increased dramat- slate for residents to occupy. The emergent systematically order the city, reducing conges- ically in size, some becoming superblocks. model became known as rational planning. tion and removing ill vice elements of the city. Superblocks in Barcelona, as thought of by Rational planning, such as the Chicago Area In Boston, the Public Gardens was an attempt the International Congress for Modern Archi- Transportation Study in the 1960’s, used engi- to use rigid design and park rules to better civi- tecture (CIAM) in Can Our Cities Survive, neering, quantitative models to project growth lize its newcomer visitors. Unlike the open and elegantly divided the public realm of the auto- and systematically output recommendations, free Commons, activities were more restricted, mobile and pedestrian and cleanly separated free of possible political influence.7 both physically and legally. Urban design and uses. Pleasant pedestrian circulation weaved Vision of the efficient city and practice often planning of the public realm was largely about through the superblock of bar-shaped build- differed in the final results. Gehl writes on imposing aesthetic control and efficiency as a ings while automobiles could move without modernist approaches to the public realm: social mechanism to gradually incorporate the inhibition in organized grids of work spaces, masses of urban newcomers. living, and recreational spaces. The new vision 6 Jose Luis Sert and International Congress for Modern Architecture., Can Our Cities Survive? : An ABC of Urban of the public realm was freeing and showed Problems, Their Analysis, Their Solutions (Cambridge; Lon- EFFICIENCY AND MODERNISM don: Harvard University Press ; H. Milford, Oxford University an efficient city without the congestion of Press, 1942). Though the aesthetic changed drastically, 7 Alan Black, “The Chicago Area Transportation Study: A Case Study of Rational Planning,” Journal of Planning Educa- Modernism through the mid-20th century tion and Research 10, no. 1 (October 1, 1990): 27–37.
14 CHAPTER 2 | HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS
“The consequences for the social envi- fabric for super blocks was politically feasible RESPONSES TO MODERNISM ronment were not discussed, because it at the time. Urban renewal at the massive scale Modernism in practice marked a disconnect was not recognized that buildings also was possible because funding was aided by the between the framework of measuring success had great influence on outdoor activities federal Housing Act of 1949 and was accom- and reality. Efficiency in mobility and green and consequently on a number of social panied by popular urban planning theories. space expansion was the key metric in urban possibilities. No one wishes to reduce or Through redevelopment, a series of unpopular planning, and urban thinkers, including sociol- exclude valuable social activities. On the Government Center public spaces replaced an ogists, journalists, planners, and designers, contrary, it was thought that the extensive energetic yet ‘immoral’ Scollay Square. City began to question this metric. These alterna- grass areas between the buildings would Hall Plaza was modeled after Siena’s public tive methods of thinking include social anal- be the obvious location for many recre- plaza, yet copying the form failed to copy the ysis, psychogeography or spatial memory, ational activities and a rich social life. energy and context of the plaza’s origin. 9 The pragmatic use-based solutions, and everyday The extent of which these visions of the public realm of the development and of accom- observational history. While the categories function of green spaces as the uniting panying housing projects were not liberating have general labels, by no means are works element in building projects were correct as envisioned and instead were underused. constrained by these approaches; instead, these was not challenged or investigated. Not Designers were more concerned about the thinkers often blend different approaches. until twenty to thirty years later, in the theoretical, “concerned more with developing 1950’s and 1960’s, when the big func- universal axioms and meaningful methods for SOCIAL ANALYSIS tionalist multistory residential cities had analyzing form than with exploring the more As an outsider, Jane Jacobs wrote an easily been built, was it possible to evaluate concrete issues of casual use of real space by accessible foundation to urbanism from a social the consequences of a one sided physi- ordinary people” 10 functional perspective in her work, The Death cal-functional planning bias.” 8 and Life of Great American Cities. Instead of Boston’s urban redevelopment of the West 9 Herbert J. Gans, The Urban Villagers. Group and Class in the Life of Italian-Americans, Etc. (Free Press of Glencoe: understanding cities from a technical, rational End was an example of the shortcomings of New York, 1962). planning model, Jacobs sought to understand applying modernist principles in existing cities. 10 Clare Cooper. Marcus and Carolyn Francis, People Places : Design Guidelines for Urban Open Space (New York: the public realm from the daily ‘sidewalk By the 1950’s, the West End was portrayed as Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1990), 11. ballet’ of its inhabitants. Her observational decaying slums, and leveling the original urban approach has a simple research question: 8 Gehl, Cities for People, 48.
15 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN how do cities actually function at the neigh- work was impactful because it connected boom of density bonus public spaces. Office borhood scale and what is the purpose of the social behavior to specific design features skyscraper developers managed to negotiate public realm for its users? Her method uncov- from the perspective of a network of interde- greater heights and densities if they provided ered the problems created by the assumptions pendent urban user’s experience rather than open space as a public benefit.13 Whyte and from rational planning. Segregated uses, while treating each user as an individual unit that his Street Life Project Team sought to find orderly in a plan and mobility model, created moved through the city. out why some of the “world’s most expen- monotonous spaces that “repel life.” Beyond sive open space” was lively or dead, particu- PRAGMATIC APPLICATION advocating diversity of uses in a neighbor- larly focusing on the physical elements, user hood, Jacobs also began to connect physical Designers and other thinkers began to take a experience, and environmental conditions. factors with the social behaviors she observed; closer look at the spaces cities already had, a Whyte’s time-lapse videos of the spaces were the livelihood of a sidewalk depended on its continuing or parallel thread to Jacob’s work. a critical tool to observe how a public space’s unofficial deputies, those who watch the street The main motivation for this set of designers performance changed throughout the day. His as a past time or where it is convenient. These and researchers is, succinctly explained by mapping technique, a player piano of activity deputies, from nosy homemakers to store- Whyte is: “the book is about city spaces, why on Seagram’s plaza, shows that good public keepers, need a visual line to see passageways some work for people, and some do not, and space is not lacking even at peak time, since 12 and streets. The street front with active, diverse what the practical lessons may be.” The people and capacity tends to be self leveling. businesses of differing turnovers would ensure source material comes from “first-hand obser- Whyte’s research framework investigated how that there would always be crowds of people in vation.” The major framework for these works a specific type of urban public realm works, the public realm.11 depends on close and frequent observation of looking at where users go, what they do, and a space to find a physical element or condition how they interact with other users. Though Such a small but vital detail makes a substan- connected to usage pattern, and then making a much of his work is qualitative, a large amount tial difference as she noted in the opening up series of practical recommendations. is also quantitative, comparing number of users transformation of a problematic Brooklyn versus area of a park or amount of seating. housing project, creating sight lines into stair- Whyte in the 1980’s explored small public wells, allowing diverse activities on its lawns, spaces in New York during a great building Jan Gehl’s work studying Copenhagen’s and and thus reducing safety problems. Jacob’s other city’s public realm follows a similar 12 William Hollingsworth Whyte, The Social Life of Small 11 Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities Urban Spaces (Washington, D.C.: Conservation Foundation, (New York: Random House, 1961). 1980), 10. 13 Ibid, 14.
16 CHAPTER 2 | HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS framework. Gehl’s Life Between Buildings and specific physical elements as a generaliz- of design constraints based on real world is only one example of his many works that able successful public space. users rather than the problematic modernist makes recommendations to public realm “universal axioms and meaningful methods of Clare Marcus and Carolyn Francis’s work design through the lens of user experience. The analyzing form.” 15 People Places is a highly organized set of book outlines essential factors to a successful design guidelines and supporting case studies, PASSIVE OBSERVER EMPOWERMENT public space, starting by defining urban public based on user observation. The work is more activities. From the study of activities, Gehl Urbanization as a process has a history, concrete than Gehl’s works in recommenda- begins to discuss an urban-neighborhood scale and many responders to post-war American tions and more comprehensive than Whyte’s response to modernism’s approach to urban urbanization sought to trace that history or studies. The organization of recommendations design. Urban spaces can be arranged either memory through on the ground perspectives follows a hierarchy: typologies of public space; to disperse or assemble, integrate or segregate, of everyday landscapes. They seek to abstract a discussion of previous literature on the study invite or repel, and open up or close in, each complex processes into more understandable of the space; specific design and programming an urban site planning strategy with different patterns that empower the urban dweller, user, recommendations, such as location, size, visual outcomes. These factors make the general or reader as the ones to uncover ‘truths’ of the complexity, uses and activities, microclimate, stage where ‘props’ then fill in the space where consequent urban landscape from complex boundaries and transitions, and amenities; then users occupy. From there, Gehl then discusses processes. These works deemphasize solutions followed by case studies which are organized urban details from an experiential perspec- for urban problems like the practitioners but similarly. The framework is easily accessible tive, where activities are more closely linked instead seek to make the complex city legible for a designer who needs to quickly find a to a particular physical element. These phys- as a force of individual, positive change. reference. The book even provides a check- ical elements include ramps, steps, how the list of questions such as “is the plaza sited to Kevin Lynch’s Image of the City, looked at the building meets the public realm, soft edges, receive maximum, year-round sun-shine?” user’s experience in the city and used mental street furniture such as bollards, and sitting for each typology and design factor that maps as the tool for investigation. His analysis places. The examples are drawn sporadically allows designers to self-identify where their processed the mental maps and discovered from multiple cities, and the book acts as a current design can be improved.14 People each shared similar patterns in how cities are general guidebook on how to effectively design Places provides an observation-tested toolkit organized to a user, citing five elements. The both neighborhood scale spatial arrangements 14 Marcus and Francis, People Places : Design Guidelines for Urban Open Space, 65-68. 15 Ibid, 11.
17 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN abstraction of an experience into a physical deducted basic rule that propagated the pattern recreated tree-covered small towns refer- condition, the edge, path, district, node, and or anomaly. “Why does this happen” interests ence Disney’s Epcot and were part of a larger landmark, makes a similar analytical leap as Clay less than “Why do such things as these movement of historical preservation.17 While a Jacobs. Lynch’s investigation showcases how happen”. Clay’s thesis emphasizes a toolkit reader will not know why a certain street does even the development of a largely unplanned of terms with which the every day citizen can not have street trees, the process proposed by city, such as Boston, still followed a rule set to understand the processes through observation Stilgoe allows the reader to draw from a larger create user legibility. An inhabitant in a legible to test the complex and abstract process of scale research to explain the smaller scale city can navigate her own experience based on urbanization “against ordinary, everyday expe- phenomenon as a pattern. her own daily life. Lynch’s work showcased a riences.”16 This toolkit distills the complex The passive observer gains agency over his previously unexplored, organic logic to urban planning process and urban machine into its observations that explain real, physical ’arti- planning, vastly different from the plan based result: attractors such as epitome district and facts’ with an abstract concept at a higher scale methods of rational planning. The work places fixes; repellers such as sinks; edges or paths by using external research. 18 the user as an authoritative voice on a city’s such as beats, strips, fronts; and spatial segre- organizational identity or legibility rather than gation or organization such as stacks, turfs. UNPLANNED USER INTERVENTIONS government policies or plans. Similar to Lynch, defined qualitative urban Clay, Stilgoe, and Lynch all describe how concepts at the observed stage, rather than Grady Clay’s, Close Up How to Read the legibility comes from the reader, explorer, policy or zoning, empowers the reader to make American City and John Stilgoe’s Outside Lies or user who asks questions, sees patterns, their own interpretation of the city. Magic analyze the American landscape, some and explains a complex process in abstracted outside traditional urban centers. Both works John Stilgoe’s Outside Lies Magic, is a loose terms. Moving beyond user empowerment as a attempt to identify an American landscape collection of historical narratives from the passive observer, other works seek to explain with a generally more objective perspective reader, the urban explorer, discussing the poli- aspects of urbanization from the direct actions compared to Jacob’s dismissal of American cies, technology, and other forces that trans- of the users themselves. suburbia. Clay, a journalist specializing in form the urban landscape. Examples include urban planning issues, first notes an observa- how some Main Streets do not have street tion of a set of behaviors, a physical element, trees due to the limitations of firehouses while 17 John R. Stilgoe, Outside Lies Magic : Regaining History and Awareness in Everyday Places (New York: Walker and Co., or urban arrangement, and then explains a 16 Grady. Clay, Close-Up. How to Read the American City. 1998), 131-155. (New York: Praeger, 1974), 180. 18 ‘Artifacts’ a borrowed term from Anne Spirn’s lectures
18 CHAPTER 2 | HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS Michael de Certeau’s The Practice of Everyday works. His process first defines ‘vernacular’ Karen Franck and Quentin Steven’s Loose Life examined how people individually inter- as a “beauty derived from the human pres- Space, an expansion on Chase’s Everyday preted mass culture to reassert themselves ence.” 20 Jackson identifies an “involuntary, Urbanism, describes the ambiguous rela- against established rules and social practices. reluctant sort” of mobility and change as the tionships between users and public space 19 When given a set standard, people creatively driving factor behind the vernacular instead of through a collection of essays that are orga- change the meaning of utilitarian objects, any idealistic aesthetic moral. The landscape is nized as appropriation, tension, resistance, street plans, and cultural rituals to accommo- “not the expression of restlessness and search or discovery. Loose Space seeks to highlight date to their own life. The work sought to give for improvement but an unending adjustment ‘informality’ where “people break free of agency to the consumer and change the notion to circumstances” or “common customs and intended uses and established meanings, break that the consumer is passive and only able to of an inexhaustible ingenuity in finding short free of restricted forms of comportment and follow a given ‘mass culture.’ Even by rede- term solutions.” The vernacular landscape is movement.”22 Looseness or informality occurs fining ‘consumer’ as ‘user’, de Certeau asserts thus a process of makeshift adaptations that when a user redefines a physical elements; the importance of individual decisions borne slowly evolve, become obsolete, or become in the action of skateboarding, “what is loos- out of the creative ingenuity between gaps permanent. Jackson’s description of vernacular ened is the user’s understanding of how the in the established institutional or corporate in contemporary America emphasizes a recon- physical environment can be combined .. to framework. Through this work, a connection nection to a “primal idea of landscape” where produce new spatial experience.”23 To be more between a user’s action and ideas of tactics, “indigenous organization and development of specific in definition, appropriation has neutral opportunities, and territory, opened up a more space serves the needs of the focal communi- meaning and refers to the unintended relation- fine-grained study of user everyday behavior ty.”21 Jackson’s vernacular describes how this ship between a user and the physical element as individual expression or subversion of new landscape is being shaped by continuous (a street tree, a ledge for seating). Discovery is established rules. adaptation that results in a pluralized reading a variation on appropriation that takes a deac- of the landscape instead of a singular reading tivated physical element and repurposes it. Although also trying to create a framework of an idealized landscape. Tension occurs when the act of appropriation to describe American urbanization, Jackson’s begins to substantially disrupt the intended Vernacular Landscapes takes a less ‘everyman’ approach than Clay, Lynch, and Stilgoe’s 20 John Brinckerhoff Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular 22 Karen A. Franck and Quentin Stevens, Loose Space : Landscape (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), 147- Possibility and Diversity in Urban Life (London; New York: 19 Michel de. Certeau and Steven Rendall, The Practice of 157. Routledge, 2007), 14. Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). 21 Ibid. 23 Ibid.
19 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN use rather than coexist or its image does not because it is not generating its ‘highest and ———————————————— fit in an authority’s image. Resistance is less best’ use.”26 Efficiency maintains the status The value of looseness, insurgent public space, applicable to the formal, stable spaces as it is quo but these “risk and perhaps wasteful” and informality is that they celebrate and study action to push the tension in one way or the spaces in the short term “are also a key source the ingenious, unintended uses for space, other, particularly describing protecting the of sociability, inclusiveness, diversification how users feel safe enough to take temporary marginalized user, but it appears in the trans- and growth.” 27 ownership of a space to express themselves or forming urban villages, in the process of being Jeffrey Hou’s anthology Insurgent Public improve their lives. Loose Space adds a new redeveloped. Space extrapolates on tension and resistance dimension to space planning, to not completely Looseness exists on a spectrum and occurs from Loose Space by arguing the need for shun the risks of looseness and to embrace and in both designed and undesigned spaces, left- unintended uses to resist control and privat- balance the emergent possibilities. over spaces and defined spaces. Moreso, the ization. Hou references Mitchell, “it is through The role and understanding of the public realm series of essays show the cultural, commercial, the actions and purposeful occupation of a has shifted dramatically since rational plan- social, and other possibilities of looseness or space that it becomes public.”28 The vignettes ning’s efficiency-based models. It has also what happens when there “is an absence of of unintended everyday uses “focus on the new shifted away from idealized, aesthetic, theoret- the determinacy which is common in place possibilities of public space and public realm ical forms or power structures. Instead, it has types with assigned and limited functions.”24 in support of a more diverse, just, and demo- branched into far more angles than just from The emergent activities are “not anticipated, cratic society.”29 Through different modes of analyzing casual, every day use as the previous have no other place, or that benefit from a rela- appropriating, reclaiming, pluralizing, trans- works have done. For example, landscape tive lack of control.”25 Lastly, loose space is gressing, uncovering, and contesting, unin- urbanism seeks to integrate natural processes valuable because it produces diversity despite tended uses represent a “struggle over rights, and flows into spatial design, thinking of cities being decried as disorderly. Disorder is defined meanings, and identities of the public realm.”30 as urban systems of metabolism. But through by the controlling forces, the city managers of this framework of ‘everyday urbanism’, urban a plaza - a street might be too congested with 26 Ibid, 23. 27 Ibid. villages provide unobserved value that effi- the overlap of unintended and intended activi- 28 Jeffrey Hou, Insurgent Public Space : Guerrilla Urbanism ciency minded, rational planning based on ties or an officially abandoned site “is ‘wasted’ and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities (New York: Rout- ledge, 2010), 7. codes and policies can easily miss. Continuing 24 Ibid, 17. 29 Ibid, 12. 25 Ibid. 30` Ibid, 14. the work of the ‘pragmatists’ and ‘unplanned
20 CHAPTER 2 | HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS users’, the thesis’s research frameworks prior- which would then discourage many users, with good access to public transit. It has streets itizes casual user activity patterns in the public lowering property prices in the neighborhood. on all sides. realm that asserts a new perspective of the Vendors or performers using a space might Arrangement: Rectangular, formal, and ‘hidden in plain sight’ social and functional provoke plaza management to enact new rules, symmetric, with an outer belt of lawns shel- value of public realm space. With a reference removing a reason many people went to the tered by box hedges and by level changes. frame to connect public realm activity to urban space. Thus, observational research into the Some lawns overlook busy streets. Entrances artifacts, the research method draws heavily specific relationships between these factors are on the corner. from the agency of the ‘passive’ urban reader is entangled and certain connections might to formulate patterns, narratives, and mean- have to be inferred. The goal is to extract and Scale: City block in size, subdivided into ings of the city. explain the key causal relationships between smaller areas on the outer belt. the three non-user factors (context, physical RESEARCH QUESTION, ANALYSIS Amenities: Variety of seating options, including elements, rules) and use. METHODOLOGY AND FRAME- benches and ledges. WORK As an example of the framework, in People Rules: The plaza is publicly owned unlike Places, a study of San Francisco’s Union Previous studies of the public realm have other private spaces downtown and is tolerant Square describes its major physical features created a research framework that link the of the diversity. user’s behavior with the physical design of and how those features affect how people use 31 space. Public space is defined by its context, and view the public space. Use: Outer belt spaces are used for activities needing more privacy such as napping. Other physical elements, rules, and uses. The first ——————————————— three will be defined as non-user public realm intimate spaces allow for groups of male regu- factors. All these factors might influence one UNION SQUARE lars to congregate. A sloped lawn allows sitters another and feedback. A neighborhood’s land Location and Context: Shopping district and to watch the traffic on the street. Open areas value might rise significantly with a rede- financial district in downtown San Francisco, allow for many seated activities and special signed park, influencing more development events. 31 Marcus and Francis, People Places : Design Guidelines in the neighborhood and bringing new groups for Urban Open Space, 61-62. ———————————————— to the park. A high-crime context might cause safety and vandalism problems in the park
21 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN Simplified and summarized from the book, the to suit their needs. For the purpose of the study owned, a user’s almost permanent, regular framework describes the context, the physical of urban villages, a significant physical adap- presence creates a social claim on the space. A elements of the space, and the rules of a space. tation in the public realm is one that fulfills user feels safe to put enough effort into slightly Within the description, these factors are linked one or more of these criteria: not intended, altering the space for their need. A vendor to allowing or encouraging the resulting uses. semi-permanent, or regularly installed. Under would not set up a semi-permanent shop in a The context provides the feed of users to the these criteria, a family picnic on the lawn in location if she knows she will be told to leave space, given the space’s catchment area and the park would be considered a use, since a every half hour. A vendor on foot carrying accessibility. The physical elements of the picnic is temporary and most likely intended. his merchandise would more likely be able to space encourage, allow, or inhibit different But a vendor who sets up a mat or cart of sneak in a few sales before being shooed away. users with diverse reasons for using the space. merchandise on the street would be considered A significant adaptation of space can also be Rules, either formally written down or socially to a degree a form of adaptation. In the case described as a user’s claim of territory, a belief agreed upon, further encourage, discourage, or of Union Square, though not a physical alter- that they can safely bring their physical adap- forbid different users and uses. ation of space, the regular groups of men from tation without fear of harassment. the nearby residential hotels, their regular In the context of urban villages and the work The established framework of relating these use of certain spots becomes an adaptation of Loose Space, an additional factor is added different non-usage factors (context, phys- or claim of territory as their ‘living room.’ between the three non-user factors and use. ical features, and rules) to adaption and use Had they brought a cooler, lawn chairs, and Often in these types of spaces, a user needs helps answer the broader question of how the a portable radio, its case as a physical adap- to make significant adaptations. These adap- urban village’s public realm is used. Usage tation is stronger. Adaptation is on a gradient tations range from the simple act of bringing is described by the diversity of uses, who the depending on how permanent or regular the one’s own furniture to installing make shift users are, and how much activity happens. installation is, whether on an hourly, daily, or structures. There is a degree of ambiguity Four research questions pertaining to the urban weekly scale. between significant adaptation and use; for village’s public realm emerge: example, would a picnic basket and blanket be This last example is crucial because it hints ———————————————— considered a significant adaptation? Adapta- strongly at a relationship between adaptation of tion, based on the definition in Loose Space, is space and a user’s territory or claim of public (1) How are different types of spaces in the degree of how someone can alter the space realm space. Though the space is publicly the public realm used, given the different
22 CHAPTER 2 | HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS permutations of significantly impactful non-usage factors: context, physical features, and rules?
(2) Given a context, what physical design elements of buildings and the public realm impact user adaptation of space and use of space in the public realm?
(3) How do non-usage factors affect the temporal balance between privately claimed semiprivate (but not necessarily owned), semi- public space, true public space, and right of way in the whole public realm?
23 SHENZHEN’S3 URBAN VILLAGES CHAPTER 2 | HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS
A mix of policy, economic, planning, and THE POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND later service industry workers. The original, social factors culminated in an ‘urban village’ SOCIAL BACKGROUND OF THE pedestrian-scale alleyway becomes dispro- city building process in South China, and the URBAN VILLAGE portionately narrow to the 7 to 8 story towers quality of the public realm is only one output that only leave a narrow strip of light into the Urban villages or, directly translated, villages of the process. The ‘end product’ of urban public realm. within the city (城中村) are previously rural villages before stricter regulations ‘freeze’ villages that were later engulfed by urban Beyond the basic mechanics for the growth development vary substantially based on its development. Stefan Al and other scholars behind urban villages, Stefan Al argues “for distance from CBD, date of development, and all describe the process largely from a mix of the value of urban villages as places.” Instead land use context. Looking towards the future, political and economic forces.1 A distinction in of wrongly perceiving them as slums, “a closer many major cities seek to reinvent their image land designation between ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ look reveals that they offer an important, from manufacturing powerhouses to the next created a divide between development regula- affordable, and well-located entry point for Manhattan, and urban villages are one of tions. Cities grew rapidly in the 1980’s, but migrants into the city.”2 Looking beyond the “three olds” that need to be erased. After could only partially convert rural land to urban stereotypes and ‘dirtiness’, these villages have reaching peak development, current and future land. Compensating and relocating villagers become vibrant, self-sustaining, dense, walk- efforts to redevelop, improve, and integrate from their homes was too expensive, so cities able, mixed use communities. Even in villages urban villages into the rest of the city also allowed villages to continue existing for the that have wider alleys for cars, these streets factor in how the public realm is used. As the time being. Because villagers lost their main are not thoroughfares and are mainly used for physical and political space shifts at different source of agricultural income, they began parking before walking ‘the last mile’ to the times, the documentation process can observe consolidating their wealth to invest in their own final destination within the village. Villages the effect the development and redevelopment factories and danwei housing for incoming are not islands and its occupants and neigh- process has on the public realm at different workers. Eventually, more modern factories bors engage very closely and contribute to chapters of the urban village’s life cycle. were built on urban land, and small village the overall city’s growth and development. plots were literally extruded to ever increasing China’s hukou residency status policy restricts heights to house manufacturing workers and access to basic services such as health care and affordable housing for rural migrants seeking 1 Al, Villages in the City : A Guide to South China’s Infor- mal Settlements, 1-9. 2 Ibid.
25 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
Development Stages of Shenzhen
Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3 Stage 4 Stage 5 Stage 6
Traditional Village Settlement Sale of Agricultural Land/Con- Beginning of Illegal Develop- Gradual Expansion of Village Further Expansion (7-15F)/ Disappearance of Urban Village tact with Urban Area/Expansion ment and Leasing Housing (4-6F) Conflict between City and Urban into City of Village Housing (2-3F) Village Figure 3-1 Adapted from Villages in the City, this diagram shows the typical developmental stages of a village from pre-ur- banization to full assimilation. From 1982 to 2007, Shenzhen’s urbanization rate increased from 32% to 100%. jobs in cities. Urban villages provided a solu- New entrepreneurs take advantage of lower and services player. Shenzhen itself was an tion: cheap housing outside of factory dormi- rents and looser building codes to set up busi- urban experiment in an informal space where tories in a central urban setting, filled with nesses otherwise impossible in the city. For new factories where the decentralized owner- retail and service amenities such as village Shenzhen, migrants and recent college gradu- ship sparked private entrepreneurship and operated clinics, schools, and security. 3 New ates came to the new Special Economic Zone foreign investments, much of it initially from rural transplants circumvent the hukou process (SEZ) in search of the ‘Shenzhen Dream’ huaqiao or overseas Chinese in Hong Kong to have better access to the services the village of entrepreneurship and opportunities in a and Taiwan. A walk through Shenzhen’s Hua and cities offer, eventually assuming an ‘urban’ newly deregulated space with access to global Qiang Bei electronics market is a cross section identity themselves. markets. 4 Urban villages became an integral of small businesses specializing in electronics part in helping Shenzhen, once a collection at all stages of the supply chain, from buttons of rural towns, after economic reform in the and switches to hover boards. Urban villages 3 Laurence Liauw, “Village-in-the-City as a Sustainable 1980’s, develop into a global manufacturing housed migrant workers to work in factories, Form of Social Housing Communities for China: A Tale of Four Villages in Shenzhen,” in Villages in the City : A Guide to but other populations followed with their own South China’s Informal Settlements, ed. Stefan Al, 2014, 49. 4 Mary O’Donell, interview with author, January 29, 2016.
26 CHAPTER 2 | HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS ideas, bringing a cosmopolitan diversity of and built. By 1992, much of the new develop- suggests that building was another informal skills, cuisines, and cultures to a new city that ment redeveloped the small plots to resemble process based on networks and relationships was still navigating its own identity. the final form today, extruded buildings that between villagers as individual landlords and maximize interior space, described as hyper- developers. VARIABLES IN THE DEVELOPMENT dense inner city villages. At the threat of rede- OF URBAN VILLAGES Earlier villages developed along new facto- velopment, villagers scramble to add even ries and urban development, and the change Despite sharing this simple economic and more stories to receive more compensation. becomes evident the farther away the village. political process, the resulting collection of Urban villages are not a static urban object. Villages close to the CBD were developed urban villages across China do not fit neatly Instead, they have constantly been reinventing earlier and are the densest and villagers in the within one typology. Stefan Al hints at the themselves, using the most efficient methods outskirt were still in the process of growing process, describing the heights of buildings in possible. Many of the villages have build- until stricter regulation began to restrict devel- the village as a “barometer” of their impending ings that are remarkably similar to each other, 5 opment in 2001 through new municipal poli- demise. During a tour of Hu Bei village, a from tile facades to morphological form, and cies. The collection of villages reflect and adapt Shenzhen urban designer (Fu Na) revealed borrowed quite heavily from vernacular arche- to the changing function needs around different distinct development stages in one village. types, sharing material sourcing and rough job centers. Variations due to different village During early redevelopment stages, much of construction documents between contractors. management also exist between villages within the homes were 3 stories or lower, narrow This model of construction could be explored the same developmental-period typologies. alleyways, and a few open plots, described as more but seems to parallel the process of how Village quality of life thus varies in sanitation, medium-density stage redevelopment. Land new electronics proliferate; an NPR Planet infrastructure, crime, and building quality. was allocated based on households, and many Money journalist tried to trace the origin of the Because developmental patterns and quality of villagers subdivided their families to gain ‘hover board’, discovering product develop- the environment-public realm varies between more property to develop on. Between the ment often is a result of a ‘network’ of inven- villages, the selected sample of villages cannot mid-eighties and nineties, some of the new tors who share ideas loosely through casual represent the reality of all villages. Rather, the housing resembled danwei midrise dormito- encounters.6 While construction is much more final sample of studied villages act as a poten- ries around new factories, since that was the low key, the ubiquitous construction techniques typology of housing most easily accessible tial case study that highlights positive aspects 6 http://www.npr.org/templates/transcript/transcript. of the selected typology of urban village. 5 Al, Stefan, 5. php?storyId=457404184
27 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
THE CHANGING URBAN VILLAGE: Figure 3-2 A lively streetscape remains on the left REDEVELOPMENT AND INTEGRA- side of this Shanghai street. On the right TION side, the redeveloped public realm does not suit the needs of its users and is left The reality for most urban villages is redevel- empty. opment. Critics of urban villages range from Reprinted from Pu Miao’s “Brave New City: Three Problems in Chinese Urban the ‘Dickensian’ to others who are genuinely Public Space since the 1980’s” concerned about the future of rural migrants and their place in the city. A ‘Dickensian’ view of urban villages resembles the same attitude modernist planners had looking at the West End in Boston as urban blight in need for total redevelopment. Yan Song in a housing study of adjacent urban owners found that villages, in the City, suggests redevelopment should and Guangzhou’s Liede Villages, migrants are even in varied conditions, were disamenities be tailored to the condition of the village. left out of planning discussions. and lowered land prices.7 The paper presents Newer and healthy inner city villages should A few different models of redevelopment have a dilemma where redeveloping or improving be incrementally improved, and older, dilap- emerged and are broadly subdivided by: direct villages are largely ineffectual, since plan- idated villages with more problems should government redevelopment, self-village rede- ning would displace migrant workers who be cleared for new development and repro- velopment, and urban village environmental power economic growth through labor. But gramming. All parties agree that the current upgrade. Yet throughout different typologies in the long run, the concentration of urban redevelopment model is largely imperfect in of Chinese housing, hutong to urban villages, poor negatively impacts the neighboring capturing the social cost of eliminating urban Liauw mentions a common cultural tendency city, showing villages are not yet assimilated villages, particularly for migrant workers. for ‘communal living’.8 But the external shock into the urban fabric. On a more optimistic While villagers can receive compensation or application of a new model of modernist note, Liauw and the general tone of Villages redevelop with retained ownership as a share- superblocks and building from codes designed 7 Yan Song, “Assimilation of Villages Within Cities,” in holding company in Shenzhen’s Huang Gang China’s Housing Reform and Outcomes, ed. Joyce. Yanyun 8 Liauw, “Village-in-the-City as a Sustainable Form of So- Man (Cambridge, Mass.: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, cial Housing Communities for China: A Tale of Four Villages 2011), 165. in Shenzhen”, 54.
28 CHAPTER 2 | HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF PUBLIC REALM ANALYSIS for infrastructural efficiency, threatens the suburbs and ‘edge cities’ as wasteful sprawl. understanding of expression through the public thread of Chinese life. Furthermore, a homo- As a broader reading, the largest critique of realm is equally needed to inform upgrade geneous structure is also counterproductive to Chinese urbanization is a paradox; at one and redevelopment strategies to address the fast paced technological changes in mobility, scale, developers and city governments rede- wasteful problems of current Chinese urban- communication, and patterns of living and velop in large moves with little regard to old, ization practices. The conclusions from the working. Current city building practice is successful forms, using rational planning to thesis cannot recommend policy changes or critiqued by Miao Pu as a short term grab at ‘modernize’ the city. On a smaller scale, a lack even concrete design recommendations for “modern window dressing” and unrespon- of design standards regulation beyond these upgrading or redevelopment. Instead, the sive to lower and middle income daily needs.9 broad sweeps results in unscrupulous privat- thesis uses a documentation process to iden- Because projects are built to satisfy growth ization or reactionary regulation that creates a tify how key public realm elements are used in numbers, they are often poorly planned. In wasteful public realm and marginalizes actual a framework of adaptive ‘loose’ space. Urban new open spaces, largely built in administra- users. Urban planning solutions need to be villages are not necessarily a ‘best model’ and tive or office centers, use is discouraged by clear, equitable, and incremental, as is the case not all urban villages need to be preserved. over regulation. Privatization of edges and for regulation of outdoor markets. Instead of Singular understandings of ‘good’ urban plan- spaces discourage use as well through blank a binary strategy, redevelop into a modern ning are regressive because cities are dynamic walls and poor ground floor amenities, similar ideal or leave unregulated, a middle ground objects that respond to change. Current urban to the many plazas Whyte observed. Some- sets more tailored, incremental regulations to planning practices in China rely on short term times, parking even causes sidewalks to fully address real problems of sanitation, pollution, implementation of static, flashy master plans, disappear. Gated communities restrict pedes- and safety. many of which are hastily built and poorly trian flow and social life to ‘faux’ open spaces. designed for the public realm. The value of ———————————————— Broad sweeps destroy successful spaces in urban villages extends beyond affordable an idealization of redevelopment for political Urban villages throughout their dynamic housing and mixed-use, pedestrian friendly and money-making goals. In another context, development history have always been a mech- neighborhoods. The incremental develop- this critique of post-reform Chinese urbaniza- anism for a collective of individual actors to mental pattern of urban villages shows how tion sounds similar to critiques of American take surprising control over the shape of their one model manages to accommodate diversity 9 Pu Miao, “Brave New City: Three Problems in Chinese community. Expression through the shaping of and adapt to its rapidly changing surroundings Urban Public Space since the 1980s,” Journal of Urban Design 16, no. 2 (2011): 179–207. buildings has been studied extensively, but an through small plot flexibility.
29 FIELD4 STUDY CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY
URBAN CONTEXT OF URBAN VIL- LAGE BELT Shenzhen was selected for study because of its fast paced developmental history; in less than one generation, the city began as agriculture, transformed into an export-manufacturing base, and finally emerged as a hub of service, technology, and creative industries. For the documentation process, one area of Shenzhen was chosen for closer study. Documenta- tion and analysis of other villages and public realms across Shenzhen were less rigorous and were used as a baseline to better understand whether observations from one area are part of a broader regional pattern. The selected area in Nanshan, is a western, predominantly residen- tial district that borders Bao’an and Qianhai Title Image - Seating patterns in Tongxia Village Crescent Plaza follows sunlight Figure 4-1 Bay to the west. The area borders Shekou Western location of Nanshan District highlighted in yellow, in the context of Shenzhen (Source: SUPB) Peninsula to the south and Overseas Chinese Town (OCT) to the east (Figure 4-1). Before marks the rough boundary of the original for warehouse and industry, many of the towns 1980, the area was a collection of small towns coastline.1 After Shenzhen was designated as and villages redeveloped into urban villages and rural land and was the former administra- a the first SEZ, the Nanshan area developed a to house the flood of new workers, forming a tive center for Xinnan County before being strong industrial presence supported by port ‘belt’ between the surrounding city. integrated into Shenzhen as the Nanshan infrastructure and proximity to Hong Kong. As Because Shenzhen’s central city area is District. According to a local urban designer, the city developed, the western edge was filled the existing boundaries of many of the villages shifting towards a technology and creative 1 Fu Na, Interviewed by author, January 28, 2016.
31 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN based economy, manufacturing uses have shareholder corporation redevelopment model become discouraged. Shekou and OCT have like Huanggang or Hubei, two other villages in already transformed into prime real estate Shenzhen’s central city. for Shenzhen’s upper middle class and expa- The chosen area in Nanshan is already occu- triate community, filled with walkable lifestyle pied with construction projects between the centers and expensive apartments. Under a village and Qianhai Road for ‘modern, urban new 2020 masterplan designed by Field Oper- living’. Many others are moving through the ations as an outside consultant, Qianhai will planning process, and the existing fabric is be redeveloped into a new center of finance, only a temporary, transitional state. Devel- modern logistics, and innovation.2 Portions oping the edge as “an open system” to of the masterplan have been completed in the “enhance exchanges” is part of an ongoing Qianhai Free Trade Zone, including an ‘Enter- district strategy, written in the Nanshan 2010 prise Dream Park’ modeled after Silicon Valley Master Plan.3 Yet much of these new develop- and an incubator hub for young entrepreneurs. ments between villages and main roads build These projects provide funding support and an impenetrable wall between the new city and facilities for start ups and established tech- the village. Developmental pressure for more nology companies. Thus, Nanshan will inev- market rate housing in the area is further inten- itably be redeveloped into new residences to sified by proposed megaprojects and special house the flood of new ‘knowledge economy’ economic areas that promote and subsidize workers. While there are no concrete plans ‘glamorous’ global industries. The artificial to completely redevelop the entire belt, the villages are being transformed section by 3 “Nan Shan 2010 Masterplan, Capter 15, Article 79” section. Some of this transformation is initi- (Shenzhen Urban Planning Bureau (SUPB), n.d.). ated by the city but some of it may be self-initi- Figure 4-2 ated by the villages themselves, using a village Top: Model of Field Operation’s Qianhai Design (Field Operations). 2 Karen Cilento, “James Corner Field Operations to Design Qianhai,” ArchDaily, July 1, 2010, http://www.archdaily. Middle: A new technology park in Qianhai. com/66650/james-corner-field-operations-to-design-qianhai. Bottom: Advertisement for new luxury development.
32 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY
Shenzhen
3 4
2
1 People’s Republic of China
Shenzhen
Hong Kong
Figure 4-3 A map of Nanshan district where the yellow area is the urban village belt. White are the roads, and black marks the subway lines. Fuscha is the set of studied formal open spaces. 1: Nanyuan & Nanshan Villages; 2: Xinnan Village; 3. Tongxia Village
33
0 M 1000 M 2000 M 3000 M 4000 M PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN injection of ‘innovation’ infrastructure is in realm. Instead, the analysis process is applied DEFINITIONS OF ‘NAKED SECTION’ contrast to previous small scale enterprises to both the ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ public realm BUILT ELEMENTS and entrepreneurship in the small booths in to establish a common language to compare The initial mapping exercise was to map these Huaqiang Bei or in urban villages that grew spaces. Using a common design language of elements as the base. Critical sections were over time. The practice of ‘injecting’ busi- scales and typologies brings a more objective then extracted to highlight specific combina- nesses is not uncommon in China where new perspective that reduces the danger of ideal- tions of spatial element configurations. This cities outside the traditional city are populated ization or vilification of either public realm initial map creates the ‘naked’ section and with state owned enterprises (SOE), academic typology. plan, the framework that uses can occupy. institutions, or government offices. Yet a DOCUMENTATION METHODOLOGY dichotomy forms between organic growth of Setbacks refer to the space between the entrepreneurship versus state control; these On-site field research gathered time-lapse vertical building footprint and the public right projects in a way undermine Shenzhen’s footage of different examples of public realm of way. For street sections with a street level existing competitive advantage as a space with to better understand the relationship between for vehicles, it is the space from the street curb looser government control, allowing smaller activities, the formal element, and the context. or painted line to the building, including the design firms and tech start ups to propagate. Thoroughfares were studied by walking while sidewalk space. For alley sections, the setback an attached camera took a photo every two is more not as strictly defined, but it is the The public realm also transforms rapidly and seconds. Public spaces were studied by sitting space between walking space and the wall of is subject to redevelopment change at any in one place where an attached camera took the building. Ground floor extensions are moment. Yet daily usage is fluid and quickly a photo every five seconds. For the mapping separate built structures that protrude from the settles into new rhythms around new plazas, process, the public realm is defined as outdoor main, taller building toward the street. old alleys, and construction sites. Physically space that is publicly accessible. From obser- and aesthetically, redeveloped and urban Built overhead extensions trace their archi- vation, the next step was to interpret physical village public realms are vastly different. tectural heritage to Qi Lou (骑楼) or veranda patterns into objective typologies of spatial Functionally in both, common elements and housing which protected pedestrians from sun configuration, expressed in table 2 with accom- patterns of usage suggest such a binary view and rain. When applied in the urban village, the panying diagrams. is overly simplistic. The research questions jogged vertical section functions as a way for do not only consider the urban village public upper floors to maximize upper floor interior
34 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY
building element concave corner
steps setback convex corner
overhead building
overhead sign temporary overhead installation within temporary (semiprivate) semiprivate (soft edge) outside temporary setback ground (semipublic semipublic setback or public) (soft edge)
building element ground floor addition temporary overhead installation
setback
Figure 4-4 Figure 4-5 Example of Time-Lapse Walk-through in Nanyuan. Diagram of axonometric Elements
35 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN square footage while leaving the ground floor were excluded but some spaces that had both Temporary Ground Objects are unplanned navigable as a thoroughfare in narrow alleys. parking and other uses were discussed. physical adaptations that are not fixed in These built extensions are permanent. the ground and can be moved with some DEFINITION OF TEMPORARY ELE- ease. Temporary ground objects can either Steps and curbs simply are 3-8 inch differ- MENTS AND PUBLIC REALM USAGE be ‘within’ or ‘past’ the street edge. Objects ences in levels between two ground levels. The second layer maps patterns of unplanned within the street edge are in the space noted Curbs are part of the street and designed to physical adaptations in space. The third layer as a ‘setback’ or in some denoted semiprivate separate different modes of traffic. Steps are maps zones of semiprivate space and social space. Objects past the street edge are in the primarily part of a building, separating the space that were observed. The maps show suggested alley ‘right of way’ zone. Over- ground floor from the street level. Other trans- a hypothetical snapshot which captures all head temporary objects are unplanned adap- portation related typologies include bollards, the temporary, unplanned adaptations across tations that create a canopy and are also not plastic cones, and painted lines, intended to multiple observational times. fixed permanently. These objects can either mark a difference between a space for cars and Public space usage comes in three general- be retracted like an awning or moved like an a space for pedestrians. ized forms: necessary, unplanned adapta- umbrella. These allow temporary adaptations Corners are angles created by an edge’s varied tions and social or ‘optional’ activities. Gehl and users to be protected from sun and rain, setback. Convex corners are ‘outward’ facing defines ‘necessary, optional, and social activ- so the user does not need to move goods and while concave corners are ‘inward’ facing. ities’ as the three reasons why people use the other adaptations during rainy days. Entrances and thresholds to other alleys, public realm. Necessary activities include Unplanned physical adaptations or activities private courtyards, or between the village and mobility, such as going into an office building are somewhat of an intersection of ‘neces- the main roads, also create corners at these to work. Optional activities are relaxing or sary’ activities and temporary elements. These intersections. recreational, such as people watching. Social include informal economic or domestic func- and optional overlap, but social activities Open space is a dedicated, outdoor public tions, such as vending from a cart, fixing a refer to group socialization between two or area. While this includes formal parks and bike, or hanging laundry outside. more people, such as conversations or group plazas, the study also included more ambigu- dancing. These are distinct from ‘heavier’ The documentation process begins to answer ously owned pockets in villages that are wider physical adaptations to space. the second research question of understanding and larger than alleyways. Clear parking lots how a physical element affects usage in the
36 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY public realm depending on context. In combi- DEFINITION OF TEMPORARY ELE- nation, the first layer of built elements sets MENTS AND PUBLIC REALM USAGE the stage and framework which the elements Oscar Newman created definitions between of the last two layers occupy. Typological public, semipublic, semiprivate, and private moments are reproduced as sections to illus- spaces as a framework to better understand trate the spatial experience. Key moments safety and crime prevention in “defensible are supplanted by informal conversations spaces.”4 Private spaces are fully “within the with users and photography of the physical private domain of the family.” 5 In the case of environments of certain activities. Within the a series of detached homes, front yards under last two layers that measure usage, tempo- direct ownership of the houses are semipri- rary unplanned adaptations affect ‘necessary, vate because they are accessible to the public optional, and social’ activities and vice versa. Figure 4-6 street. For an apartment building, the frontage Different urban conditions were selected from Diagram of different spaces in the ‘Defensible Space space would be semipublic because it is shared model’ (Newman). the study area in Shenzhen’s Nanshan District by a select amount of families and its owner- distinction between semiprivate space and to explain how the typologies interact in ship under the apartment as a whole. Public semipublic space is whether the space is under different contexts. Afterwards, an overview of spaces are free to navigate and shared by the the direct ownership of the fronting ‘steward’ other villages in Shenzhen provides a ‘base- neighborhood. home or business, but in the case of the dense line’ more comprehensive look to examine urban village, adaptations create perceived whether the observations from the studied The distinctions of ownership are fluid, what ownership, and the distinction between semi- village public realms were anomalous or Gehl describes as a transitional ‘soft edge’ private-public becomes blurry. Semiprivate patterns across all villages. Finally, an over- zone. The framework of the thesis will define spaces are in a sense a ‘shade darker’ than view of adjacent, formal public realm spaces these zones based on a perceived degree of semipublic spaces and the definitions lie on a grounds the observations from village’s public ownership, evident by the temporary adapta- gradient rather than a dichotomy. realm in context to examine whether urban tions and uses in those spaces. The fundamental village public realm use is part of a broader 4 Oscar. Newman et al., Creating Defensible Space (Wash- pattern or is anomalous when compared to the ington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of Housing and Urban Development, Office of Policy Development and Research, 1996). typical Chinese public realm. 5 Ibid, 15.
37 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
MAP KEY 4 3b 3a 2 1
A 04 03a 03b CODE LEGEND 02 Setback: None - 2’ Setback: 3’ - 4’ Setback: 5’ - 6’ Setback: Greater than 6’
Building: Step
Building: Overhead building 01 Building: Non-standard sign 7 5 6 Building: Ground Level Extension
Temporary: Ground object within street edge Temporary: Ground object past street edge Temporary: Overhead installation A Open space (see Table 1)
05
B urban village 07 Xuefu Road belt
Qian Hai Road
06
38 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY
NANYUAN AND NANSHAN VILLAGE
NEIGHBORHOOD OVERVIEW: PARAL- A LEL PEDESTRIAN AND STREET AL- 04 LEYWAYS 03a 03b CODE LEGEND On the southern end of the urban village belt, 02 Claimed Semiprivate/public Zone the urban fabric of Nanyuan Village (南园村) Temporary Social and Recreational and Nanshan Village (南山村) resembles the Temporary Economic and Domestic A Open space (see Open Space Table) original village alley network and is a mix of later stage urban village 6-8 story buildings and shorter buildings. The villages’ land use context is mixed-use residential. While not 01 rigidly gridded, the urban village is roughly organized by major north-south connections and east-west service alleys. A main alleyway cuts roughly through the center and has a line of small businesses. Businesses are also concentrated near larger entrances to the urban village from the main roads along the north, east, and west edges. Most of the village is 05 networked with primary alleys (8-12 feet between walls) and narrow service alleys (5-8 B feet between walls). Wider street scale alley- 07 ways that are accessible to cars also weave into Figure 4-7 Left: Map of coded elements and neighborhood context map key. The left end connects to the right end of the bottom diagram. 06 Right:Map of coded zones based on activity.
39 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN the site at certain entrance points; in Nanyuan 4 3b 3a 2 1 1 a major street-width alleyway runs through the site parallel to Qianhai Road. Sections 1-5 represent a few typical variations on the street- width alleyways, and Section 6 represents a typical pedestrian-width alleyway. The differences between the two alley typologies highlight the impact vehicular access has on patterns of activities in urban villages.
1 The alleyways converge on open spaces that punctuate the fabric, anchored by village ances-
4’ 24’ 6.5’ tral temples. Some of the temples and open spaces have updated materials, suggesting recent improvements were made. Other pocket 2 parks with stone furniture around the village suggest there was an environmental improve- 2 ment effort. After the village was developed, these pocket parks received external funding support from the Nanshan District-wide “Eight Model Villages” plan. Other possible funding support from the plan went to alley infra- structure improvement. The pavement is in good condition and there is modern drainage Figure 4-8 Left: Sections and corresponding images. infrastructure. Overhead telecommunication Right: A-C, Examples of how wedges are used. and electricity infrastructure is bundled and Semiprivate/semipublic space is annotated with 3.5’ 24’ 9’ orange and yellow lines.
40 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY
orderly, in contrast to ad-hoc examples of 1. VARIED SETBACKS AND MARKING A wiring in other villages. THE EDGE: RELATIONSHIP TO THE STREET CHARACTERISTICS OF LIFE 3a In the street width sections, the setback is In the pedestrian-width alleys of the residen- determined by a building’s steps or a yellow tial mixed-use village, businesses are open painted line. Setbacks are also created when until very late, past 10:30pm. Businesses are the street turns askew to the orientation of store owner’s living rooms, where their chil- buildings, as is between section 1 and 2 in the dren work on homework, families eat dinner village plan. When the street is marked with until the shop is closed for the night. Neigh- the painted yellow line or different paving bors often stop by and chat or set up a table to B materials, drivers respect the boundary. play mahjong. Most businesses use roller shut- Smaller bikes and motorcycles are usually ters as entrances rather than doors, so there is parked closer to the building. The line of cars a strong indoor-outdoor connection between marks the edge, turning the setback space into the alleyway and the building interior. Though a semipublic space. Even when there is not the primary alleyways and open spaces do a car parked, they still help to mark an edge. not have much overhead light infrastructure, Near section 2, a child plays on a ladder on the transparent, active edges remain bright the ground while men socialize around a table until very late in the evening. In street-width where a van is parked at a wedge created by alleys, the street area becomes a shared space C a change in setback. At the intersection near between pedestrians and slow moving cars. section 2, many businesses and homes set out Most cars use the space to park, and most cars tables in their sheltered setbacks for residents remain parked; there is little evidence of cars to either dine or play games (Figure 4-7A). frequently moving in and out to make trips. Other similar semipublic pockets are occu- The design of the village accommodates this pied by a variety of domestic, economic, and rhythm of life through the scale and arrange- productive uses (Figure 4-7B, 4-7C). Yet, the ment of its physical typologies.
41 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
4 3b 3a 2 1 edge created by vehicles also blocks access; at 3a the first pocket park across from the temple at section 3b, the line of parked vehicles blocks easy access to the sparsely occupied open space. Street trees also occupy some portions of setbacks to create semipublic pockets. In spaces where ‘territorial’ markings are unclear as in section 4 and 5, cars are parked more sporadically, occupying semipublic space or 5’ 24’ 5 blocking the way.
3a In the narrower pedestrian-scale alleyways, larger setbacks are occasional and due to demolished buildings or a different building 4 line. Instead, the setback is usually the space marked by the step and overhead extension in front of the business. Some private setbacks are completely enclosed by a gate and garden walls. These spaces are usually filled with storage. Larger semipublic wedges are occu- pied by a variety of adaptations including 4 potted plants, space to display goods, and even a makeshift pool hall (Figure 4-9A). Because pockets with larger setbacks deep in the urban village are not common, businesses and resi- dents usually claim them with semi-permanent physical adaptations. Varied setbacks help 3.5’ 24’ 9’
42 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY create semipublic space for some buildings 7 5 6 without a step or overhead extensions, (Figure 5 4-9B) where two cafe tables mark additional seating space for the restaurant.
2. OVERHEAD EXTENSIONS AND STEPS
Along the street-width alleys, buildings with generous setbacks rely less on overhead exten- 5 sions and steps to mark the boundary for semi- public space. When there is no painted line or the painted line is directly on the building’s edge, overhead extensions and steps make 4’ 24’ 9’ a critical difference in the rate of unplanned adaptations. Most stairs up to the ground floor business are limited to 3-4 steps. This creates 6 an effective semiprivate space that allows a variety of adaptations; working around the 6 steps, a table with uneven legs will extend past the stairs, using its longer legs meeting the street to stay flat.
Semi-enclosed outdoor space often eliminates a transition between public and private space. Most enclosed spaces act as permanent barriers, creating private space for a residence’s storage. Figure 4-9 Left: Sections of alleyways at 3a and 4 In another example of a potential semiprivate Right: Sections of alleyways at 5 and 6 17’ 8’
43 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
A D G
B E H
C F J
Figure 4-10 Images of elements and activities
44 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY space becoming too separated from the public Practically, overhead elements and temporary of a pattern, since their thin profile can easily space, in section 5, a building is separated awnings protect store goods and furniture from sit next to a wall without impeding movement; by half a story of steps and railings, creating weather, so users do not need to constantly bikes and motorbikes parked perpendicular to an elevated private space. Those spaces are move their adaptations. This allows adapta- the wall though mark a semiprivate space as in not actively used and are further shielded by tions to become semi-permanent and regular, (Figure 4-9E). The benefit of semiprivate space plants and parked vehicles. As an exception in further establishing a claim over a disputable is that furniture and even hanging laundry can section 3a, a semi-enclosed balcony space in semiprivate space. be used to screen the interior slightly from the a residential building becomes an impromptu public thoroughfare while also maintaining an The delineation of the soft edge along older steamed bun shop. The enclosure is minimal active street front. buildings without these features is less clear. and at counter height, maintaining visibility The space is practically nonexistent and is Beyond economic or domestic functions of between the porch and alley. either left vacant, used as a wall to park a the soft edge, the narrow space is also used for Along the pedestrian scale alleyways, newer motorbike, or cluttered with storage. Heavy socialization in (Figure 4-9F) where someone and taller buildings tend to have built overhead storage is difficult to move and claims private passing by greets and has a conversation with extensions which create a thin semi-private space in the public zone while not promoting a neighbor in the business. The narrow space space. Often, this space is also stepped up from an active edge. This suggests when semiprivate also allows for an impromptu space to chat on the alleyway. Though the setback is very thin space is not marked well, users can still forc- either side of the alleyway. At another corner, (1-4 feet), the semiprivate space frequently has ibly claim public space with inactive storage. an umbrella claims additional semipublic some kind of physical adaptation. At the most space where chairs are arranged underneath Sometimes, smaller buildings will replicate the minimal (1 foot), people keep brooms, signs, (Figure 4-9G). A man on the other side of the sheltered effect of the built overhead extension chairs, and parked bikes in the space. At wider alley sits on a bike while a man who is passing either with temporary awnings or permanent scales, businesses often use the space to extend by stops to have a quick chat. Seating in the roof overhangs (Figure 4-9C, 4-9D). Buildings their floor space to place counter space or to semiprivate space is used for people watching with existing built overhead extensions will display goods. Counter spaces extending into from businesses, evident by the placement of also use temporary overhead awnings to further the semiprivate space allow store owners to the stools or a woman working outside on her extend their temporary claim to public space directly access customers from the alleyway front steps in front of her home for the daylight to create more perceived semiprivate space. and greet neighbors who might pass by. (Figure 4-9H, 409J). Motorcycles are usually parked without much
45 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
3. CORNERS AND ALLEY ENTRYWAYS ‘seeing and being seen.’ Corners seem to have an alluring quality for social activity: a man Along the street-width section of alleyways, sets up a chair at a corner and a small bench many semipublic wedges and convex corners at a small intersection is occupied by people are created by varied setbacks. Concave spaces watching pedestrians walk down the alleyway. can create sheltered semiprivate spaces, but Another explanation is that intersections are these spaces are not used much differently natural, regular meeting places, so sitting from the space created by overhead built somewhere with more traffic flow is an easy extensions and steps. way to talk to more neighbors. Corners in The convex wedges at the intersection are Nanshan-Nanyuan are not often occupied by used as social space. Right below the junction informal vendors; one vendor sets up his bike before section 5, a small wedge is created in with hard candies on sticks at a busier corner of front of a business; it is sometimes used as a a wide pedestrian entrance to the village from temporary gathering or social space, in this the main road. Most other entrances are either case for children playing (Figure 4-10A). As very narrow or dominated by parked cars. discussed before, at the juncture before Section While many corners are not used, the usage 2, a restaurant sets up tables and some tables pattern suggests corners are used more as very are used to play games. Behind the Nanshan temporary social or optional uses rather than temple plaza, an awkward juncture is used for commercial and domestic unplanned adap- as both space to play table games but also a tations that may occupy a space for hours. social space to do domestic chores together, 4. OPEN SPACES in this case sausage making. The corners and wedges of the juncture fronts different build- As the most active open space, the village ings and becomes an impromptu public space central plaza in Nanyuan was studied most for neighbors. Social activities might be more extensively. Three other less active spaces attracted to these spaces rather than confined were observed more intermittently because Figure 4-11 to more private spaces because people enjoy their use did not vary much. Ancestral temples Images of Nanyuan open space, taken from ‘D’
46 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY anchor all these spaces, yet only the Nanyuan Figure 4-12 temple had activity outside throughout the 3b Public Space Example Sections 3b and 7 day. Temples are either neglected and unused, used as community recreational space, or used for its original religious function. The deter- 4 3b 3a 2 1 mining factor between an active open space and inactive open space is the presence of an active edge with plenty of stores and residence entrances.
For the study, the 20m x 40m plaza was divided into subsections, A through E. Corner A faces 12’ 24’ 24’ the ancestral temple, section B fronts a few restaurants and a children’s arcade, and corner C fronts a restaurant and large tree. Sections D 7 and E have less active uses on the edge with 7 5 6 a corner store and a drinking water shipment business.
The use of the open space coincides with the daily rhythm of the village. Peak use during the weekdays is before lunch and before dinner C when homemakers were running errands and in D the early evening when people left their homes B to stroll and do other evening activities such as dancing. Observed number of users ranged from about 10 to 140. On average, peak day E A usage in good weather was around 90, and on a 8.5’ 17’ 8.5’
47 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN cloudy, cool day was around 65. On a pleasant same arcade in subsection B. In this case, the people sporadically used the space to dry evening, the plaza became crowded at around arcade becomes the de facto steward over the bulky, large comforters. On another occasion, 140 people. Passing traffic in and around the plaza; the manager sets out plastic chairs and the restaurant at corner C used the ledge on plaza ranged between 5 to 30 people. electric bumper cars, often running outside to the tree to store dirty dishes or placed a large tell children how to safely use the toy. Young round table outside to make sausages while The edges of the plaza are bordered by minimal children would also bring their own scooters an audience watched. Along the less active four inches curbs where many plaza visitors sit or toys, transforming the blank plaza into their D and E edges during an afternoon lull, a van or stand around. Unsurprisingly, during sunny, own playground space during the day. Lunch once pulled up into a niche behind a building cool days, good southern exposure concen- time use is lower than late morning use; while and unloaded goods. Another worker trans- trated ‘stayers’ on edges A and B. The good western public spaces are used for lunching, ferred goods to his moped before going into weather compounded with the active building Chinese people do not eat in public spaces. the village and then coming back out to load uses and active traffic flow in the adjacent more goods. A similar event happened near pedestrian alleyways concentrated use at A and During the evenings, the plaza can become Section 5, where a truck unloaded slaughtered B. Cloudier days have a more dispersing effect fully occupied. Two separate groups of dancers pigs for scooters to transport across the village. where people sat around edges with more foot occupied different corners of the space on either Thus during less active times, the blank plaza traffic. Around the plaza, village men tend end of the plaza, both playing their own music. is transformed temporarily for alternative to stand around, loiter, and socialize while Somehow, each group managed to follow their uses. During peak use times, the plaza is used around B. own music without being in conflict with the primarily for recreational and social uses. other. Between the groups of dancers, children The curbs prevent motorized traffic from of different age groups played out imaginary Off the map on page 38, Nanshan plaza also cutting across, making it a safe space for very scenarios with their shared toys while parents has a distinct schedule of use. The plaza is long young children to play. When running errands socialize on the edge. Both pedestrians and without a clear sight line throughout the whole during the day, mothers or grandparents would scooter drivers often stopped to watch the site due to a wall placed in front of the temple. often bring their children along and stop to action of the plaza before going on their way. The trapezoid space is 15m, 20m by 40m. rest in the plaza with groceries. Other mothers During the day, the space is used for restau- or grandparents brought their pre-elemen- When the plaza is less active during the day, rant preparation and parking. Pedestrian traffic tary aged children to the plaza to the arcade the space is used for domestic or economic through the rather long space is minimal, on while they sat on plastic chairs provided by the unplanned activities. On a sunny day, multiple
48 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY average, 2 people per minute. During the evening though, the whole plaza is taken over A D by colorful tents and larger restaurant seating (Figure 4-12B, 4-12C). Because most buildings and stores are small, larger family style dining is difficult to accommodate in small footprints. Outside, there is plenty of flexible space where cars can be moved and tents can house many large tables. Social spaces surprisingly occu- pied wedge spaces behind the temple (Figure B E 4-12A) instead of in the plaza.
Finally, there are two open spaces without much activity that contrast the previous two examples. At Section 3b, a pocket park is bisected by the street-width alleyway where cars are parked. Though the pocket park is pleasant, vegetated, and clean, it lacks any seating amenities. The temple is used more C F than the pocket park, since there are multiple ledges to sit on. Even though the ‘porch’ bun shop from the ‘Overhead Extension’ section is adjacent to the pocket park, it does not really activate the public space (Figure 4-12D). A successful example of a pocket park deeper in the village has many seating amenities Figure 4-13 and benefits from good light and ventilation Images of open space elements and activities
49 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN (Figure 4-12E). Another plaza without any spaces, preferring busy, established market active edges is poorly paved and cluttered areas. Patterns of use in open spaces shows with trash and storage (Figure 4-12F). These the compatibility between different uses and counter examples suggest basic maintenance, social groups; users are able to schedule and access, minimal seating amenities, and active place themselves around others with minimal edges are important factors that affect plaza issues. During less active times, open spaces usage. are used for less desirable activities such as drying laundry, cleaning dishes, or unloading SUMMARY freight. During peak usage, the area is safe for Two typologies of village alleyways show social and recreational activities. different usage patterns. Street-width alleys tend to have more variation in setback condi- ———————————————— tions which allow for a variety of unplanned adaptations to flourish in the different scales of semipublic niches. Pedestrian-width alleys and street-width alleys rely on the occasional aban- doned plots for larger adaptations. Businesses with minimal setbacks in both typologies estab- lish semiprivate spaces on the narrow frontage space created by a step and built overhead extension. While most unplanned ‘functional’ adaptations concentrate in these claimed semi- private edges, public spaces and ambiguous semipublic corners allow for more public, social uses. Because foot traffic is minimal in the residential context, informal vendors do not tend to use these ambiguous corners or open
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XINNAN VILLAGE: RENOVATED 1 2a 2b 3a3b 4a 4b 4c 5a 5b 6 7a 7b 8 ‘OLD BRIDGE’ MARKET ALLEYWAY AND BOTTLENECK The main north-south alleyway that runs through Xinnan Village (新南村） is the most commercial focused and busiest alleyway of the studied urban villages in Nanshan. Its name comes from an original bridge that remains at the heart of the market alleyway and central market space. The district-wide
“Eight Model Villages, Eight Model Streets” 9 10a 10b 10c 11 12 13a13b 13c program contributed to establishing a cohesive market identity to the alleyway.1 New pave- ment, street improvements, and uniform signs are the dominant environmental improve- ments. Only a small section past Section 13a is pedestrian-width. The south, street-width section has distinct separation of a ‘sidewalk’ level and ‘street’ level. Xinnan Village Market Alleyway is a model case study of the interac- tions between the historic urban village fabric and a formalized street environment interven- tion. Because the market is divided into two Qian Hai Road distinct sections by the main market area, we
urban village belt Road Xuefu 1 “南山8街道创建‘样板村、样板路’ 6月开工年底 完工,” SZNews.com, March 21, 2013, http://www.sznews. com/news/content/2013-03/21/content_7843460_2.htm. Figure 4-14 Xinnan coded plan of central market alleyway 51 Setback: None - 2’ Setback: 3’ - 4’ Setback: 5’ - 6’ Setback: Greater than 6’
Setback: None - 2’ Building: Step Setback: 3’ - 4’ Building: Overhead building Setback: 5’ - 6’ Building: Non-standard sign Setback:PUBLIC Greater REALM than 6’ USAGE IN INFORMALBuilding: AND Ground FORMAL Level SHENZHEN Extension
Setback: None - 2’ Building: Step Temporary: Ground object within street edge Setback: 3’ - 4’ Building: Overhead building Temporary: Ground object past Setback: 5’ - 6’ Building: Non-standard sign street edge 1 Setback: Greater than 6’ Building: Ground Level Extension Temporary: Overhead installation A Open space (see Table 1) Building: Step Temporary: Ground object within street edge Building: Overhead building 3a Temporary: Ground object past 3b 4a Building: Non-standard sign street edge 2a2b 4b 4c 5a 5b Building: Ground Level Extension Temporary: Overhead6 installation 7a 7b A A Open space (see Table 1) 8 Temporary:B Ground object within street edge Temporary: Ground object past C street edge Temporary: Overhead installation A Open space (see Table 1)
9 10a 10b 10c 11 12
13a 13b 13c D
52 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY
1 Semiprivate/public Zone Temporary Social and Recreational Temporary Economic and Domestic A Open space (see Open Space Table)
3a 2a2b 3b 4a 4b 4c 5a A 5b 6 7a B 7b 8 C
9 10a 10b 10c 11 12
13a 13b D 13c
Figure 4-15 Left: Xinnan coded plan of central market alleyway Right: Xinnan zone coded plan
53 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
1 2a 2b 3a3b 4a 4b 4c 5a 5b 6 7a 7b 8 01 02a 02b
10.5’ 21’ 21’ 5.5’
03a 03b 04a
9.5’ 10.5’ 5.5’ 21’
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04b
01 04a
21’ 02a 04b
04c
02b 04c
Figure 4-16 Left: Xinnan coded plan of central market alleyway 4.5’ 21’ 03a-b Right: Xinnan zone coded plan
55 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN can observe two sets of store behaviors on setback space between the main building to either end. The two market spaces differ the the alleyway, ranging from 1 foot to 10 feet. A most in their setbacks; the wide south section The aerial photo reveals an angle where the is jagged while the narrow north section alleyway cuts across the grain of the urban resembles a consistent, standard urban village village fabric. While the set back could remain commercial alleyway. The residual semipublic consistent, often times the result is a straight spaces that emerge from this interaction allow curb while the buildings continue to step as in and promote a diverse set of activities and terri- section 4c (Figure 4-16b). Varied setbacks also torial patterns for shops and informal vendors. come from random patterns of building foot- prints. Varied overhead construction and street CHARACTERISTICS OF LIFE B level building additions, as in sections 6 or 7a In a busy market alleyway, no space goes (Figure 4-17), further break apart the alley- to waste. Varying combination of elements way’s public realm. The highly articulated and reveal different types of activities and usage heterogeneous setbacks create different semi- patterns of the market scene. Distance from private spaces. the central market space often determines the type of business. High volume retail concen- Space with large setbacks that are bordered trates closer to the center while service-based by sections with short setbacks, are some- times filled with merchandise, storage, or stores are farther away. The market is busy all C day, starting in the late morning. Peak traffic other materials from the businesses that front is right before dinner when many visitors are onto the space. The ownership of these spaces buying groceries to cook with. is unclear. The space is less private than the step-overhead strip but is more private than 1. SETBACKS: RELATIONSHIP TO THE the wedges in Nanyuan. Because the spaces STREET are not regulated by the police who occasion- Figure 4-17 The most prominent feature of the street- ally walk by, they will be defined as mostly Examples of semiprivate and semipublic space from varying setbacks and a built overhead extension with width alleyway is the jagged nature of the semiprivate. an arcade
56 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY In busier sections of the market street, closer to Setbacks in between 3 feet and 6 feet resemble the market, they are not used as pedestrian the bridge, these spaces are used by completely a pedestrian sidewalk. If the setback is consis- thoroughfares. Often the width of the setback separate businesses, some licensed and some tent across large stretches, pedestrians will use between the curb and building becomes one not. Unlicensed businesses, according to one them as a walkway. The space is not minimal to two feet. Parked, personal cars become rare restaurant owner, come out during the early enough to allow a business to easily claim as the alleyway approaches the main market evening during peak traffic. Other uses of ownership of the turf but not large enough to space, so the roadways are used by pedes- these enclosures are for freight staging areas do anything particularly useful. These spaces trians. Occasionally, vehicles with goods share that blur public and private spaces. are used but the activities are more temporal. the road with pedestrians . Because of the The occasional parked scooter, box, or chair unintentional pedestrian and car shared space Minimal set backs, either right at the street or might occupy the space. But if this setback is on the street, the ‘sidewalk’ space between the narrower than 3 feet, force businesses to place interrupted by smaller setbacks, the semipri- building and curb can be used by businesses as merchandise past their semiprivate setback vate space will more likely be used. a storefront’s extension. and into the street. This type of behavior is more prevalent as the business types change 2. CURBS: RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN 3. OVERHEAD INSTALLATIONS AND and become closer to the main market, particu- STREET AND ‘SIDEWALK’ STEPS: BUILDING QUALITIES larly in the narrow market alleyway. Groceries, Throughout the alleyway, the street level stays In the Xinnan market alley, overhead construc- butchers, fish mongers, dry goods sellers, and consistently at 20 feet, enough for a parked car tion exists in two flavors, one a true arcade and general merchandise sellers depend on adver- and a passing car. Along its sides are curbed another a truncated version. These elements tising their wares directly to people walking by. sidewalks, rising at a standard level of about 3 also identify two different types of buildings, Enclosed businesses such as office services, inches. The sidewalks by design were meant as suggesting their construction happened at pharmacies, and a conventional convenience a way to separate traffic.2 In spaces where there different phases of development. Furthermore, store with similar minimal setbacks gener- are no curbs, to the north of the site, a yellow the true arcades align with the street while ally stay within their boundaries. The first set painted line marks the boundary between buildings with a truncated upper section align of merchants serve customers directly in the public right of way and the pedestrian space or with the urban village fabric. Examples of true public realm, adding to the alley’s chaotic, store space. In practice, because the width of arcade buildings are sections 3a, 4a. The upper market character. the sidewalk is largely inconsistent throughout stories overhang by 5-6 feet over a curbed sidewalk (Figure 4-16c). 2 Ibid.
57 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
10a 10b 10c 13a13b 13c 1 2a 2b 3a3b 4a 4b 4c 5a 5b 6 7a 7b 8 9 11 12 05a 05b
23’ 6.5’ 21’ 6.5’
06 07a 07b
13’ 21’ 2.5’ 8’ 21’ 3.5’ 19’ 3.5’
58 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY
08
05a 07b
33’ 05b 08
09
06 09
Figure 4-18 Sections 05a to 09 with corresponding images. 8’ 17’ 2.5’ 07a
59 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
10a 10b 10c 13a13b 13c 9 11 12 10a 10b
4.5’ 17’ 6’ 9.5’ 17’ 5’
10c 11 12
4.5’ 17’ 12’ 4.5’ 17’ 6.5’ 3.5’ 17’ 6.5’
60 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY
13a
10a 12
14’ 10b 13a
13c 13b
10c 13b-c
Figure 4-19
14’ Sections 10-13 with corresponding images. 14’ 11
61 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN The truncated version applies to most of the more intimately scaled frontage space (Figure taller urban village buildings. The space under 4-17). The overhangs typically are placed A the truncated overhang is semiprivate space right above the door. When the ground level and is occupied by the many objects sitting on extends past ten feet, as in section 4a, 4b, and the steps. Usage pattern does not stop at the 4c, awnings might be placed at 9 feet. The end of the step though. Boxes often balance installation of temporary, closer to the ground on the step, pushing a little bit into the public shelter creates an intimately scaled semipri- realm (Figure 4-16a). Butcher’s elongated vate space. Temporary overhead objects also table rest on small concrete blocks, halfway in extend semiprivate space past the setback or the building and halfway onto the sidewalk or shelter a larger setback. The very wide butch- B street. er’s table was shaded by awnings and extended out from the building footprint, as is in section The usage of the 3-6 foot wide arcade space 9. Small counter service eateries placed their is not as consistent. Because the arcade space movable metal counters right at the edge to extends the length of a small city block, it serve customers directly on the street while the is often used as an actual pedestrian space, prep zone is within the building. Both perma- instead of semiprivate space. But because nent and temporary overhead installations arcade-type spaces are farther from the main are critical tools to extending perceptions of C market, the types of businesses vary as well. a private storefront’s stewardship over semi- These businesses might have less reason to private-semipublic space in the public realm. intrude into the public realm. These tools allow certain businesses to reach Occasionally, these protruding overhead their customers right on the street rather than spaces are supplanted by temporary over- head objects, either umbrellas or awnings that Figure 4-20 Examples of vendors operating outside a store. ‘A’ extend from the store signs. Permanent, uncon- sits in a semiprivate space. B extends an additional ventional, large signs, such as the department layer of produce to sell on the street, claiming tem- porary space. C claims a corner. store in section 6, also extend a business’s
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Section Setback Blt. Overhead Grnd. Extention Overhead Adaptn. GroundAdaptn. (semiprivate) Ground Adaptn. (ambiguous) 1 3 / 0 2a 0 / 3 2b 5.5/5.5 3a 9.5/5.5 3b 3.5/5.5 4a 3/(open) 4b 4.5/2-4.5 5a 0/3.5 5b 3/6.5 6 8/3.5 7a 6/3.5 7b 13/2.5 8 (open) 9 8/2.5 10a 9.5/10 10b 4.5/12 10c 4.5/12 11 4.5/6.5 12 3.5/6.5 13a 5.5/0 13b 0/0 13c 0/0 *Setback in feet.
Table 4-1 - Summary of sections and physical elements, activity in each space.
63 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
Open Space Main Use Formal Elements Intersection A: South Entrance Parking, Dining Tree, Temple, Parking spaces Outside of village B: Pocket Park Socializing, Play Trees, Benches Small alleys C: Central Intersection Garbage, Socializing, Market Tree, Bollards E-W Central alley D: Main Market Space Market, Socializing Bollards, Bridge Service alley and formal street conducting business inside the tight quarters in additions further muddle private and public a nook, as in Section 7b, or part of a natural the urban village’s buildings. realm space, since they fully extend to the jagged edge created by the angle between the curb. These mostly permanent additions are alleyway and the grid of the urban village, as 4. GROUND FLOOR BUILDING EXTEN- SIONS either built (a) without permission, (b) built in Sections 10a through 10c. Perpendicular with special permission by some authority, (c) entrances to the market alleyway also break Large stores like supermarkets and department owned outright by the business, or (d) preex- the street edge and creates convex corners with stores further from the central market space isting to the curb. Whatever the process, they more exposure, as in Section 11. require more space than smaller, more special- contribute to the jagged nature of the setbacks ized stores. Often these larger businesses are The concave corner compounds the private and disrupt the sidewalk as a pedestrian thor- at the corner entrances of urban villages and sheltering effects of the other elements, trans- oughfare. This allows neighboring businesses in newer constructions. For Xinnan, the main forming semipublic space to semiprivate. At to claim public realm space as well but with entrance to the alleyway to the south is still one point in Section 4c, a business creates a more temporary store installations in semi- occupied by smaller, older buildings, a resi- window at the end of an arcade to help service public space. dential fence, and construction walls for the the stall that sits against it. The concave corner new road. The north entrance is occupied 5. CORNERS AND ALLEY ENTRYWAYS is the most likely spot for a business to extend by the narrow end of the main market, so a Jagged street edge create sheltered concave outwards. The corner can also be used for large supermarket would be redundant on corners. An extreme example of multiple more permanent storage rather than a tempo- this end. Further away from the main market, corners aggregating is Section 4c. Many other rary selling space. a few large stores extend past the existing sections show a space created between the cut Perpendicular entrances into the market building footprint and into the setback zone line in the front and a building protruding in alleyway are either gated or open. Most gated with a makeshift plaster construction. These the back; in plan, this would either be part of
64 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY entrances deliberately start at the street edge A C instead of being flush with their neighboring buildings. The setback building either has a first story extension or a built fence, asin Sections 10a. These built out spaces create a concave corner condition as well as the convex corner at the entrance. In cases closer to the market, the corners are adapted by temporary vendors who have mobile merchandise. Partic- B D ularly at Section 11, edges next to gate open- ings that do not have a store front are occupied by layers of vendors. These corners provide shelter to the backside but offers an advanta- geous spot to reach customers (Figure 4-18b, 4-18c).
6. OPEN SPACES D B There are four open spaces that punctuate the alleyway: the southern entranceway, the pocket park, the main intersection, and the marketplace next to the old bridge. Along the alleyway, spontaneous social interactions were not common beyond shopkeeper and customer interactions. This differs from other urban villages where a group of people might sit or Figure 4-21 Images of open space, labeled A-D. Within D, there stand in front of a store as a frequented hang are different conditions produced by the bridge. out spot. The difference is probably a result
65 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN of the market being too busy to slow down The pocket park is sheltered from the alleyway, to have a chat. These four open public spaces so there is much less opportunity to people A illustrate the need for dedicated open space to watch. Children and parents with toddlers create social space absent in the market alley. sometimes played in the pocket park, but its usage was sparse and sporadic compared to Spaces with plants or built-in seating attract other studied open spaces. Vehicles park along older groups. Large planted trees adorned the park’s edge, and cones suggest some kind with ritual objects correspond with neigh- of ownership or claim over a space, though boring temples. The entrance plaza space the mechanism is unclear. In the afternoons, acts more like an intersection of two alley- a group will sit in the entrance to the pocket B ways with parking, but certain spots allow park, blocked by police vehicles. Their solu- for social activities. One restaurant during tion was to sit in the police van and chat while evenings placed tables at the corner, marked also being able to engage in conversation with A, and along the edge of the temple, marked neighbors who might pass by. B. On some occasions the restaurant would lay orange cones along the temple edge to prevent The third public space is the major intersection cars from parking. A potted plant during the of a primary east-west connection. A garbage day marked the corner to prevent cars from collection facility is occasionally serviced by C turning too close into the restaurant. Despite the shared road-pedestrian space in the middle. being quite exposed, the temple’s circular tree Bollards in the third public space also act as seating provides enough safe space for people impromptu seating. A typical urban village to sit and watch others walk by. Also, car turn- ancestral temple sits behind the trash shed, over is minimal, so the space is pleasant for and its ancestral, large tree has seating on its restaurant goers and sitters. On the left edge, perimeter with a small incense burner at its two, small food counter service stores occupy base. Though less pleasant than the first two Figure 4-22 Images B, C are of the same location, one in the diagonal nooks, allowing patrons to eat and spaces, it was frequented by older men from morning, the other early evening. Spatial negotiation chat away from the flow of traffic. the village whose presence fluctuated with the and congestion are issues of management of semi- private and public space.
66 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY large garbage truck, parked cars, and logistics open. Many of these part-time vendors actu- need to be separated to coexist. While sanita- vehicles that maneuver through the space. On ally participate in cross-border trade, buying tion services are critical to the function of the other occasions, vendors might set up shop ‘safer’ goods in bulk in Hong Kong before village, when it is not in use, it is a social space temporarily, such as a woman selling clothes selling it in Shenzhen.3 The arrangement of for the ancestral temple and village. from a portable clothes rack. the vendors creates an implied edge for the SUMMARY right of way (Figure 4-20d). The central market space is between the larger The market alleyway gains its identity from stretch of street-styled alleyway to the south Unlike the alleyways, the edges of these open the soft edge adaptations that allow diverse and the narrow market alley to the north. The spaces are not fronted by businesses who have merchants and vendors to conduct business, open space is occupied by the temple entrance, implied or legal claim over their store front a neighborhood-scale linear supermarket. the original bridge, and the market intersection. space. Other sections of these open spaces are Whether intentionally or accidentally designed, The bridge is a continuation of the alleyways sheltered from the flow of traffic, providing the jagged setbacks creates numerous oppor- and acts as the main thoroughfare. The temple comfortable space to socialize or bring chil- tunities for businesses to use their store front entrance is separated from the raised bridge, dren. The market intersection is a dynamic space creatively, whether to better access and has seating for socializing and stopping. and flexible space example, where instead of customers from the street, provide restaurant Along its raised banisters, vendors from the heavy furniture, goods are sold from easily seating, or allow informal vendors to sell their directly adjacent market or unlicensed vendors packable carts and trucks, possibly under a goods. A business has a variety of options from place their goods along it to sell. The use of the storable umbrella. Multiple crate, styrofoam the varied setbacks to locate themselves. They bridge is a surprising adaptation and illustrates pallets, tents, and furniture in contrast, are might consider what building characteristics that articulation through street furniture can deployed by businesses that only have to move they would prefer, or how they would adapt yield interesting results in the right context. their goods back so far. the building and frontage space to suit their The open intersection then extends out into The mobility of these businesses is important need. two supporting service alleys, both large when confronted by enforcement agents or a enough for vehicles to pass. At the main junc- Quite likely, the physical form helps diverse vehicle that needs to pass through. The dyna- tion, many temporary vendors bring carts of businesses with different needs to thrive. A mism of the space allows uses that might goods. Others sell directly from vehicles in the uniform street edge might function well, yet a 3 hefusheng, “图说深圳: 大板桥巷,” www.sznews.com, uniform edge would provide less opportunity June 29, 2014.
67 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN for the creative interventions that allow a shop or move around. Non-separate spaces also possibly a result of reinvestment in envi- business to quickly transform their space at a for vehicles and pedestrians creates conflicts, ronmental improvements, funded by the 2013 low cost. Similarly, informal vendors rely on evidenced by the constant loud honking that “Eight Model Villages, Eight Model Streets” awkward spaces such as convex corners or pervades the alleyway near the congested main though the spacious alleyway itself, from open spaces to enter the market. These part- market. satellite imagery in 2008, has been in existence time vendors appear intermittently to sell goods before the program. ———————————————— to possibly pad their other income sources. CHARACTERISTICS OF LIFE For villagers, extra retail income supplements TONGXIA VILLAGE: INTERSECTION rental income while also providing a way to The streetlife characteristics of the pedestri- OF NEW AND OLD FABRICS: CON- an-scale market alley is similar to Xinnan. The past time; in a separate village, Baishizhou, STANT RENEWAL one villager says he makes rental income but wide pedestrian mall is similar to Nanyuan 通下村 still enjoys selling his crafts on the street. The Tongxia Village ( ) section of the with its wide open spaces for recreational and In the village’s limited spaces, open spaces urban village belt includes a main, updated social uses. display a flexibility that allows different uses pedestrian mall that then terminates at a junc- tion of pedestrian-scale alley ways. The pedes- In a booklet of a 2010 Shenzhen Planning to occupy the same space at different times of publication for the Nan Shan District, an urban the day and week. Most likely, the physical trian mall acts as a break between the ‘new’ gridded, 7-8 story urban village from the ‘old’ renewal plan for a new mixed-use redevelop- arrangement and diverse nature of the urban ment has been approved with compensation village market is a part of its success, a popular more irregular fabric. From the intersection, the east-west alleyway is busiest with commercial packages already set up for displaced villagers. and lively space described by some netizens Because of the delay in the clearing process, on a Shenzhen forum.4 activity while buildings along the pedestrian mall form a continuous edge with minimal the village is a case study in the usage of public Yet often the spaces can become too congested variation. Continuing north goes through a less realm space during its redevelopment process. when merchants ignore the right of way and busy commercial alleyway with portions of the Behind the active market space, many of the extend past the curb (Figure 4-21). The loose- buildings already demolished or covered in buildings have already been demolished. The ness of boundaries becomes the market’s scaffolding to be demolished. The pedestrian crutch when customers cannot stand still to mall has different paving, seating amenities, Figure 4-23 Coded plan of Tongxia Alleyway on bottom and Ped. and street trees from the other alleyways and is 4 Ibid. mall on top
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02
1 2 3 A 01 B
03
04a 04b
4a,b 4c
04c
03
04a 04b 04c
Qian Hai Road
urban village belt Road Xuefu
69 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN uncertain transitionary state allows unplanned 02 users to enter the space at a low cost.
SEMIPRIVATE SPACE: SETBACKS, A STEPS, AND OVERHEAD EXTENSIONS 01
The wide pedestrian mall has two regular
edges whose semiprivate spaces are delineated B by the presence of physical steps, a change in material, or the built over extension. The pedes- trian mall is subdivided into distinct sections 03 by octagonal bench-tree planters and parking spaces. Along the intimate 7 foot pedestrian Semiprivate/public Zone way along the western edge, setbacks are 04a Temporary Social and Recreational 04b consistently 7 feet total, where 5 feet of plat- Temporary Economic and Domestic form space then steps down to the ground as A Open space (see Open Space Table) in Section 1. The western edge is divided by 04c railings between buildings and a language of ‘veranda’ architecture through the colonnade and trussing. Businesses use these spaces for advertising space, space to sell goods, counter 03 space, space for customers to wait for an order, and cafe seating. Benches are occupied by a diverse set of people, and some of the stores’ 04a 04b 04c activities use the benches. One restaurant has put out a table for extra seating where regulars chat for prolonged periods of time and play cards. The supermarket at the entrance corner
70 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY sets crates of produce on the benches. The 1 2 3 combination of the trees, benches, and veran- 1 da-style semiprivate space creates a vibrant street life on the western edge, the side most pedestrians choose to walk on.
On the eastern edge, the setback space is mostly 3 feet, marked by the overhead exten- sion. Near the corner of the entrance to the 1 pedestrian mall, a supermarket uses steps that extend their setback beyond 3 feet to about 5-7 feet. While the western edge is about 3/4 occu- pied with adaptations in its semiprivate space, 3’ 8’ 17’ 17’ 4’ the eastern edge feels exposed and is only 1/4 used and even sparser when the setback is at 3 feet. One restaurant with more room manages 2 to put out cafe tables and blue plastic stools; a department store further down is compara- tively timid with its placement of its goods, 2 considering how merchants in Xinnan nego- tiate the boundary between their semiprivate space and public right of way despite a phys- ical curb marking the boundary. Most notice- ably, the space lacks any temporary overhead awnings; the building’s structure or neighbor- Figure 4-24 hood regulation might prohibit these additions. Left: Zone plan of Tongxia Alleyway and Ped. mall Right: Sections of alleyways at 1 and 2. The amount of room to walk is at least 20 feet 3’ 8’ 10’ 36’ 13’
71 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
4a,b 4c 3
3
25’ 10’ 3’ 9’ 3’ 4a 4b 4c 4a-b
14’ 14’ 14’ 10’ 10’ 10’ 4c
72 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY and is certainly ample for a moving car and lane street-width pedestrian mall, even when pedestrian to occupy the space comfortably. there is not a lot of unpleasant traffic, suggests Because the business lacks any steps, curbs, provided semiprivate spaces and setbacks need ability to add awnings, or painted lines, the to be in scale with the adjacent thoroughfare, existing overhead extension is likely the busi- lest they become overexposed and underuti- ness’s best approximation for the semiprivate lized. Because the western edge is subdivided boundary. The pedestrian mall is capped by from the open area of the pedestrian mall, its a crescent shaped plaza and a temple, where generous semiprivate spaces are sheltered and walking space narrows considerably to 10 feet. more frequently used. A The change in setback allows a propane tank In the pedestrian-width alley, varied setbacks business to set up a makeshift loading dock that created semipublic wedge spaces were for its delivery bike. During the evenings, the used very similarly to the alleys in Nan Yuan. corner restaurant opens and sets up a barbecue Steps and overhead extensions, either built or station in the sunken temple area, as in Section temporary, allowed businesses to create semi- 2, and places seating at the corner between the private extensions to display goods or put temple, restaurant and an entrance to a perpen- seating. Overhead extensions often push far dicular alley. While the pedestrian mall rarely into the walking space of the alleyway (Figure has car traffic, mopeds and motorcycles do B 4-24a). But because the alleyway is closer to speed down, which may explain the inactive the district’s commercial, civic, and cultural semiprivate space. The amount of vacancies center, the alleyway is much busier with and blank edges (a closed kindergarten) may commercial uses than social uses. The largest also contribute to the lack of activity in the difference is the presence of many informal businesses still left, since activating a whole street edge has a positive feedback mechanism Figure 4-25 where activity attracts more activity. The lack Left: Sections 3-4c Right: A, C Illustrative images of created temporary of activity on the very thin strip of semipri- semiprivate space. B Temporary vendor occupying vate space relative to the large scale of the 2 a corner. C
73 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN vendors in varied setbacks in front of closed floor space into the alleyway (Figure 4-24c). businesses. Many were present during the day, Smaller vendors seem to position themselves but the alley was fully active by the evening on convex corners which have the most visual when snack stands move in. exposure when moving through the alleyway. An egg seller positions themselves at the CORNERS AND ABANDONED EDGES corner of an established business. A produce Reinforcing previous findings, convex seller uses the stepped corner of a closed busi- corners created by varied setbacks encourage ness to set up a line of produce. These aban- unplanned adaptations of space. The western doned edges have allowed new businesses or A edge of the pedestrian mall created more the original business that was displaced) to set niches and corners using railing. The temple up at low start up costs. The flexible structure on the eastern edge created corner conditions of these businesses also allow them to open that allowed a restaurant to set up an inter- when they make their peak earnings instead of esting layout that spanned across an alley paying for space for times with less revenue; entrance and into the sunken temple space. most snack carts and trinket sellers come out Due to the demolition process, many build- later in the evening when all age groups tend to ings along the alleyway are actually empty. stroll around outside. A snack cart even appro- B Because many semiprivate spaces have lost priates a wall and places cafe seating along it. their steward, new informal vendors tempo- Dead edges from empty shells during the day rarily occupy the space. Some are attracted to are suddenly transformed into a vibrant alley the sheltered convex corners created by varied of flashing lights and smells. Because most of setbacks, including a woman selling eggs from the abandoned are filled with lighting, tempo- a basket (Figure 4-24b). An entire produce rary furniture, and overhead installations, a stand occupies the semiprivate space created by a step and built overhead space; the busi- Figure 4-26 ness even installed a large awning to expand its Examples of abandoned edges and corners filled with adaptive use along a narrow, busy alleyway C
74 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY visitor barely notices that the village is actu- ally slowly being vacated.
OPEN SPACE AND AMENITIES
The observations from the two different typol- ogies paints two almost contradictory analyses of how best to design open space.
In the well-maintained pedestrian mall, its A D success lies largely in its use of trees and benches to subdivide space. The result is a lively, western edge and a less active, overex- posed eastern edge. Amenities used in diverse ways and are adapted for new purposes. The benches become extra seating for a village with an addition of a table; the bench space becomes a desk for children who sit on the ground to do their homework (Figure 4-26a). Street trees B E are used as poles to tie drying laundry and a hammock for lounging. The crescent shaped plaza uses simple metal barriers to block vehi- cles from entering but also provides temporary seating for the many mothers who visit. The
Figure 4-27 Images of two different open spaces. One is filled with optional, recreational, and social uses due to its many amenities. The other is vacant but overtaken by informal vendors on some days by the evening. C F
75 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN plaza is on average occupied by 30 people recreational and optional activities. Without some people socialize near the trees, but the during the late morning and stays around 15 these elements, users would either not be able informal vendors tend to concentrate around through the day until the evening. Sometimes, to adapt the space (hang a hammock) or would that ‘empty’ commercial plaza. visitors will borrow chairs from the corner be less inclined to adapt the space. The contrasting public realms highlights the snack shop and align them along the railing In contrast, a plaza around the corner, whose importance of diversity in typologies of space to have conversations more easily (Figure surfacing is uneven and dirty, is empty for where both spaces contribute to the overall 4-26b). Visitors tend to prefer the metal railing most of the day. It has poor orientation and village life. Social uses cannot flourish in because the open space is pleasantly sunny and receives no sunlight (Figure 4-26d). The space such an unpleasant space during the day, and warm in contrast to the seating under the trees. has no amenities and is generally vacant during instead, informal vendors can occupy the Many of these mothers have babies while the day. But a few hours later, the boundary space and liven it up. The pedestrian mall stays others let their older children run about in the between the plaza’s discolored pavement and relatively clean and relaxing without vendors open space of the plaza. A few visitors sit along the alleyway slowly becomes occupied with cluttering space with trash. the crescent in the shade to watch the action of vendors (Figure 4-26e). Some vendors use the street and plaza. The sunken temple space ———————————————— minimal adaptation, using a blanket, crate, is also an exciting space to play for children. or basket. Others bring mobile metal carts Some children play tag while others bring their that bring along gas and electricity to power own toys to play on the ramps (4-26c). The their snack stand. Some bring entire tents plaza acts as a landmark and a meeting place and tables, creating a makeshift market. By for some neighborhood kids who run back 6:30pm, the space is completely transformed, home to find their roller skates. Because these and the plaza is incredibly lively as informal public realm improvements are located within vendors set up and restaurants set out tables, the village and close to an active edge of semi- similar to Nanshan (Figure 4-26f). private uses, many users probably feel more at ease to adapt and create new opportunities During the evenings, the pedestrian mall and from amenities. Rather than constraining, the crescent plaza actually becomes dark and addition of amenities and physical articula- less active. A group of dancing women do tion allows for an even more diverse range of adapt the crescent plaza later at night, and
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FORMAL SPACES: FORMAL midpoint, a pedestrian bridge spans the road. STREETS, COMMERCIAL OPEN Half of the road’s edges are occupied by SPACES, PUBLIC OPEN SPACES towers on top of shorter block-sized buildings at the street edge. These ground level sections Documenting activity in formal spaces around of the building are filled with stores. Other the urban villages gives further basis to the edges are occupied by large towers that did significance of the physical elements’ effects not have a ground level building that meets the on public realm activity. Though the context is street edge. The setbacks for these buildings different, the typologies used to describe alley- are greater than 20 feet, and the street section A ways can also be used to study formal streets. is subdivided very distinctly into different ‘Formal’ refers to the streetscape that was combinations of: a building’s frontage space, planned or built by private developers, most pedestrian space, a cycling lane, and a buffer. likely following city code and went through an The building frontage space is either parking approval process. The documentation process or an arcade of shops. Farther away from the will quickly highlight what unplanned activi- subway stop, setback space in these wide street ties occur and how semiprivate space is estab- sections are less used, probably a consequence lished for each public realm example. The goal of the lack of active edges. The wide street in comparing these two contexts is to estab- section disperses pedestrians, and the sidewalk B lish whether urban villages as a phenomenon feels empty. Even with semipublic space for produce a unique set of unplanned adaptations. buildings, frontage space is instead filled with FORMAL STREET SECTION parking, further blocking an indoor-outdoor streetscape relationship. Qianhai Road is a wide 6 lane arterial road, and its blocks span the entire lengths of the Figure 4-28 studied villages. The superblock runs 400 Examples of formal street sections. A is filled with meters adjacent to Daxin and 550 meters adja- human-scaled amenities and smaller businesses. B is blank and void of activity. C is used by a line of car cent to Xinnan. At the Xinnan superblock’s repair shops. C
77 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN Closer to the subway stop, the street section is space and where cars block access to build- more active. The reordering of space concen- ings, street life disappears. trates pedestrians closer to the building’s edge. Public realm space at the entrances or edges of In the arcade space, pedestrians walk under a urban villages have a high rate of unplanned sheltered walkway lined with businesses in a adaptations. Many workshops line the outside shopping mall, while parking fills the space of Xinnan and Nanyuan villages. These busi- between the arcade and street. nesses use the construction fence to store flat Another streetscape has no cars and instead construction materials and to hang laundry A consists of small street level businesses, street (Figure 4-28a). Smaller buildings follow the trees, a ‘bike’ lane, and a planted buffer to the original urban village grid and create semi- road (Figure 4-27a). The entrances are shel- public wedge spaces also used for outdoor tered and stepped up. The street trees inter- business space and socializing along the edges rupt pedestrian flow and extend the stores’ of busy roads (4-28b). At the corner entrances semipublic ‘canopy’ which is occupied by to villages, high pedestrian flow encourages restaurant space and produce crates. Despite informal vendors to concentrate. Many men being adjacent to fast moving traffic, sufficient on motorcycles wait in the entrance space to planted buffers mitigate the effect and help pick up rides. Other vendors are very mobile, B to create an edge with active street life. This including a fortune teller and vendors on bikes. example of a designed sidewalk space along At the edge of Baishizhou, the activity around an active edge of narrow stores resembles the the subway stop and entrance to the village active soft edge pedestrian alleyway. Porosity, creates a busy streetscape. Despite many open referring to the density of entrances, articula- spaces lacking semiprivate space on its edges, tion, and transparency of the edge are critical Figure 4-29 factors to promote adequate layers of semipri- Examples of activity at the thresholds between urban villages and the formal, urban fabric. B is an vate space and an active street life. In contrast, example of an ‘edge’ plaza on the street and does along homogenous edges with no semiprivate not see much active use despite being adjacent to the village. C is a wedge, residual space. C
78 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY spherical bollards allow different groups of people occupy the space for social use. This is in contrast to an edge plaza in Nanshan; because the plaza is not along a logical flow of people, it is underused. These ambiguous spaces are used as flexible adaptation space for vendors and socialization, similar to the many convex corners observed at intersections in the alleys. C FORMAL OPEN SPACE The two studied open spaces were a depart- A ment store’s public space and a cultural-civic public space. The department store’s open space is subdivided into multiple spaces. At the B entrance to the department store, an elongated plaza sits directly adjacent to an edge of open air restaurant and cafe seating. Adjacent to the shopping plaza is a plaza with many planted trees, an urban oasis. Moving through the main 200 ft walkway, the space meets a water feature and a shaded concrete structure. The shopping plaza, urban oasis, and main walkway are well used while the concrete structure is more sporadi- cally used. Figure 4-30 Qian Hai Road Studied formal open space plan. The commercial
plaza is A. The cultural sports plaza is C and the tree urban village plaza is B. belt Road Xuefu
79 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
COMMERCIAL OPEN SPACE department store’s plaza also has a licensed toy vendor who acts at the ‘steward’ for the plaza The shopping plaza has more users than in addition to the department store’s security the other edges of the department store that guards. He sits on a corner of the entrance to face streets. These large setbacks are usually the plaza to the walkway that connects the rest empty besides an evening rush of motorcy- of the park (Figure 4-29a). The toys he sells clists waiting to pick up potential passengers activate the plaza as parents buy toys for kids (2 images). Each edge has a separate entrance to play with in the plaza. Different kids share to the department store. The most significant toys and are safe to play while parents take a A different between these two groups of edges break on benches and ledges to socialize. The is the presence of traffic, foliage, and active presence of a steward who provides additional indoor-outdoor edges. The commercial plaza amenities to a public space is very similar to also has benches and comfortable ledges to sit Nan Yuan. The toy vendor improves the space on. Because the street edges are over exposed and also monitors the children, mostly to make and have limited semiprivate space for busi- sure the toys are paid for. He also plays loud nesses besides the McDonald’s awning, it music which livened the plaza and drowned remains devoid of all types of uses. Throughout out traffic noises. When another vendor tried the neighborhood, empty commercial corners to start selling in the same plaza, he enforced B are a result of blank edges and over exposure, his claim to the space. In contrast, the concrete since visitors do not find the place pleasant shelter has no active edges and no comfortable to stay in (Figure 4-30). Diagonal from the amenities. The pond does have fish and chil- KFC and at another McDonald’s, the setback dren and parents often kneel over to watch. In is slightly narrower and part of the pedestrian flow, so the street edge is active with many activities including evening dancing and Figure 4-31 conversations. Amenities and other details are Examples of different commercial open spaces be- tween the street and building. Providing shelter and important to attract use as well. Finally, the articulation are critical to promoting streetlife. C
80 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY one case, an old man fished in the pond with his grandchildren.
Directly from the entrance to the department store and plaza, a central walkway moves into two , quiet tree lined plaza spaces on other sides. The spaces have seating areas and then more secluded paths through denser planting before going to the street. In the secluded area, A B some people walk through while different people find it a sheltered spot to nap. A group of delivery people from a mobile app delivery service also use the space to wait before getting orders at the nearby restaurants and cafes. The seated plaza space is active with women and very young children who use the seating space to relax and socialize. During peak usage, the space was occupied by about 15 people. B C Because the ledge is mostly continuous but in different sections, groups can occupy the longer spaces while individuals on cell phones or couples shift to the side for more privacy. Socializing goes beyond acquaintances and friends; in one occasion mothers who were previously strangers talked about their kids in a short conversation. People also bring snacks to Figure 4-32 eat and stay in the space for prolonged periods Images from the series of varying commercial open spaces, from open and social, to an urban oasis. D
81 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN of time, more than half an hour. In the morn- Across a two lane street, a large open plaza own music and practice more modern break ings and throughout the day, the space is used with an oval green space is adjacent to the dancing. A wedge space created by the plaza’s for exercise such as tai chi or strolling. Oddly, nadetorium, fitness center, and auditorium. entrance allows a man to set up a roller skating the other side is structured similarly but is less class with cones. He also brings plastic chairs The tree plaza is well used for relaxation and active. The space is slightly more exposed and to allow parents to wait, socialize, and watch social uses throughout the day and evening a homeless man sleeps there, but the space is their children. particularly in good weather. On average, usually used by more men than women. The 55 people use the space during peak hours. The large sports-cultural plaza is bordered walkway’s ledges are also a popular space for On sunny days, people organize themselves by a narrow, low-medium traffic street to younger people to sit. Some young people set in the daylight while during overcast days, the south, a major road to the east, and by up tables to advertise businesses or hand out people arrange themselves along major flows the complex’s buildings to is west and north promotions; an informal vendor sets up a table of pedestrian that use the plaza as a shortcut. (Figure 4-29). The plaza is continuous under at the corner before the concrete plaza. During While the seating is continuous, but the a large canopy that connects the building to the evenings, groups of middle age dancers different layers allow people to self organize connect to all edges of the large (150m - 275m), occupy the concrete structure and corner. The themselves in their own spaces. The seating oblong shaped block. Thus, access is decent, urban oasis pockets are poorly lit and empty. also wraps back around in an auditorium and crossing is manageable (3-4 lanes), except The commercial plaza has too much pedestrian configuration to shelter the tree plaza (Figure across the eastern road, Nan Shan Big Road, flow for a group of dancers to set up and play 4-32). Continuous steps also allow children which has 8 lanes. The plaza is mostly one music. to play and run along the wide seating space large, flat surface. The space has no benches, CIVIC OPEN SPACE without disturbing other sitters. This plaza but it does have a series of steps between the space is used for play during the day, and main plaza and the sub-level swimming pool, Across the street from the department store’s used by a very large group of dancers during where vegetation blocks visibility between the series of public space, there are a series of the night. These ‘meditative’, low impact two areas. The canopy shades a large portion cultural and civic buildings, including a library, dancers take up a majority of the space, and of the plaza’s western and northern edges. An future museum, and sports-auditorium center. the trees allow ‘edge dancers’ to join in at their oval shaped lawn on the south east corner is There are two primary spaces. Adjacent to the own pace without fully joining. Behind other roped off and seldom used, probably to allow library, a level plaza is filled with planted trees trees a group of younger dancers put on their for the grass to ‘heal’ for later recreational use and amphitheater arranged wooden seating.
82 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY in the spring/summer. Vegetation and trees are used to block visibility between the main plaza from service areas and other emergency egresses. There is a cafe tucked away in the north-south passage that cuts through the site.
Though the space is very large, groups self organize themselves along the edges during the day (Figure 4-32). Pedestrian and bicycle A C flow on the edges and on a ‘shortcut’ diagonal that subdivides the plaza into wedges that are then adapted by different groups including picnicking, dancing, aerobics, and a dog walking group who let their dogs socialize and run off leash. Relaxing users layer out from the small steps next to the pool. Physical adaptations are nonintrusive, including picnic blankets and plastic benches. In the large open B D spaces allow roller skaters, skateboarders, and scooters to freely move around at fast speeds. Use is not as regulated as the austere space, signs, and various security kiosks might suggest. A sign prohibits dogs from using the space, yet the plaza is a popular meeting place for neighboring dog owners. Finally, Figure 4-33 during large events, people congregate in Images from the main civic plaza and the tree plaza across the street. groups along paths of pedestrian flow. People E
83 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN also congregate on the edges and near anchor (Figure x). All the observed spaces were also inaccessible to urban village residents. A mix objects such as a fire hydrant or street tree. sheltered and relatively easily accessible; most of high quality open spaces with amenities to of the adjacent roads were only 4 lanes. Blank, protect against disuse can be balanced with SUMMARY privatized office spaces that are inaccessible more flexible spaces and semiprivate wedges Even within ‘formalized’ open spaces, small by other users eventually become filled with that can accommodate uses that negatively everyday acts reinterpret pre-programmed cars or left barren with zero amenities. impact recreational and relaxation uses. meanings attached to ‘static’ elements. The Through a documentation overview process of simple act of running and jumping between many neighboring open spaces, usage patterns benches or climbing on trees is an example of are parallel and similar. The only difference how a child’s eye for play transforms a plain is the degree of physical adaptation users are urban landscape into a playground. Space willing to make; users of an urban village open is taken over with ease and also collectively space live or work directly on the edge of the shared with minimal issues; the rate of shared plaza and easily can carry a heavy table, elec- bench use in the commercial plaza was quite tronic bumper cars, or elaborate sound system high, since benches were always fully occu- to express daily life in the public realm. While pied before ledges were used as seating. The the location of urban village public spaces success of these spaces in Nanshan’s mixed are conveniently located, many of them were use, neighborhood center are counter to Pu’s observed to be disowned, cluttered with reading of the many underused contempo- rubble and storage. One mother walked quite rary Chinese public spaces in ‘civic’ or overly a distance to sit at Tongxia’s crescent shaped privatized ‘commercial’ centers. The observed plaza with her son while running errands and pattern of use all depend heavily on local resi- says pleasant spaces such as this are worth dents for daytime and evening use who pass the the distance to frequently visit. The interview space during errands or evening promenading. reveals that while there is a lot of high quality Gargantuan open spaces near Shenzhen’s open space in the general neighborhood, Central Civic Center or blank privatized office much of it is too inconvenient, unpleasant, or plazas were often the emptiest space examples
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OTHER VILLAGE SPACES: DAXIN, HUBEI, BAI SHI ZHOU, JINGYING VILLAGES D Many villages were studied but not as closely as the mapped and drawn public realms which are a result of numerous time lapse record- ings across multiple day conditions. The final three villages together also form a new set of typologies with characteristics different than B C previously documented villages in Stefan Al’s book. The villages also had enough usage to A warrant a more intensive study.
DAXIN VILLAGE
Daxin village (大新村） is between Tongxia Village and Xinnan Village. Its main alleyway Figure 4-34 also cuts across north-south and is much older Urban Villages in Shenzhen and the city landscape. A is the studied urban village belt and Daxin Village. B is or in worse condition than the other villages. Baishizhou village. C is Hubei village. D is Jingying Village. The village has a lower density in many supermarket uses its own crates of produce to steps and under installed metal roofing with an pockets but also has a mix of tall, extruded prevent people from blocking its entrance. impromptu produce stand (Figure 4-34). Even buildings. when a semiprivate space is enclosed before a Of note, many of its businesses are never open. The entrance alley from Xinnan market is wide residence’s door, one building builds an addi- Many of the semiprivate spaces on the edge of enough for ample parking. On its edges are a tional concrete pad offset from the ground for the alleyways were enclosed and cluttered with primary school with a shaded structure and a more potential space. In this case, the owner storage. While the alleyway was much quieter, supermarket. Parked cars block access to the uses it as a small butcher’s table, and a meat many residents still sat outside on narrow semiprivate space of some businesses, but the scale is placed on the step into the house.
85 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN Along the main alleyway, taller buildings with For Daxin, despite its older condition, followed steps and overhead building extensions were similar patterns of usage when its buildings well used with individual adaptations when and residual spaces resembled the conditions the fronting business or home was occupied. in the studied three villages. Daxin resembles Passing social interactions were also common Nanyuan the most, but did not seem to have occurrences. As the alleyway approached to any directly observable open spaces along its next main road, the alleyway became busier, main alleyway. Enclosed spaces were often with restaurants along large setbacks. These adapted to have additional semipublic space, spaces would be occupied by tables during the either through additional steps or awnings, A evening. Alleyways that branch off the main suggesting half walls are too high and do not space often came upon larger wedge spaces promote the occupant’s desired indoor-outdoor that were used as collective semiprivate space. relationship. As a counterexample, a semipri- These wedge spaces are created when build- vate space with a ‘quarter’ height wall was ings meet at an angle, probably tracing back to well used as a tailor’s workstation and counter the site’s original village plots. Many of these (Figure 4-34). wedges were filled with storage and general HUBEI VILLAGE clutter, but outdoor chairs and domestic furni- ture were evidence that the space could be for Hubei is located close to Luo Hu and is at the B social and domestic uses. other end of the city from the Nanshan District. The village is divided by areas of different At an intersection of alleyways, a trash pick development stages; in the ‘preserved’ old up site coexisted with butchers, recyclers, produce sellers, and other foodstuff vendors. Figure 4-35 The intersection usually had trash and a lot Examples of adaptations to open up enclosed private spaces in Daxin. In B, a woman sells fruit of waste water from the vendors. Yet, even outside of the gated semiprivate space. A shows a small ledge allows a nearby worker to eat an active social life between neighbors. In C, the original semiprivate space has a low wall, occupied lunch on the corner of the trash facility. by a tailor. C
86 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY section, an example of medium density village The market’s environmental conditions were public realm is observable. This portion of the overcrowded and can possibly be regulated village lacks open space and its interiors are through orderly implementation of semipri- enclosed from the alleyway. During a rainy vate space. day of observation, there was not much public BAI SHI ZHOU realm activity in its very narrow residen- tial alleyways. In its market alleyways, there Actually a collection of five separate villages, were plenty of unplanned adaptations. In the the whole area takes on a collective iden- narrower market alleyway, movement was tity. The village is directly adjacent to one of A difficult due to the many obstructions. Shenzhen’s premier neighborhoods, Overseas Chinese Town (OCT) and right off of a busy In the narrow context, varied setbacks were subway stop. The village was one of the earlier particularly useful for informal vendors villages to begin developing and built facto- without a shop (Figure 4-35). Other stores push ries during Shenzhen’s manufacturing boom. their counter space to the edge of the building’s Current policy is moving most manufacturing footprint and use awnings to shelter a shopper. functions outside the inner city, and many of Some stores place goods past their store onto these buildings were left vacant. steps, protected by awnings and tarps. Even in B poor weather, placement of unplanned adap- Bai Shi Zhou was not studied closely using the tations resembled the observed patterns of the thesis’s framework, but the area provided alter- previous villages. native readings of the possibilities of ‘loose space’ in urban villages. Many of its open The crowdedness and numerous blatant spaces were self built by the village collectives obstructions into walking space are conse- and unsurprisingly are well used with a diverse quences of the intense use of a narrow pedestrian section. Without enough semipri- Figure 4-36 vate space but at an intimate scale and high Examples of adaptations and spaces in the older Hubei Village. demand, the market spills almost everywhere. C
87 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN set of adaptations and activities because of its amenities and proximity to major flows of pedestrians. Bai Shi Zhou’s industrial build- ings have been reused as creative loft space. New design firms have moved in, and an alter- native library also occupied a factory’s ground floor. While still small, industrial repurposing is one of the ‘olds’ being solved; OCT Loft is a new development that preserves an industrial A D area and redesigned them as a creative hub. Occupants include restaurants, cafes, galleries, artist space, design offices, and boutiques. Industrial reuse is popular because the building shells are large and flexible, with ample open space between buildings. Within the village, some recent developments have begun to privatize space with gated courtyards and ground floor car parks (Figure 4-36f). While B E the street layout is preserved, such a mode of redevelopment erases the semiprivate, active street life.
Figure 4-37 Examples of different spaces in the diverse fabric of Bai Shi Zhou. C F
88 CHAPTER 4 | FIELD STUDY
JINGYING depending on development age and relatedly, distance from city center. Daxin added more The village is only one example of the many potential data on how semiprivate spaces villages on the suburban fringes of Shenzhen, perform when enclosed. Many residual wedges not located conveniently on any subway line. were underused and cluttered but showed These villages still provide labor for nearby some addition of social and domestic use of factories, and the street life is generally empty its neighbors. This suggests possible inter- in its very straight alleys. The village is an vention studies might be needed stake holder example of a ‘newly’ built, gridded urban something to redesign these as small commu- village. While the morphology uses steps nity spaces. Hubei village shows how the and overhead extensions, the space is not at market alley can become too overcrowded and an intimate scale, and the edges are barely mismanaged with the lack of adequate semipri- active. While these design elements create vate setback space relative to the commercial semiprivate space, their existence are not the activity. Bai Shi Zhou reveals industrial spaces only factor in creating successful street life. A as another form of loose space being readapted Furthermore, more research needs to be done in Shenzhen. Some privatized developments on mostly residential urban villages; Nanyuan are examples of modern updates in the village. and Daxin were the most residential but had Yet the changes erase the semiprivate spaces many active corner stores. All the retail for that create active edges. Finally, Jing Yi, shows Jingying seemed to be near the street-width how the deployment of the studied elements entrances. The implications of the village do not necessarily alone create active streetlife might suggest its undesirable location cannot in semiprivate space. These newly designed support a diverse retail street life. gridded villages lack residual space from varied setbacks. B Figure 4-38 These four village examples provide a short Underused but wet gridded alley in Jing Ying. overview of other village conditions that vary
89 FINDINGS5 AND RECOMMENDATIONS CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS
GROUNDING URBAN VILLAGES cultural context and that his work should be dense urban laboratory used by both original WITHIN EXISTING PUBLIC REALM used to guide further explorations. villagers and rural transplants from all regions GUIDELINES of China. The previous chapter and literature review on This chapter positions the specific study of the unplanned spaces suggests that cultural dimen- To study the urban village as an urban labo- Nanshan public realm with established and sion of Shenzhen’s public realm is categorized ratory, this chapter integrates existing theories comparable research on similar urban spaces. with a high willingness of users to physically about public realm use with an updated frame- It also helps position the context of urban adapt space. Because of this, the urban village work that captures issues of the informal public villages in the broader discussion of civic and public realm analysis needs an updated vocabu- realm: presence of physical adaptation; flexi- communal placemaking. lary hybridizing ideas from existing pragmatic bility or articulation; stewardship or ambiguity recommendations and more recent theoretical of ownership; and equilibrium or instability. “Naturally the studies include areas and understanding of unplanned adaptations. The households representing a wide spec- ‘Presence of physical adaptation’ describes prevalence of unplanned adaptations in the trum of cultures, living conditions, and whether a user has changed their space to use public realm is defined by Franck and Stevens economic standards. In addition, usage it differently. Adding furniture or extending as a space’s ‘looseness’ where the space has patterns and housing cultures change an awning are examples. Flexibility describes an established identity or lack thereof until over time in step with changes in life- this ability to transform or physically adapt a an unplanned use temporarily ‘transforms’ its style, buying power, and demography. A space for different uses. A completely empty identity.2 A handrail becomes play equipment well-rounded discussion about the func- space would have maximum flexibility. ‘Artic- when a child gives it a temporary identity as tion of soft edges in a residential context ulation’ refers to a granularity of physical a slide. A sense of place forms when indi- must include cultural and socioeconomic elements in the public realm. An articulated viduals’ actions as a whole begin to shape a dimensions.” 1 edge would have more niches, openings, and physical space’s identity. Looseness pluralizes Though Gehl acts as an authoritative voice on subspaces than a non-articulated flat edge.3 and allows people of diverse backgrounds to ‘human’ design of public spaces, he makes Another similar way to define the edge is contribute in unexpected ways to the public a critical caveat that public realm research whether it is ‘hard’ or ‘soft’.4 Hard edges realm’s sense of place. The urban village in various contexts must be responsive to a refer to traits such as horizontal, uniform, with its numerous loose spaces becomes a 3 Marcus and Francis, People Places : Design Guidelines 2 Franck and Stevens, Loose Space : Possibility and Diver- for Urban Open Space, 29. 1 Gehl, Cities for People, 87. sity in Urban Life, 26. 4 Gehl, Cities for People, 79.
91 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN passive, and closed. Soft edges refer to traits DEFINITIONS: adjustments are needed. The comparison then such as open, interactive, varied, and granular. inform a series of design recommendation for Pattern and Rhythm - regularly scheduled ‘Stewardship’ extends the definition of owned each physical typology. Meanwhile, where events semiprivate spaces to include unregulated findings differ from the results predicted by ways people establish personal territory in the Flexibility - the degree in which a phys- established guidelines, minor adjustments public realm. Front yards, stoops, or porches ical configuration allows diverse use are proposed to explain the result and enrich are commonly part of someone’s property. The opportunities future designs. sidewalk or alleyway is beyond the lot line, but Looseness - “the appropriation of public space for unplanned use” or the shifting 1. STREET-SCALE TYPOLOGY REC- any physical adaptations in these spaces show OMMENDATION: SETBACKS how fronting homes and businesses claim reinterpretation of space or object’s iden- territory in an unregulated way. Ambiguity tity or use Create flexible varied setbacks to promote a refers to a condition where there is no obvious Stability - the degree in which a space diverse user base through layers of semipri- private steward in or fronting a space. Finally, maintains a certain identity either through vate and semipublic space. ‘Equilibrium’ or ‘stability’ describes the condi- pattern, rhythm, or physical installation Varied setbacks bring light and ventilation into tion where one or many activities or temporary the dense urban village while allowing busi- adaptations occur at a regular schedule. When The previous chapter identified a few key nesses to create a dynamic street life directly at a restaurant sets out and stores tables every day physical typologies that affect general activity the edge of the alley. Villagomez asserts, at the and night in the alleyway, the temporary adap- and unplanned adaptations. The next section right pedestrian scale, these “residual spaces” tation is in a stable state. The space also gains discusses each typology to compare and are opportunities for creative, minimal cost a ‘stable’ identity as ‘outdoor dining’ where contrast observations from this study with interventions and spontaneous adaptations.5 In regularity discourages other uses from moving existing theories that relate activity with design. People Places’ recommendations, users enjoy in. An external shock can revert a space back The similarities between general recommen- articulated benches and ledges that allow for into ‘instability’ or a state of diverse possibili- dations found in the literature and the results of different seating arrangements.6 Analogous ties. Its identity reverts back to a ‘loose’ state. the study of urban villages confirm some ways 5 Frerick Villagomez, “Claiming Residual Spaces in the Heterogeneous City,” in Insurgent Public Space : Guerrilla Ur- that physical elements affect public realm banism and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities, ed. Jeffrey Hou (New York: Routledge, 2010), 89. activity. Differences in finding suggest minor 6 Marcus and Francis, People Places : Design Guidelines for Urban Open Space, 29.
92 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS For street width alleys, extra articulation and from the building by the service road, resulting turf marking is needed to prevent parked cars in a dead space. In contrast, when the urban from overtaking or blocking space that could village meets the road directly, the public be used as semipublic space to activate the realm is occupied by the many narrow busi- ground floor. Yet, the tradeoff of including nesses’ diverse adaptations and social activi- articulated street elements prevents some busi- ties, buffered from the street by layers of trees nesses from operating, such as the car repair and bollards. shop or other construction-related small busi- 2. BUILDING-SCALE TYPOLOGY REC- nesses which diversify jobs beyond retail. OMMENDATION: OVERHEAD EXTEN- The guiding principle should be ‘diversity’ of SIONS AND STEPS spaces to accommodate a wide range of users. Use overhead extensions and steps to Spaces should also have a diverse degree of encourage active semiprivate uses along well- privacy, layering semiprivate and semipublic used alleyways. space. The most flexible setbacks should be Figure 5-1 The logic of articulated seating can be applied to the carefully located near urban village entrances Overhead extensions primarily function as varied design of semiprivate spaces (Marcus, Francis and along low pedestrian traffic zones to allow a way for upper floors to maximize interior 29). workshops needing car access to operate. square footage while leaving the ground floor to sitters, different users prefer different sizes navigable as a thoroughfare. Overhead exten- Existing formal street edges need more ameni- and shapes of semiprivate and semipublic sions and temporary awnings or umbrellas ties to fill their large setbacks. Pedestrian flow space. Adaptations include advertising for protect goods and furniture from the weather; should directly front businesses and not be the business, workshop space, logistics areas, during frequent rains, users did not have to separated by a service road. New formal street space for informal vendors, and an outdoor move their adaptations back inside. edges should be designed with more variety in market where the indoor store becomes ancil- semiprivate spaces. Overhead extensions must be used at appro- lary storage space. Physical additions can even priate alley widths. Very narrow, 5-6 feet become permanent such as the low cost Xinnan In the formal street context, the monotonous service alleyways, are blank walls that leave supermarket addition that marks a neighbor- setback is usually a service road with parking. little room to use the space. People moving hood transition of consumer habits. The sidewalk is either nonexistent or separated
93 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
Basic Unit Long rhythm, no variation Short rhythm, lots of variation Enclosed Half-Enclosed, Small step
Semiprivate space Minimal semiprivate space Varied levels of semiprivate (dark) No relationship Balanced relationship and semipublic (light) space with alley with alley through this space walk or ride their moped only block light, resulting in a dark and Figure 5-2 at relatively high speeds, since there is no monotonous environment with little street life. Variations of semiprivate space strategies. room for visual interest to slow the user down. Instead of a straight setback, overhead exten- that promotes active street life. Active street Overhead extensions in this case only cause sions on buildings at varied setbacks allow life can also be attributed to safer streets and the alley to be dark and provide no benefits. more daylight in and provide many additional increased staying power.7 The articulation of When the service alley is short in distance, it semiprivate wedges. the building section creates a degree of human is fine for shortcuts and back door entrances. An 8-12 feet in width alleyway is the ideal scale that mitigates the problems of a village Long stretches are undesirable and make the dimension for overhead extension space. building’s overbearing height. Users can alleys feel unwelcoming. Spaces under the narrow 3 foot overhead ‘layer’ their uses differently, the closer semi- Building height should also inform whether extension become filled with additional retail private space as a screen and the wedge as a overhead extensions are appropriate. In highly space and social spaces. Because there is little social space. gridded, newer urban villages, the public realm room for doors, ground floors often use rolling Steps should be paired with overhead exten- space is bordered by overpowering seven to shutters. The openness of the ground floor sions if the desire is to make semiprivate space eight story buildings. Overhead extensions creates a strong indoor-outdoor relationship 7 Gehl, Cities for People, 75-99.
94 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS explicit. Steps mitigate obstructions in busy Melbourne’s residential streets found streets as pedestrian space. It can also be an effective alleys or pedestrian zones. Before modern with meticulously designed front yard spaces tool to delineate temporary semiprivate space drainage, steps into businesses were necessary had the most outdoor activity. In the Melbourne in good weather conditions. to protect ground floors from being flooded by case, 69 percent of staying activity happened The usage of Qi Lou arcades as a pedestrian heavy rainfall. For daily life, these steps create on the semiprivate edge rather than other parts walkway or semiprivate space depends on an additional physical barrier between semi- of the street space. In the urban village though, whether it is the best route for a pedestrian. private space and the thoroughfare, ensuring these types of enclosed semiprivate spaces are Arcades in both the urban village and formal activities do not impede pedestrian movement used as storage, creating an inactive edge. street section sometimes function as a double through alleys. When possible, an enclosed semiprivate space loaded walkway. More often, the arcade is Taller ground floors should be easy to adapt should be paired with a semipublic step or creatively adapted as redundant or oversized with temporary awnings to create an intimate overhead zone that provides an additional pedestrian infrastructure. On pleasant days, scale. When the height of a building is one and semipublic layer between enclosed porches people walk on the street, and the arcade space half stories, 12-15 feet, ground floor tenants and the public alleyway (Figure 5-1). In becomes a semiprivate soft edge occupied by a adapt the space through awnings, large over- general, unnecessary enclosed spaces should store’s merchandise. During hot or rainy days, head signs, and umbrellas. This pattern of use be avoided. For buildings fronting a narrow the arcade space becomes a desirable walking is similar to Gehl’s example of a sidewalk cafe urban village alleyway, the semiprivate space space again, and stores adjust their adapta- that installed shrubbery and awnings on a “too only needs an overhead extension and step tions to promote pedestrian flow and customer large space” in a modern office plaza. Small to promote active uses. The narrow, semipri- traffic. spaces in a large space creates a pedestrian vate zone allows friends to pause and hold a Street curbs that intend to separate vehicle scale , but they also foster a flexible solution conversation, but offers enough privacy for and pedestrian ways operate similarly, since to divide public, semiprivate, semipublic, and residents to feel secure. pedestrians prefer to walk in the street when private spaces for different users. 3. NETWORK SCALE TYPOLOGY REC- car access is limited. Many fronting businesses The performance of semiprivate space with OMMENDATION: PEDESTRIAN WALK- then occupy the space between the curb and WAYS, ARCADES, AND CURBS built boundaries, such as low fencing or walls, building with adaptations to extend their store is not as positive as Gehl’s results on partially When paired with a shared street, curbed side- space. Both of these recommended typolo- enclosed semiprivate space. Gehl’s study of walks and arcade spaces do not have to be used gies require a parallel, safe walking space that
95 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN has limited car traffic, such as a shared street guidelines of People Places’ corner plaza case design. studies in San Francisco call for adequate space and design articulation to shelter plaza 4. NETWORK-SCALE TYPOLOGY RECOMMENDATION: CORNERS AND visitors from traffic and maintain visibility ENTRANCES between the plaza and street.
Concave corners help fronting businesses Lastly, thresholds between urban villages claim space in larger setbacks. Extra niches and the street create more opportunities for Figure 5-3 or more setback space should be dedicated Variations of a convex corner for additional layers of unplanned adaptations with corners and to corners and entrances, allowing informal semipublic space bollards. For example, bollards are used as users to operate without obstructing the uses that require more space than a narrow resting places for people on mopeds waiting to intersection. strip of steps. give rides to people. Street furniture or trees at these thresholds group anchor unplanned uses A study of street and alley corners reveals Convex corners can be folded in or given more to mitigate obstruction. different uses according to their shape. setback space to allow informal vendors to set Concave corners further shelter semiprivate up without obstructing the intersection (Figure 5. OPEN SPACES RECOMMENDATION spaces created by overhead extensions and 5-2). These corners are not clearly claimed by Sparser open spaces should be well located entrance steps. Subdividing the edge of a any steward but often help a temporary user along accessible, major pedestrian flows. larger setback with pockets to create corners find ‘support’ on their backside. The exposed Pedestrians should see the space as convenient promotes active, diverse street life (Figure 5-1). space becomes a good spot for fleeting activ- to cross or have some other compelling reason These features achieve this result because the ities including people watching or informal to be there. Blank, open spaces allow users to ambiguous stewardship over a large setback vending. Informal vendors or lingering self subdivide zones for diverse uses. Other space between a long, flat building edge and people-watchers prefer busy convex corners at open spaces should be ‘urban oases’ or highly thoroughfare discourages semi-permanent, intersections but often can get in the way of articulated, vegetated, and high in amenities unplanned interventions. Concave corners foot traffic. to combat abandonment and misuse. . articulate these large setbacks to shelter a greater range of semi-permanent unplanned Street corners at formal road intersections Open space use is consistent with previous need additional protection from traffic; the studies across most typologies and scales.
96 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS 8Spaces that follow basic guidelines for seating with their backs against the flow of pedestrian including both the Nanshan Sports and Cultural arrangement, climate, and human scaled artic- and scooter traffic. This is not entirely unusual, Center Plaza (150m - 275m) and the Nan Yuan ulation are frequently used. For open spaces, since people may prefer watching activities in Urban Village plaza (20m x 40m). Thus the active edges and pedestrian access accommo- open space rather than traffic. Spaces exhibit maximum dimension is larger than recom- date a wide range of activities and encourage gender differences as well where mothers mendations by previous researchers including users to linger. All the studied formal and prefer more sheltered seating while men watch Lynch (450 feet) and Gehl (70-100 meters). 9,10 informal open spaces have some human-scaled street life at the front row. Social interac- People Places suggests size does not matter elements at buildings’ edges. Simple seating tions mostly happen at major pedestrian flows. but rather subspaces and visual complexity is used for a variety of seating arrangements Climate-wise, during the cool season in Shen- enhances use.11 Instead, most of the large and unplanned uses; in the formal plazas, zhen, sitting in the sun is especially popular, paved public spaces lack seating amenities or continuous ledges were used for promotional and speckled shade during the summer largely objects of visual interest, with the exception of materials, games for youths, running space for determined where people would choose to sit. the ‘forested’ urban oases that use foliage and toddlers, and places to take a midday lunch Given that there is an active mixed-use context landscaping to subdivide the overall space. nap. Conversely, the edges of the buildings and healthy flow of pedestrians, as is the case Portable furniture is used to flexibly subdi- adjacent to the open space that front the street in the studied area near the civic-cultural vide space. Cones mark spaces to practice had little amenities and were largely inactive center of Nan Shan, public spaces were well roller blading and a boombox uses sound to without a restaurant’s own outdoor seating, used when they generally follow the design mark space for yangge or aerobics dancing. as is the case for the commercial public space guidelines of previous work in the subject. Plastic chairs, baby strollers, or tiny portable example. While most observations are consistent with stools make up for the lack of amenities. In the Casual sitters prefer primary and secondary conventional wisdom, Chinese users are gener- urban villages, these seats are provided by the seating on edges, such as benches, curbs, or ally quite happy to adapt large open space for ‘steward’ business of the plaza, a convenience ledges, with their backs facing a wall or foliage. their own use by introducing their own toys store in Tongxia, a group of restaurants in The main village plaza in both Nan Yuan and and portable furniture that flexibly subdivide Nanshan, and a children’s arcade in Nan Yuan. Tong Xia were exceptions where people sat on space. the curbs or a metal railing facing the action, 9 Lynch, The Image of the City. Many of the spaces seem architecturally 10 Marcus and Francis, People Places : Design Guidelines 8 Marcus and Francis, People Places : Design Guidelines for Urban Open Space, 19. for Urban Open Space, 18-45. empty and large in scale relative to its context, 11 Ibid, 22.
97 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN Design has less effect on usage patterns than or entrance of villages or outside of villages power for small group recreational and social previously thought for these examples. Plazas but within 5 minutes walking distance. Nan use alongside some domestic uses. are usually empty due to poor location rather Yuan village plaza is easily accessible but Central open spaces within villages are often than poor design, where there are not enough still within the village. The diversity of uses used as a desired diagonal path between people nearby or the space is too inaccessible, along the active edge is a signal of the village’s parallel alleyways. This flow of pedestrians as is the case of the Shenzhen Civic Center sense of ownership over the space. Domestic creates Clay’s definition of an ‘epitome Plaza or privatized gated communities. Small and commercial uses also overlap with social district’ which increases the likelihood for obstructions can have a large, negative impact activities; spectating tasks such as sausage chance encounters.13 In an epitome district, on public space use; one of Nan Yuan’s pocket making is an example of triangulation and the central open space establishes its identity parks, though well located, remains empty group identity building.12 Domestic chores through a display of diverse uses and conver- most of the time because a line of cars blocks done in the open allow villagers to socialize sations, where the whole rhythm of village life its access and there are no seating amenities. while running errands. Use of open spaces plays out. Patterns of use and frequent main- decreases even further when a user has to cross Climate-wise, this suggests that large scale tenance suggests open spaces in urban villages dangerous, non-yielding traffic. Open spaces spaces in the right context can be well used are possibly a point of pride and form of iden- within villages promote a sense of ownership during the cooler months and in the evenings. tity building; when asked, visitors to the open needed to accommodate a diverse set of neces- In the summertime, daytime use is uncom- space expressed their enjoyment of the spaces. sary uses. Open spaces outside or on the edge fortable due to the heat and lack of shade in Village heads excitedly gave a tour of their of villages struggle to create a similar sense of the open plaza. Edges should be appropriately ancestral hall, traditional village homes, and ownership. shaded to accommodate day time users during new businesses in the midst of redevelopment. the summer. Within villages, two open space typologies “I live farther away now, since rents [in are needed to accommodate both environ- Placement of open spaces should also be more the newer gridded urban village] have mental relief and active, social uses. Pocket evenly distributed rather than concentrated in become too expensive nearby, but I still open spaces within villages provide occasional newer developments, in order to promote a bring my son here to play. It is nice sitting environmental relief and have high staying higher diversity and rate of uses. Open spaces in the sun with other mothers and it is enclosed by the urban village have higher rates quiet here.” of unplanned activities than spaces on the edge 12 Whyte, The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces, 94. 13 Clay, Close-Up. How to Read the American City, 39.
98 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS - When asked about the crescent plaza in The most temporary and least planned spaces in Along formal street edges, a construction site Tongxia the public realm seem uncared for and include entrance was used as a dance site. During the Comfortable open spaces are still critical to construction sites or abandoned buildings. day at another construction site, a small crowd satisfying “the need for contact.”14 By being In the right context, these seemingly unused sat on chairs and gathered to watch construc- around people and the neighborhood, resi- spaces become surprisingly quite lively. Tong tion. Other examples of these temporary and dents reinforce community identity for them- Xia’s redevelopment has left many buildings unplanned spaces include a disused bus stop selves and share it with recent migrants who unused and boarded up, creating unpleasant, repurposed as a snack stand spaces or spaces begin to assimilate into neighborhood culture. boring stretches of empty village. A dark, dirty under overpasses used as a space for dancing.16 Often, spectators of all groups curious about plaza with uneven paving never has anyone The unplanned ‘second tier’ uses in these life in public space will watch dancing from sitting or lounging in it during the day. spaces tend to have potential negative impacts, afar and even attempt to join in on the outside. Yet these spaces are the areas with the highest from the noise of music from dancing to the To promote desirable unplanned uses, a space prevalence of informal vendors out of all garbage left by a snack stand. However, the should be closest to its target population to studied spaces. When a void is left in an benefits of allowing activities in these transi- foster a sense of collective stewardship and existing, well-trafficked space, it can naturally tional spaces are potentially high. Demolition ownership. become a magnet for unplanned activity with and oversized infrastructure both create voids 4. THE VALUE OF UNDERUTILIZED nowhere else to go, defined in this thesis as in territory that can be claimed. While the SPACES: CONSTRUCTION SITE, second tier uses. Temporary structures from ‘pleasant’ public realm accommodate a diverse ABANDONED BUILDINGS construction can also be adapted; in New set of recreational and social uses, underuti- Underutilized space along busy thoroughfares York’s Chinatown, scaffolding was adapted lized temporary spaces allow fringe users to due to construction or abandonment can be to hang goods.15 Because the spaces are use abandoned space without encroaching on used by informal vendors without other spaces mid-transition, no one seems to care that they established territories and to minimize the to occupy. Allowing and promoting temporary are taken over and given a temporary role as a impact of negative externalities. uses along these underutilized edges creates secondary market. streetlife in unexpected places and can help neighborhoods during its transition. 15 Nisha Fernando, “Open-Ended Space,” in Loose Space : 16 Caroline Chen, “Dancing in the Streets of Beijing,” Possibility and Diversity in Urban Life, ed. Karen A. Franck in Insurgent Public Space : Guerrilla Urbanism and the and Quentin Stevens (London; New York: Routledge, 2007), Remaking of Contemporary Cities, ed. Jeffrey Hou (New York: 14 Gehl, Life between Buildings : Using Public Space, 21. 56-61. Routledge, 2010), 27.
99 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN
THE CASE FOR THE ‘CHAOTIC More articulation of space and amenities desirable locations, such as an unpleasant but PUBLIC REALM’ generally results in an increase in ‘first tier’ and highly trafficked plaza. semiprivate uses. First tier uses include gener- In the second section of this last chapter, the Gehl , Whyte, and People Places are largely ally expected social, recreational, or commer- recommendations and usage patterns for each concerned with promoting an active street life cial uses in public or semiprivate space. These typology are generalized. This updated frame- of desirable ‘first tier’ uses. When discussing adaptations might obstruct pedestrian flow but work based on public realm and fluid identi- the problems of large open spaces, conven- otherwise do not negatively impact the street- ties also then re-contextualizes past and future tional wisdom calls for more designed, human scape. The articulated public realm’s primary roles of urban villages in Chinese urbaniza- scaled articulation to maximize seating oppor- role is to foster first tier uses and stewardship tion. The relationship between the presence tunities in public space. The definition of through semiprivate space and ‘pleasant’ open or the lack of physical details, the quality of flexibility for these spaces is thus limited to a space. the public realm, and usage patterns is critical pre-programmed set of ‘pleasant’ social, recre- to designing a more responsive public realm Except for the occasional corner, the articu- ational, and commercial uses. Conventional in the context of Shenzhen’s emerging urban lated public realm generally excludes informal open space activity is about enjoying public class population. ‘second tier’ uses. Urban village public realms space. Many unplanned activities are about foster necessary productive, logistical, and using space for daily life that experiment with PHYSICAL FLEXIBILITY AND ARTICU- domestic functions through unstable space. LATION flexible spaces. Franck and Stevens describe These ‘second tier’ uses are often ugly, dirty, many designed solutions as “controlled and A fundamental tension that emerged from the and even possibly dangerous. An outdoor wok pre-programmed ‘looseness’”, since “people design recommendations asks to what degree stand emits heavy clouds of soot that makes can only appropriate spaces for their own should the public realm be articulated and to eyes water and lungs burn. Sparks fly from uses if they have full access and freedom of what degree should it be left completely flex- a blow torch into the alleyway. While these choice.” 17 ible. Sometimes articulation makes a space can be painted in a negative light, they are Urban village flexibility encompass a more flexible for a new set of uses. The same also vital functions of the market, workshops, broader range of uses and is key to its afford- articulation also prevents a space from accom- homes, and urban life itself. These second tier ability. Separation of land uses increases modating certain adaptations and uses. uses, in response, segregate themselves to less 17 Franck and Stevens, Loose Space : Possibility and Diver- sity in Urban Life, 25.
100 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS specialization, increases the need for more space, and thus increases the costs of space. Urban villages are affordable not only because they are very dense but because of the low heavily trafficked? cost of entry to adapt a flexible building space high total exibility for a business, workshop, or home.18 From the last section’s recommendations, this same 1. encourage informal vendors/ flexibility extends to adaptations of the public ’second tier’ uses realm. For example, unexpected temporal pairings, such as parking by day and outdoor restaurants by night, reduce the need for sepa- rate, dedicated loading space and dedicated dining space, thereby reducing costs. possible active edge? semiprivate exibility
The case of the urban village asserts that both 2. create a temporary articulated conventional ‘first tier’ and unconventional Underutilized space or edge edge of setbacks, such as decks within the village. and awnings, to promote flexible ‘second tier’ uses are difficult to initially design semiprivate uses around. Businesses of different types and at different stages nimbly respond to external economic conditions and adapt to spaces in their own ways. Designing soft edges to meet the human scale can possibly hamper creative neither? conventional exibility 18 Al, Villages in the City : A Guide to South China’s Infor- mal Settlements, 156-157.
3. articulate edges with amenities and vegetation. ensure the new Figure 5-4 pocket plaza is well maintained. Recommended framework: strategies that balance flexibility with a desireable active public realm
101 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN interventions. While Sibelius Park in Copen- Very flexible spaces can accommodate uses design combats unwanted disorder, acting as hagen is successful, its articulated structure in that might have negative externalities. Diver- the proxy for the community’s stewardship a narrow alleyway space would create perma- sity in the range of public realm flexibility and care. Well designed articulation restricts nent spaces that cannot be easily adapted for creates good spaces for relaxing or socializing the spectrum of opportunities in exchange for a change in businesses. Both semiprivate and and also necessary spaces for life in a compact a pleasant, quiet space for semiprivate or open public space should be allowed to be adapted setting. space uses with stability and rhythm. for individual use with temporary installations ‘Undesigning’ the public realm has high risks. There is no exact answer to balance between rather than inflexible barriers. From the chapter on documentation, some desired flexibility and uncontrollable waste, For open spaces, the blank Nan Yuan plaza degree of articulation is often necessary to but a flexible structure can allow cost-effective owes part of its success to the impermanence provide a foundation for users to explore intervention when needed (Figure 5-4). Active of its articulation. The expansive Sports and public space in novel ways. Many super block management of the public realm system can Cultural plaza is large in scale but accommo- street edges are devoid of street life because determine that balance. The structure would dates a wide variety of active recreational uses they lack articulation. But these same street allow residents to identify areas that may that the adjacent articulated, tree arena seating edges are also highly controlled and forbid require intervention where temporary ‘pilot’ cannot accommodate. informal users. projects can be first tested with easily remov- able interventions that articulate the edge or RECOMMENDED PHYSICAL FRAME- These underutilized spaces often are not part provide sheltered space to reassert public WORK of an existing, active pedestrian flow. No stewardship and care over the space. When a small open space is densely visitors, unrestricted freedom, and lack of programmed with preselected options, there stewardship can create undesirable disorder STABILITY AND RHYTHM OF SPAC- is less room for alternative expression. Blank or disuse. Disorder includes storage, rubble, ES OVER TIME and trash. For spaces with less traffic and no but small scale semiprivate spaces created Another dimension of a space’s ability to active steward, programming and physical by subtle variations in setback can change accommodate unplanned uses is the space’s along with its neighborhood. Similarly, blank stability over time. Stability is a form of open spaces can be subdivided by their users ‘temporal’ flexibility to explain patterns of without any need for a design intervention. temporary adaptations. Along with a space’s
102 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS physical flexibility, users will also consider how long their unplanned adaptation can stay and whether they can use the space in the 百货 future.
Semiprivate space, or private stewardship over Change of tenant 包 the public realm, allows a wide spectrum of activities for its ‘owner’. Semiprivate space Stable semi-private space New Stable Ownership can thus be described as stable in the long term. Their flexible physical characteristics allow their owners to adapt the spaces to their whims, and their stability over time assures the investment in installation will not be disturbed.
Alternatively, permanent physical articula- tion signal a collective ownership that allows Stable Regular Cycle the space to be accessible to all but limits the opportunities for unplanned adaptation, since claiming clearly public space might be taboo or illegal. Stability is also reinforced by regular events; evening restaurant tents Unstable Corner Unstable Corner Unstable Corner replace daytime service uses like parking and food prep in Nanshan. In that particular case, the space has a stable schedule that limits other uses from encroaching. Those other Unofficial claim
Figure 5-5 Unstable Corner Stable Regular Cycle Relationship between flexibility and stability.
103 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN uses instead occupy corner wedges behind the roster of short-term vendors to set up in the occupy the whole day. Looseness, the ability ancestral hall. evening. A truck-sized curb cut that leads to of a space to allow for unplanned uses, can a construction site is used as a space to dance also be seen in this temporal frame. Stability Temporarily abandoned spaces, ambiguous when construction stops for the night. and pattern eventually erodes looseness with service spaces, and transitional spaces under the creation of a fixed identity. The fixed iden- construction are in flux. These corners and These temporary spaces show how fixed tity disappears when the owner changes or the edges with no clear stewardship again pose a patterns of activities leave gaps which become space is changed. One example of this process certain risk and loss of control for potential opportunities for fleeting usage at a very low is Amsterdam’s transformed NDSM dockyard unplanned users.19 Yet the benefits of allowing cost of entry. In the main Xinnan Market, early into a mixed use hall of alternative existing unplanned activities in these transitional evening marks the time when logistical space crafts and new recreational uses. spaces are potentially high, filling in gaps of can be occupied by informal vendors. Terri- service for users. Even some physically loose tory and time of occupation are jockeyed over; Temporary uses are not necessarily ‘an expres- spaces that are unstable can be highly temporal informal vendors can be pushed out by licensed sion’ to vet what use might be a space’s best in activity. Xinnan’s ‘garbage plaza’ is used as sellers: a balloon seller arrives earlier than use. Instead, there is inherent value to main- a social space at the intersection, and occa- the toy vendor in the department store plaza taining a certain amount of temporally flexible sionally is serviced by a garbage truck. The before being subtly pushed out. An informal spaces, though the exact spots transition in and social space transforms momentarily to sani- vendor might occupy a corner for the evening out of permanence. Loose spaces disappear tary infrastructure and quickly reverts after but might not be there another day. Thus, the and regenerate as a natural byproduct of the workers finish. During lulls in construction identity of a space constantly shifts depending urban village’s development process. These activity, the construction site’s inherent phys- on the different schedule of its rotating users, same loose spaces provide opportunities to ical traits are useful. The turning radii neces- yet the aggregate identity might be interpreted reinvent individual space and community sary to service garbage creates open space that as a free, loose space. identity through low-cost adaptations and new is left free to a variety of unplanned activities uses, from abandoned waste lot to informal Temporary uses are moments of experimen- for the majority of time. Tong Xia’s derelict retail space and to potential cultural space. tation that have the potential to become more commercial plaza by day, adjacent to construc- permanent and act as a catalyst for urban change. Recommended Temporal Framework: In addi- tion scaffolding, offer a space for a changing In these ambiguous spaces, the looseness at any tion to flexible semiprivate spaces, a diverse 19 Franck and Stevens, Loose Space : Possibility and Diver- sity in Urban Life, 19. moment can be taken away as regular patterns public realm should have ambiguous spaces
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1
2
Figure 5-6 Plan to redevelop Tongxia. Yellow is paved open space, green is vegetated space. Elevated white space is private, recreational roof top space. Left: Activity and Land Use Plans of Tongxia (UPDIS)
105 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN that are both physically and temporally flex- mechanism pays each villager who currently at risk to be desolate and under used. Yet, the ible to cheaply accommodate new users who rents out apartment space a certain amount for subdivision of its spaces from its ‘pinwheel’ might be excluded from semiprivate territory. each floor and square meter of space, and the arrangement of paths can allow for many artic- project does not seem to follow the Hu Bei or ulated corners and edges. The separation of EVALUATING A REDEVELOPMENT Huang Gang self-redevelopment model. ‘prime’ public space above the public space SCHEME: XIA TONG disperses and segregates rather than assemble Initially, the plan seems to provide more open Now that we have seen the possibilities for the and attract. The top level of open space is too space than currently, yet now more space is urban village in transition, the development high for any visual interaction with the ground. purely dedicated to faster moving vehicular scheme for Xia Tong can be critiqued through The elevated open space at a lower height traffic. Villagers west of the new street will the new recommended framework on the flex- could become an interesting set of balcony have to cross at unevenly spaced crosswalks ible public realm. spaces that allows for vertical, visual inter- to access the new public space. The context of action, similar to the High Line in New York The new development is a series of mixed use the public space is also lacking in much defi- City. commercial-residential towers with ground nition, but it will not have active commercial floor retail on a new street, marked 1, running uses which are limited to the road marked 1. The open space as currently drawn has too east-west. Between the new series of 22-44 The scale of the new retail strip is also unclear many ambiguous spaces with no articula- story buildings are two levels of open space. and will probably accommodate larger uses in tion or possible moments of stewardship. A The ground floor level open space is a public the corner as anchors with supporting small possible solution would be to convert more plaza with a rebuilt ancestral temple and shops along its sides and in an interior mall edges to active ground floor uses with clear primary school while connecting the fourth and area, similar to most developments observed in stewardship that are not necessarily commer- sixth floors of developments is a series of raised Shenzhen. With proper detailing of steps and cial. Verandas of community recreation space open green spaces. The street following the commercial frontage space similar to existing and even ground level residences with visible current pedestrian mall, marked 2, is a series of retail in the area, the street front can recreate garden space, along with a corner cafe could green spaces with the occasional service road a desired lively soft edges that promotes busi- activate the edge for this residential-office into underground parking and loading facilities nesses to temporarily adapt semiprivate spaces context. Accessibility is another challenge, for the buildings. On the other side is the orig- with unplanned uses. For the open space, the since easy pedestrian access encourages users inal urban village fabric. The redevelopment lack of active uses or any ‘stewards’ leaves it to walk through the space while running
106 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS errands, which is a large reason why public critical for the success of the flexible, empty are “ of an involuntary, reluctant sort … an spaces within villages are used more than edge open space model of most Chinese plazas and unending patient adjustment to circumstances plazas. By encouraging users to move through promoting stewardship of soft edges helps … the absence of what we would call a future the space and use it for privatized means, other street edges maintain vitality in changing history.” 20 unplanned or social uses will follow, similar to neighborhood conditions by allowing occu- These piecemeal shifts in the village’s flexible the mechanism of Nan Yuan and Xia Tong’s pants to adapt their space at a low cost in the structure allowed the village’s whole identity existing plaza. Active edges are needed to future for new business, cultural, or social to shift naturally with the city, dependent on promote temporary, unplanned adaptations of ventures. the whims of its occupants. Gradual shifts also space to inject new uses and amenities into FROM THE PUBLIC REALM, IDENTI- move in multiple trajectories that pluralized the flexible Chinese plaza model. Essentially, TY BUILDING OF URBAN VILLAGES the village’s identity with different cultures the plan’s problems stems from the inability AS A WHOLE and lifestyles. of the medium to convey design standards for soft edges at the human scale, since the plan The temporal dynamics of the unstable public When the chapter of small-scale, short-term largely stays at the planner’s scale, a desire to realm inspires a more nuanced way to see the response to rapid urbanization ends, the urban make a beautiful plan rather than a functional, role of urban villages in city identity making. village will be engulfed by the idealized, lively public realm. The plan should be early Urban villages as a phenomenon were instru- modern urban fabric of ‘towers in the traditional on conceived at the human scale section for all mental in the development of South China’s Chinese garden’ or downtown Manhattan. The users rather than be freely interpreted later by urban economy, as a stepping stone for recent village’s pluralized identity is replaced with outside developers who have little interest in rural transplants and entrepreneurs to assimi- a single idea of the modern Chinese city. 21 accommodating existing urban villagers. late into the urban economy. Through different Both sweeping modernist plazas and tradi- redevelopment phases, the village reinvents tional Chinese landscaping resemble Jackson’s This brief physical design critique of a village’s itself from agricultural roots, to dense housing, conception of “Landscape Two”, where design urban redevelopment plan tests the framework and even to specialized industries or commer- decisions are justified by an aesthetic ideal for proposed, a combination of existing research cial uses, such as the Da Fen painting village. identity and place making. Yet like most inter- into the public realm with an added dimen- The urban village thus falls within Jackson’s pretations of the ‘modern Chinese City’, even sion of promoting unplanned uses observed in definition of a vernacular landscape. The 20 Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular Landscape, 151. Shenzhen’s public realm. Unplanned uses are vernacular is where reinvention and adaption 21 “南山8街道创建‘样板村、样板路’ 6月开工年底完 工.”
107 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN after development, residual space from rapid Yet even this short period of shock acts as there the next day and the day after. The urban development once again allows for creative another moment for opportunities during tran- village in the moments of pre-redevelopment adaptation to find its place. sition. Taipei’s development moratorium on marks an interesting chapter that would benefit an ecologically sensitive, ‘exiled’ Shezi Island from further analysis. Chinese plans are often grand in scale but lack created a planning lag, where “pending status design fineness at the human scale. In one This state of limbo inspires a wide range of is prolonged into normalcy.” 23 The residents example, Weibo users’ humorously respond alternative responses in identity creation. When of the island respond to this spatial limbo by to bizarre implementations of national level asked about new development, many migrants temporarily adapting the space around their requirements for tactile paving to help guide and villagers showed positive or ambivalent lives while waiting for any decision making the visually impaired, sometimes leading attitudes towards the inevitable redevelop- from planners, resulting in an ‘anarchic, care- the pedestrian directly into a tree in the side- ment. Despite being displaced in the future, the less’ space. A similar attitude towards inevi- walk or into a ditch. 22 From Miao Pu, rapid steward of Tong Xia’s crescent shaped plaza table but ambiguous future plans generate an ‘modernist window dressing’ development expressed the redevelopment as a matter of “uninspired” insurgence of temporary adapta- outpaced the people it is meant to house, fact, predicting it would be completely demol- tions. Villagers can only respond when devel- creating large amounts of wasted space that ished by the new year. She really likes the opment schemes finally do emerge. Even after does not accommodate users. small plaza and speaks fondly of the mothers development schemes are submitted, these from the community who visit, yet she did not The physical manifestation of shifting whims villages will most likely slowly transition out have any formulated, expressible opinion (or and needs begin with temporary adaptations with a similar vagueness as Tong Xia in imple- was unwilling to share). Village leaders in Hu that may eventually become permanent. mentation, especially if Chinese market forces Bei’s management company adopt an identity Looming, blank slate, redevelopment shocks do not coincide with the plan’s timeline. A of optimism for a bright future where their and destabilizes this previous framework of dichotomous interpretation of space emerges: family’s pride is expressed by the meticulously gradual transformation. a vendor selling deeply discounted clothes crafted scale sales models for residential apart- occupying a previously abandoned business’s ments. Others seek identity through activism empty shell shouts, “There is no need to come when development plans begin to solidify, as back tomorrow! One time sale!” yet she is 22 Colin Rowan, “‘Blind Lanes’ in China,” Transplant: The in Bai Shi Zhou’s Handshake 302 program Blog of the PSU-China Innovations in Urbanization Interns, 23 Min Jay Kang, “Spatial Limbo,” in Insurgent Public 2012, https://psuchina.wordpress.com/2012/07/27/blind-lanes- Space : Guerrilla Urbanism and the Remaking of Contempo- that seeks to preserve aspects of the village’s in-china/. rary Cities, by Jeffrey Hou (New York: Routledge, 2010), 215.
108 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS industrial and community history through art, “You have the name of the village wrong! the public realm. Mixed social groups also moving from the “uninspired” insurgent space It’s Nan Yuan! You must be lost. I don’t bridges economic divide and can help develop to “inspired” collective memory. 24 live in this village and I actually walked mutual understandings of a unique pluralized here from the subway. I like sitting here city identity rather than a borrowed identity ‘Spatial limbo’ can be extended as an unstable, even just browsing on my phone watching from abroad. Rather than question the exis- in-between identity that encapsulates Shen- people on the plaza. You should come by tence of urban villages, ‘spatial limbo’ reas- zhen’s urban villages’ entire developmental in the evening. A lot of funny old ladies serts the need for cities to retain some flexi- history from the 1980’s onwards. Urban villages like to dance here. If you need to know bility. ‘Urban village life’ challenges the status have always been a transitional space between where the exit is, I can show you. Follow quo, permanent developments around them the rural and urban that never were planned to me!” where patterns of small, unplanned adapta- be permanent. Cities lacked the funding at the - Young Woman in Nan Yuan Plaza tions still pop up in formal space. Repeating time to buy out villagers and merely pushed Pu Miao’s words on solving poorly designed the issue to a later time, often marking land use Chinese public space, “the true solution lies changes in the masterplan without concretely “My mother often goes here to shop” in the emerging urban middle class who will acting on it. This temporal attitude allowed “Deep breath of life” “Businesses is claim their ownership in the public domain.” villages to develop through the collective fiercely competitive, and the people’s 25These unplanned adaptations challenge a actions of many individuals, with no overar- hardships resonate the entire alley. But prescribed meaning of a space through alter- ching plan from the city. Unplanned adapta- these busy people face life with a confi- native adaptation and personal expression to tions are experiments in the public realm that dent, calm behavior, regardless of the establish ownership and social investment in share this pluralized, dynamic identity with weight of hardship, truly resilient.” the public realm. the rest of the city. Villagers are not confined - Quotes from a Shenzhen forum about to urban villages as if they were islands, and Xinnan Market AN ALTERNATIVE DIRECTION OF people living in towers also enjoy visiting the THINKING markets and public spaces of villages. Different urban environments exchange ideas Urban villages are not an artifact of the past and possibilities, preserving a culture of despite being lambasted as one of the ‘olds’ 24 Mary Ann O’Donnell, “Handshake 302,” Shen- collective ownership over the public realm by Guangzhou’s policy. The updated urban zhen Noted, September 26, 2013, https://shenzhennoted. com/2013/09/26/handshake-302/. and willingness to personalize expression in 25 Pu Miao, 205.
109 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN village is constantly reimagined and reinter- into offices, workshops, galleries, and restau- preted alongside the city. Reevaluating the role rants. The space between buildings is filled of urban villages is the first step to coming up with new landscaping, public art, and ameni- with possible solutions. This section begins by ties. On weekends, a line of tents set up an looking at how the two other ‘olds’ have been impromptu market, often as small outposts reimagined through intervention. The section for the many businesses in the industrial loft ends by proposing new directions of design spaces. The phenomenon is not new in China and participatory research to better imagine either when considering the renovated ware- the future role of urban villages. house art space, Beijing’s 798 District.
OLD INDUSTRY OLD NEIGHBORHOODS
Other ‘olds’ have been reimagined in ways Reclaimed industry transform abandoned that brought unexpected benefits to cities. spaces, but approaching populated urban Old ‘industry’ is quickly phasing out of Shen- villages and historical districts with the same zhen and being replaced by ‘new’ creative strategy is more problematic. Shanghai’s Xin and high-tech industry. Two creative spaces Tian Di is an example of the third ‘old’ or in Shenzhen act as counterparts in the narra- old neighborhood. The project preserves the tive of ‘old’ industry’s fate. The entire Qianhai historical architecture and scale of the original Development is built from a blank slate and shikumen courtyard houses, but the identity part of a master plan on a far west edge of the and use of the space as an affluent lifestyle city. High-tech and creativity is pigeon holed center is part of a larger government agenda into a certain, borrowed aesthetic identity that for ‘economic upgrade’, and its structure resembles Silicon Valley. In contrast, a global becomes inflexible to only allow a certain set phenomenon of reclaimed industrial architec- of business types. The space becomes exclu- ture has influenced the conception of OCT sive and is not designed for the lifestyles of Figure 5-7 Loft. This lifestyle and creative hub consists Images from Qianhai Innovation Hub (Top) and OCT of renovated industrial buildings, transformed Loft (Bottom).
110 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS
industrial space is that once the space becomes when the event ends, the space returns to flex- ‘established’, its spirit as a space for artistic ible possibilities. experimentation gives way to a consumerist, WHAT IS REDEVELOPED OR PRE- pre-programmed set of uses and interpreta- SERVED? tions, compared to the gentrified fate of New York’s SoHo.27 As an alternative, Shekou’s Redevelopment and displacement are socially Hong Kong-Shenzhen Bienale is an ultimate problematic because original residents lose Figure 5-8 expression of temporality in space, where an access to amenities and jobs. Reclaimed devel- Left: Handshake 302 guide to Baishizhou (Shenzhen opments often prioritize architectural preserva- Noted). Right: Murals in Baishizhou old flour factory is transformed into an art-ar- chitecture-planning exhibition. Playful, exper- tion over the preservation of a diverse, mixed displaced residents.26 Reclaimed industrial imental, and busy with practicing workshops, user profile. Onsite relocation in unresponsive creative space is vulnerable after a time as the space lights up and disappears as quickly modernist forms without adequate semiprivate well. A criticism of Beijing 798 as a reclaimed as it appears. For a brief moment, a derelict and public realm space also can fail to create industrial park became a hub of creativity, and effective environments for the original resi- 26 Sophie Plottel, “Development and Displacement in dents’ previous lifestyle. Scale of the project Shanghai’s Xintiandi District,” The Global Grid, January 16, 27 China Daily, “Artists Find New Haven,” China.org.cn, 2013, http://theglobalgrid.org/development-and-displace- April 23, 2003, http://www.china.org.cn/english/culture/63022. becomes critical to the balance between ment-in-shanghai’s-xintiandi-district/. htm.
111 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN economic development goals and the preser- reinterpreting the bicycle from a modern object Fu Long Wu suggests policy makers favor vation of diverse, flexible communities. The to an object of the past, replaced by ‘car pride’. village-corporation redevelopment which physical structure of the urban village already A loss of the dynamic physical environment generates more land supply and promotes accommodates a wide range of uses, where may result in a changed attitude towards the ‘economic upgrade’ when affordable housing small redevelopments add up. Total redevelop- use of the public realm, resulting in the decline for migrant workers is erased.29 Economic ment in one action endangers the community’s in unplanned uses of the public realm. Many upgrade refers to a transition from manufac- existing social and economic fabric. of the public spaces in a different cultural turing uses to a technology and creativity based context would not be used at all, but the will- economy. With the erasure of urban villages, For urban villages, preservation of the building ingness of Chinese users to adapt spaces with loss of affordable housing is not the only social as an ‘artifact’ makes little sense, since many their own personalization keeps blank spaces cost. Beyond the architecture, these neighbor- of the buildings are built poorly and not made active. Adriana Aker’s thesis studied Beijing’s hoods are desirable because of its culture and to last. Instead, a focus on translating the iden- traditional hutongs and found in modern gated street life, aided by the human-scaled elements tified, key physical elements through gradual communities without the human-scaled semi- of its building and urban fabric’s design. These transition can bring strong economic and social private space from communal, court yard life, established neighborhoods are also part of a benefits while mitigating wide-scale displace- residents could not find good spaces to engage context, a complex network of paths, land- ment, just as urban villages have reinvented with their neighbors, many of whom were marks, and relations. themselves organically by multiple actors. strangers to each other.28 Older generations Some urban villages closer to Shenzhen’s Poor copies of New Urbanist physical will eventually leave, and younger residents central business district already are homes for morphology placed in a contextless loca- might lose the same appreciation for life in the recent college graduates and professionals who tion often defeats the purpose of the strategy semiprivate space, evident even by the lack live alongside other migrants and villagers. if broader connections are not thought out. of conversations in elevators, one of the last Moving urban villages to the fringe drains A loss of the design language and culture remaining well-used shared space in a residen- their user base and the village becomes of semiprivate spaces can eventually result tial tower. detached from people in other parts of the city in the loss of the dynamic social realm that who frequent its markets and neighbors. The other cities are trying hard to reclaim. Though Qian Hai Enterprise Dream Park and Youth not a direct comparison, the loss of bicycle 28 Adriana Sandoval Akers, “Neighborhood Design and Public Life: Lessons from Beijing’s Hutong and Superblocks” infrastructure in Beijing sped the process of (Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015). 29 Wu, “Urbanization.”, 246.
112 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS Entrepreneur Innovation Hub also suffers from installations do in the public realm. As an lots. Other abandoned old one story structures being opened in a contextual-less vacuum architectural proposal, a new building typology are already used as gardens in a ‘ruin’ where while OCT Loft rehabilitated existing indus- based around the flexibility of the urban trees peek over its walls that adds a spot of green trial buildings in a busy residential, central village’s buildings and public realm could to a narrow alleyway. Kinoshita and Hayahsi location that attracts people from around the become entrepreneur incubators and small explain in two separate essays ‘Machizukuri city. From an interview with Shenzhen’s urban business centers. Clusters of redesigned build- houses’ and ‘Niwa-Roju’ as part of a ‘new renewal office, rapid transit expansion is seen ings at the scale of the village parcels could public’ in Japanese cities. Both speak about as the affordable housing strategy, justifying become nodes of start ups and small compa- how private houses or private yards can be the removal of urban villages to developments nies within the city rather than contribute to used to enhance the public realm. Machizukuri at the fringe. While villagers can take transit additional sprawl at the fringe. These small houses as a model can extend the public social across the city, the results from chapter 3’s companies within the village can exchange life of many ground floor residences in Nan documentation process showed different usage ideas, advice, and labor with village busi- Yuan Village, with the creation of new social patterns between centrally located villages and nesses, from skilled craftsman knowledge to services or meeting spaces, based on citizen villages on the fringe. Thus the transit strategy navigating China’s difficult financing process participation and consensus which can fill may not be an effective way to preserve villager for small business growth.30 While additional potential gaps left by authorities.31 Kindergar- lifestyles or village culture. A diverse market design research and stakeholder studies would tens, primary schools, and other social services and public realm depends on a large user base, need to be done, sustainable economic devel- are already self-built by many villages who and residents from all parts of the city seem opment in urban villages might be achievable use rent money to improve their community. to enjoy participating in the diverse options of with more gradual, targeted interventions. ‘Niwa-Roju’ examines how private gardens markets, street life, and open spaces. can be made to serve the public realm through SMALL SCALE ENVIRONMENTAL IM- environmental enhancement, such as a large SMALL SCALE ECONOMIC IMPROVE- PROVEMENT MENT Environmental improvement strategy can also As an alternative model to demolish-and-re- be clustered and distributed. Many of Nan build redevelopment, economic and environ- Yuan’s pocket parks were built on abandoned 31 Yasuyoshi Hayashi, “Machizukuri House and Its Ex- mental improvements can follow the same 30 Lingling Wei, “Next Up for China’s Central Bank: How panding Network,” in Insurgent Public Space : Guerrilla Ur- process of reimagining space as temporary to Get Loans to Small Firms,” Wall Street Journal, May 11, banism and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities, ed. Jeffrey 2015. Hou (New York: Routledge, 2010), 149–58.
113 PUBLIC REALM USAGE IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL SHENZHEN tree that extends out or even the conversion of preserve and manage active edges. A process unanswered is whether migrant residents feel a private car park into a corner pocket park. 32 could map out the existing conditions of a excluded from the formal public realm. Mary village and use the map as a guide for stake- Ann O’Donnell, an activist who has lived in REIMAGINING PLANNING IN THE holders to identify weak and strong points. Bai Shi Zhou and documented Shenzhen’s URBAN VILLAGE From there, the existing village is transformed urban villages, co-curated Handshake 302, Comprehensive planning of the urban village and reimagined on paper through discussion which shows how the use of art, guided tours, must rethink the role of the public realm in before implementation. Conflicts over space, and workshops begins to shape residents’ such narrow conditions. While chapter 3’s congestion, and sanitation problems can be perception of their own neighborhood. Projects documentation process of ‘zones’ and typol- reduced when involved stakeholders under- such as Accounting and Baishizhou Superhero ogies was illustrative, suggestive zones for stand the rules and regulations they themselves allow residents to reimagine the daily struggles where unplanned activities should be allowed helped to create. Ratios of ‘quality’ open space and role of their neighbors, gaining a deeper or banned could solve congestion and mitigate to ‘flexible’ open spaces can be debated and understanding of their community. The project environmental issues of some uses. Privat- gradually changed over time, depending on the also inspires questions about the different ized spaces also create blank edges and can be characteristic of the growing village. identities of the village created for the migrant restricted to certain areas of the neighborhood. population versus the original villagers, a topic Such a process can become exclusive and Uses directly compete for space, and public worth exploring deeper in future research. realm management could have its own code time-consuming for the average resident; visu- for right of way, semiprivate space, and public alization simplifies complex topics so they The goals of these projects are not nostalgic space dedicated for socializing and relaxing. remain accessible to all participants. After an but forward thinking. They aim to use the This new code would preserve active street life initial code is established, future transgres- revealed layers of history and collective and connections in the village even as the build- sions signal a potential problem with the code memory to generate discussion of “a sense of ings and occupants change. Similar to form- which can be altered later. To be accessible, future history” or the ability for the commu- based codes, a visualized ‘place based codes’ the planning process needs to also engage in nity, both migrants and villagers, to shape its of zones and physical elements is needed to more imaginative ways that bring very diverse own ‘inspired’ fate rather than policy makers. groups of people together into a pluralized Planning of these new, nimbler developments 32 Isami kinoshita, “Niwa-Roju,” in Insurgent Public understanding of the village’s current and should reach out to the ‘unplanned users’ Space : Guerrilla Urbanism and the Remaking of Contem- porary Cities, ed. Jeffrey Hou (New York: Routledge, 2010), future identity. One important question left which include migrant workers who currently 159–67.
114 CHAPTER 5 | FINDINGS are left out of the participatory planning process when discussing urban village rede- velopment. 33 Dialogue between newcomers, the urban class, old villagers can continue a cultural lineage of unplanned adaptations. Claiming rights to public space and control are natural parts of life in the spatial negotiation over public realm.34 While the younger urban class may find it problematic, mutual -under standings between all parties can be reached through creative, more visual dialogue.
During a conversation with a young woman about the plaza Nan Yuan, her face lit up with excitement. As a last note of optimism, young people already ave a curious appreciation of the active street life in urban villages even if they cannot explain it - a feeling of belonging with a city.
33 Philipp Oswalt, Philipp Misselwitz, and Klaus Overmey- er, “Patterns of the Unplanned,” in Loose Space : Possibility and Diversity in Urban Life, ed. Karen A. Franck and Quentin Stevens (London; New York: Routledge, 2007), 275.
34 Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris, Renia. Ehrenfeucht, and MIT Press., Sidewalks : Conflict and Negotiation over Public Space (Cambridge; London: MIT Press, 2012), 33.
115 CONCLUSION5 AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS CHAPTER 6 | CONCLUSION This thesis is only the beginning of a discussion costs. Past models can inform future models villagers might not currently understand the for village-specific design recommendations. where possibly digital technology encourages value of these flexible spaces. Similar to the a shared economy of equipment and space. Bai Shi Zhou Handshake 302 project, public A new model of affordable, Chinese urbaniza- In urban areas, smartphone penetration rate participatory art and planning initiatives are a tion will emerge to replace the urban village is near or already exceeds 90%.1 Technology possible tool to have a conversation about the model, but whether it can preserve a culture of does not replace social contact, and while desired flexibility in the public realm. active street life and low-barrier entrepreneur- many young people are using smartphones in ship depends on further study. More research A first experience walking through an urban public spaces, they are on their way to meet is also needed into citywide ‘pocket’ envi- village can be a mix of shock, confusion, someone or reading emails while being a part ronmental and economic interventions within wonderment, and curiosity. Diverse neigh- of the plaza and city. These public-semipri- urban villages that can preserve flexibility and borhoods have the possibility to inspire and vate spaces can fulfill multiple roles and be low start-up cost advantages from unplanned promote a willingness to explore outside one’s changed easily for a different use. They only adaptations. Finally, a culture of participatory own space to discover a shared identity in need the space to use technology to enhance design is not common in Chinese urban design, public space. Instead of dreading the loss of their social wellbeing. and additional work needs to engage residents urban villages, the language of its public realm in creative ways that diverse populations can Further research is needed on the effect of already appears in new streets and plazas. all understand. regulation and rules on public realm usage Urban villages have had a dynamic history, and adaptation. Coding and intentional design and have not fallen behind. Instead, in many While architecturally the new model will might erase perceived flexibility. A purely ways, it can provide a model for the future be different, the thesis emphasizes the need physical translation of the design recommen- when people rediscover a different culture of to translate the public realm concepts of dations will not work, and the designer must urban life for themselves. the urban village or of other models such as remain skeptical. Instead the model depends Beijing’s hutongs to preserve an active, flex- on the interaction between physical, cultural, ible public realm. Preservation in China is and social aspects of the public realm. Finally, not only about keeping historical architec- 1 Su Feng, “Nielsen: Chinese Smartphone Market Now ture. Active street life and flexibility through Driven by Upgrading” (Shanghai: Nielsen, June 17, 2015), temporary, unplanned adaptations allow dense http://www.nielsen.com/cn/en/press-room/2015/Nielsen-Chi- nese-Smartphone-Market-Now-Driven-by-Upgrading-EN.html. communities to share resources and reduce
117 APPENDICES6 APPENDIX
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