NATO—SECRET Sec Pca R Special AO Ees Policy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

NATO—SECRET Sec Pca R Special AO Ees Policy NATO—SECRET 1 y ' (i- ORGANISATION DU TRAITE DE L'ATLANTIQUE NORD | NORTH ATLANTIC TRE A TY ORGANISATION PLACE MAfi&HAl DE IATÏŒ DE TASSfiNY • PARIS (XVI*) • ÏÉL O L 50-20 £ ■ NATO SECRET CUREAU O U REPRÉ SENTANT OFFICE OF THE STANDING G ROUP DU GROUPE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE 30 April 1963 MEMORANDUM FOR : Secretary , Standing Group SUBJECT Special Report by Secretary Gene ral on NATO Defense Policy. Background 1. During t he past three weeks the Secretary General has held discussions with individual delegations, SACEUR, and the Standing Group on the text of the report on defense policy he proposes to submit to the Ministers at Ottawa. This report is Part II of the Secretary General’s Annual Political Appraisal. Part I, not yet circulated, will cover developments * of general interest since the Ministers meeting in December, whereas Part II, 1T on NATO Defense Policy, will deal primarily with the Secretary General's views as to the organization and establishment of the Inter~Allied Nuclear Force envisioned in paragraph 6 of the Nassau Accord. 2. Although it is clearly understood by all con cerned that the Secretary General's Report represents his personal views, and not an agreed Council position, the Secretary General has sought through the above informal bilateral discussions, to develop views which will be as acceptable as possible to the members of the Alliance. It is currently envisioned by the Secretary General and the majority of the Council, that the Secretary General's Report on NATO Defense Policy will constitute the basis for a decision by the governments at Ottawa as to whether or not to create an Inter-Allied Nuclear Force along the lines proposed in his report. __________________ is Co.-itroi N° .y.. Current Situation 3. At the Council meeting of 30 April, which was attended by the Standing Group Principals and the Chairman of the M C/PS, the Secretary General reported to the Council on the progress that he had made in discussing the text of his report with SACEUR and with the Standing Group during the past three days. Additionally, he advised the delegations of certain changes that he proposed to make to his preliminary dr ait in light of these discussions, and of discussions with individual Ambassadors. DECLASSIFIED - PUBLICLY DISCLOSED - PDN(2015)0004 - DECLASSIFIE - MISE EN LECTURE PUBLIQUE LECTURE EN - MISE - DECLASSIFIE - PDN(2015)0004 DISCLOSED - PUBLICLY DECLASSIFIED 4. Attached is the latest draft of the report available to SGREP. It incorporates the changes which the Secretary General proposes to make as a result of his discussions with SACEUR and the SGN referred to above. It does not (repeat not) incorporate as yet certain additional changes which the Secretary General advised the Council he intended to make in light of discussions with the various Am bassadors. These latter were outlined in broad terms at the Council meeting by the Secretary General, but no text has as yet been circulated. SGREP will report thesé changes as soon as they are available. IND, SCAN NATO-SECRET Section IMS NATO-SECRET - Z - NATO SECRET April 30 Council Meeting. 5. At the Council meeting of 30 April, the Secretary General, in addition to advising the C ouncil of the various changes referred to in para 4 above, stated that the Standing Group had advised him that "Although the estab­ lishment of the Inter-Allied Nuclear F orce, of itself, will not solve SACEUR's problem of force modernization, the effective operation of an Inter-Allied Nuclear Force is both feasible and desirable from a military point of v iew ." This statement was confirmed by the Chairman of the Standing Group, who also emphasized that it addressed itself to the draft the Standing Croup had discussed with him and that there were additional comments made on specific portions of the paper which the Secretary General had taken into account in his latest text. (Text enclosed). 6. The French Representative made a statement reserving his overall position on the substance of the Report. He indicated that in his view there remained certain fundamental issues to be clarified by the Council on the subject and that the draft Report, while recognized as only a personal submission by the Secretary General, tended to gather sem i-official, or official, status in light of it3 discussion in the Council and with Military Authorities. It was agreed that the basic issues involved would be discussed by the Council on F riday, 3 May. 7. In view of the fact that until now the evolution of the Secretary General's Report has been handled largely on an informal, and bilateral, basis as between the Secretary General and those he wished to consult, this LOM attempts to summarise the situation and furnish addressees the basic background paper. Changes thereon will hereafter be reported by SGREP in the normal manner, using the Enclosure to this LOM as a basis reference. Lieutenant General STANDING GROUP REPRESENTATIVE Enclosure: Draft Special Rpt by SecGen on NATC Defense Policy dtd Z9 Apr. DECLASSIFIED - PUBLICLY DISCLOSED - PDN(2015)0004 - DÉCLASSIFIÉ - MISE EN LECTURE PUBLIQUE LECTURE EN - MISE - DÉCLASSIFIÉ - PDN(2015)0004 DISCLOSED - PUBLICLY DECLASSIFIED cc: SAC EUR (w/encl) SAC LAN? (w/encl) CINCHAN (w/encl) NATO SECRET C OMMAIRCHAN (w/encl) NATO-SECRET NATO-SECRET NATO SECRET DRAFT 2.9th April I963 SPECIAL REPORT BY THE SECRETARY GENERAL ON NATO DEFENCE POLICY Following the example of our meeting in Athens of last year when Defence Ministers also attended, I have thought it appropriate to deal with the major problems of NATO defence policy in a Special Report. 2. Developments in the six months between the Athens meeting and the Ministerial meeting in December were summarised in the Acting Secretary General's Progress Report on NATO Defence Policy, C-M(62)l49 of 4th December, It would serve no useful purpose to review these again, except perhaps to recall that the latter part of 1962 was a period of investigation and self­ education in nuclear problems rather than one which saw the emergence of firm conclusions or decisions. The December Ministerial meeting and the proposals formulated shortly afterwards by the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in the Nassau Communiqué gave a new direction to the Council's discussion. 3. At the December meeting attention was focused on NATO strategy and the associated problems of the role of conventional forces and of the capacity of the Alliance to meet the goals recommended by the NATO Military Authorities. The discussion of this issue gave rise to a number of important statements and suggestions for further action on the part of Ministers. At Nassau the two member countries concerned put forward new concepts of potentially far-reaching significance for the organisation of NATO's nuclear defence and the future pattern of nuclear co-operation within the Alliance. 4. I had envisaged that in the New Year the Council might work out a programme for-following up these two issues simultaneously, though separately. In January* it seemed possible that by pursuing the possibilities of setting up a NATO Nuclear Force and by making concurrently a sober examination of 'the prospects of meeting MC 26/4 goals for conventional forces, the results of these two exercises might be made to converge in time and provide the Council with a firm basis for determining future NATO strategy. The Council would then have been able to give guidance to the NATO military authorities on various outstanding questions, including MRBMs, and help to clear away some of the obscurities which complicate the formulation of long term NATO force requirements and the establishment of force goals together with individual DECLASSIFIED - PUBLICLY DISCLOSED - PDN(2015)0004 - DÉCLASSIFIÉ - MISE EN LECTURE PUBLIQUE LECTURE EN - MISE - DÉCLASSIFIÉ - PDN(2015)0004 DISCLOSED - PUBLICLY DECLASSIFIED country force contribution to these goals. NATO-SECRET NATO SECRET NATO-SECRET NATO SECRET - 2 - 5. A satisfactory method of following up the conventional forces question has yet to be found. I am tentatively drafting some suggestions which, together with any other ideas which may be put forward, could at an appropriate time be discussed with Permanent Representatives. I hope concrete proposals can be worked out after Ottawa. We must certainly not lose sight of the urgency of this ma tter. It affects the future of our long term force planning (including any changes to be brought about in the Triennial Review and the future infrastructure programme), the allocation of the resources available for defence, and the balance between conventional and nuclear forces. 6. In the meanwhile the Council has concentrated its full attention on the Nassau proposals. The latter have made an important contribution to thinking on one of the basic questions which has preoccupied not only the Council but public opinion in member countries during the last two years and which was the leitmotiv of the Council discussions leading to the conclusions reached at the Athena maeting - that is how to secure a wider sharing of responsibility in decisions for the possible use of nuclear weapons in NATO defence and how to provide for a closer association by individual member countries in nuclear policy and planning. 7. After hearing explanatory statements from the United States and United Kingdom delegations on January 11th, the Council agreed that the two distinct though complementary concepts, reflected in the Nassau Communiqué, the "Inter-Allied Nuclear Force" and the "Multilateral Force" should be studied in parallel. Valuable background to these studies has been provided in the interval by the Governments concerned. In particular Permanent Representatives were grateful to receive a very full briefing on the develop­ ment of the United States nuclear weapons and delivery systems, which was given to the NATO Nuclear Committee under the CABAL procedures by an expert team on February 12-13th.
Recommended publications
  • October 02, 1963 Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force'
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 02, 1963 Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force' Citation: “Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force',” October 02, 1963, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, National Archives, The Hague, Council of Ministers, access number 2.02.05.02, inventory number 753 and 723. Obtained and translated by Bastiaan Bouwman. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117766 Summary: Paper presented at 4 October 1963 meeting of the Dutch Council of Ministers. The paper lays out the reasons for declining to participate in the Multilateral Force so far, but argues that due to changes in the situation – principally a turn on the part of the British toward participation – the Netherlands now should move to participate in the talks. The paper lists the (political) advantages of such participation. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation and Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY). Original Language: Dutch Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document [...] SECRET Paper regarding Dutch participation in talks regarding a multilateral nuclear force . On 1 August of this year, the Council of Ministers agreed that for now the invitation by the American government to participate in talks of a working group in Washington regarding the establishment of a NATO multilateral nuclear force, consisting of surface ships with mixed crews, would not be acted upon. This invitation had been accepted by the Federal Republic, Italy, Greece and Turkey. Along with the Netherlands, the UK and Belgium decided to remain on the sidelines for the time being.
    [Show full text]
  • George Washington University Undergraduate Review
    KEYWORDS: MLF, Multilateral Force, non-proliferation, Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, U.S. Soviet Relations DOI: https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.3(2020).01 "Das Vadanya" to the Multilateral Force: the Soviet Union's Role in the Johnson Administration's Decision to Abandon the MLF ALEXANDER CHANG International Affairs, ESIA '21, [email protected] ABSTRACT The Multilateral Force (MLF) was a proposed nuclear sharing arrangement between the United States and a number of its NATO partners. Proposed in 1958, the MLF was debated until about 1965 or 1966 and was often distinguished by its controversial nature and failure to gain traction. This paper examines documents from the Digital National Security Archive (DNSA), Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), Record Group 59: General Records of the Department of State, and various secondary sources to evaluate the extent to which the Soviet Union contributed to the MLF's failure as an initiative. The Force is often treated as a narrow and highly technical policy debate by existing literature. However, examination of these documents highlighted the necessity of viewing the Force as a topic of distinct political import in American-Soviet nuclear negotiations. While technical disputes over the MLF's constitution was an immediate cause of its demise, U.S. policymakers also faced strategic incentives not to pursue the treaty. In particular, the documents reflect growing belief within the Johnson administration that exiting the agreement could improve broader bilateral relations with the Soviet Union and ensure that the international community could continue to make progress on the creation of a nuclear non-proliferation agreement .
    [Show full text]
  • The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture
    THE END OF NUCLEAR WARFIGHTING MOVING TO A W E I DETERRENCE-ONLY V E R POSTURE E R U T S O P R A E L C U N . S . U E V I T A N September 2018 R E T L A Dr. Bruce G. Blair N Jessica Sleight A Emma Claire Foley In Collaboration with the Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture an alternative u.s. nuclear posture review Bruce G. Blair with Jessica Sleight and Emma Claire Foley Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University Global Zero, Washington, DC September 2018 Copyright © 2018 Bruce G. Blair published by the program on science and global security, princeton university This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial License; to view a copy of this license, visit www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0 typesetting in LATEX with tufte document class First printing, September 2018 Contents Abstract 5 Executive Summary 6 I. Introduction 15 II. The Value of U.S. Nuclear Capabilities and Enduring National Objectives 21 III. Maximizing Strategic Stability 23 IV. U.S. Objectives if Deterrence Fails 32 V. Modernization of Nuclear C3 40 VI. Near-Term Guidance for Reducing the Risks of Prompt Launch 49 VII. Moving the U.S. Strategic Force Toward a Deterrence-Only Strategy 53 VIII.Nuclear Modernization Program 70 IX. Nuclear-Weapon Infrastructure: The “Complex” 86 X. Countering Nuclear Terrorism 89 XI. Nonproliferation and Strategic-Arms Control 91 XII. Conclusion 106 Authors 109 Abstract The United States should adopt a deterrence-only policy based on no first use of nuclear weapons, no counterforce against opposing nuclear forces in second use, and no hair-trigger response.
    [Show full text]
  • The US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1961–63 3
    A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY The US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1961–63 A STUDY IN GOVERNANCE JAMES E. GOODBY Hoover Institution Hoover The Challenge of Existential Threats The security and well-being of the American people and of all humanity are threatened by several global challenges that can only be successfully met through international cooperation. My estimate of the top six: (1) climate change and water scarcity, (2) mass migration caused by armed conflict or climate change, (3) pandemics caused by international travel through regions ravaged by diseases that are resistant to treatment, (4) terrorism generated by organized groups of extremists, (5) massive disruption or physical damage caused by cyberwarfare, and (6) human and environmental devastation caused by use of nuclear weapons. The last of these challenges, unlike the others listed, is almost entirely under the control of a small number of governments, so improving the performance of the US federal government in this area would pay big dividends. Improving governance in the United States and elsewhere is not just a simple matter of a political choice. Governance of complex military/technical /political public policy issues in these rapidly changing times requires a combination of relevant expertise and leadership at several levels which, in the United States and elsewhere, is often missing in government institutions. The challenge is to create new institutions or reform existing ones so that they have the capacity to manage these complex issues. In this essay, I will draw on the experience of negotiating the limited test ban treaty (LTBT) during the period from 1961 to 1963 to demonstrate the unique role that a small federal agency with a crosscutting mandate and direct access to the president could play under proper conditions.1 I refer here to the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA), where I was a staff member with special responsibilities for test ban negotiations from 1961 to 1963.
    [Show full text]
  • Pdf, Accessed 10 August 2013
    Notes Introduction 1 . Kristan Stoddart, Losing an Empire and Finding a Role: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1964–1970 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012) and Kristan Stoddart, The Sword and the Shield: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1970–1976 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 2 . He eventually defeated Michael Foot in the leadership run-off. Foot would succeed Callaghan as leader in 1980, defeating Denis Healey. 3 . James Callaghan, Time and Chance (London: Fontana, 1988), pp. 385–408. 4 . David McKie, ‘Lord Callaghan Labour prime minister who, uniquely, held all four of the great offices of state, but whose consensus politics were washed away in the late 1970s’, The Guardian , 28 March 2005. 5 . ‘Why grass roots protests are now a “Must”’, The Guardian , 4 March 2010. 6 . Callaghan, Time and Chance , p. 400. 7 . Ibid. p. 448. 8 . Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London: Penguin, 1990), pp. 388–464. 9 . Ibid. pp. 381, 393, 422–424, 429–435 and Callaghan, Time and Chance , pp. 413–447, 478, 498, 515. 10 . For a comprehensive synopsis see Richard Vinen, Thatcher’s Britain: The Politics and Social Upheaval of the 1980s (London: Simon and Schuster, 2009). 11 . Andy McSmith, ‘Margaret Thatcher obituary: the most divisive political leader of modern times’, The Independent , 8 April 2013. 12 . Quoted in Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders Since 1945 (London: Allen Lane, 2000), pp. 408, 397–436. 13 . www.chu.cam.ac.uk/archives/collections/BDOHP/Coles.pdf, accessed 10 August 2013. 14 . John Nott, Here Today, Gone Tomorrow: Recollections of an Errant Politician (London: Politico’s, 2002), p.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of US Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons and Implications for NATO
    The Future of U.S. Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons and Implications for NATO Drifting Toward the Foreseeable Future Jeffrey A. Larsen, Ph.D. A report prepared in accordance with the requirements of the 2005-06 NATO Manfred Wörner Fellowship for NATO Public Diplomacy Division 31 October 2006 UNCLASSIFIED US NSNW and Implications for NATO Larsen ii US NSNW and Implications for NATO Larsen Table of Contents List of Figures vii List of Tables vii Foreword ix Methodology x Disclaimer x Executive Summary xi I. Introduction 1 Background to Today’s Situation 2 Defining Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons 6 Findings 8 II. Historical Background 11 Historical Summary of Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons in Europe 12 Recurrent Themes in Alliance Nuclear History 16 Modernization Episodes in Europe 21 The Nuclear Planning Group 22 The High Level Group 23 The Montebello Decision and SNF Modernization 25 The End of the Cold War 27 The Presidential Nuclear Initiatives 30 Russian Response to the PNIs 33 Arms Control and Relations with Russia in the 1990s 35 Key Nuclear Documents 37 Summary 38 III. Is There a Future for Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons? 39 Recent Developments 40 Current Status of NSNW in States of Interest 42 United States 42 Russia 46 Issues Regarding NSNW 48 Arguments For and Against Future Roles for NSNW 49 Arguments For 49 Arguments Against 50 Future Roles for Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons 51 Political 51 Extended Deterrence 51 Arms Control 52 Military 52 Escalation Dominance 52 Target Coverage 53 Counter NBC 54 Supporting the Strategic Nuclear Arsenal 54 Robustness 54 iii US NSNW and Implications for NATO Larsen Hedging 54 Summary 55 IV.
    [Show full text]
  • Evgeny Kustnetsov, the Multilateral Force Debates
    Evgeny Kustnetsov, The Multilateral Force debates Source: Evgeny Kustnetsov, European University Institute, Florence (2004). Copyright: (c) CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/evgeny_kustnetsov_the_multilateral_force_debates- en-937a5818-7fea-47da-944e-11114da4e0a3.html Last updated: 09/07/2016 1/5 Multilateral Force debates Consisting in ships carrying ‘Polaris’ intermediate-range ballistic missile and manned by international crews, including Germans, the Multilateral Force (MLF) was the most ambitious project for European integration in the military field after the failure of the European Defence Community. In December 1960 at the NATO ministerial meeting in Paris, Secretary of State Christian Herter had recommended that the United States should commit five nuclear submarines, armed with eighty ‘Polaris’ missiles to the seaborne NATO multilateral nuclear force on condition that the Europeans come up with some system to manage them. The MLF proposal introduced to the State Department by Harvard Professor Robert Bowie was only a part of a much larger report, which was supposed to deal with a set of problems concerning the Atlantic Alliance. First, there was the growing concern among the Europeans about the reliability of the US nuclear deterrence. The launch of Sputnik in 1957 and the deployment by the USSR of nuclear missiles that directly threatened Europe seemed to prove the Soviet superiority in the arms race.
    [Show full text]
  • Articulating the Logic of Nuclear-Sharing Alexander Mattelaer
    No.No. 116 [ ] October[Date] 2019 Articulating the logic of nuclear-sharing Alexander Mattelaer weapons exist. By extension, it underwrites the NATO’s nuclear-sharing arrangements collective security of its members, which is based often get bad press. This is remarkable on a strategy of deterrence and defence. As given the fact that they have demonstrably nuclear-sharing makes for a politically sensitive contributed to (a) countering the subject, public discussion thereof has often proliferation of nuclear arsenals in Europe, remained muted. This has resulted in a widening (b) fostering alliance cohesion by giving gap between what is official policy and the public non-nuclear weapon states a voice on the understanding thereof. Yet sustaining leadership nuclear posture of the alliance, and (c) focus is premised on informing and educating the making nuclear deterrence more effective next generation of leaders with consideration and militarily by offering a wider array of force deliberation.1 In this sense, the desire to avoid options. When the relative merits of difficult debates with critical publics constitutes extended nuclear deterrence are perhaps the gravest risk to NATO’s deterrence unknown, public support thereof is likely posture today. to suffer. In order to enrich the debate about NATO’s nuclear policy, this The logic of nuclear-sharing revolves around three functions subsumed within the wider Security Policy Brief articulates the framework of NATO’s nuclear policy. First threefold logic of nuclear-sharing. comes the non-proliferation function: nuclear- sharing helps maintaining strategic stability by limiting the number of nuclear arsenals in INTRODUCTION Europe. Second comes the political cohesion Nuclear-sharing plays a critical, though little- function: nuclear-sharing ensures that the understood role in the nuclear posture of the benefits, responsibilities and risks that derive NATO alliance.
    [Show full text]
  • The NPT and the Origins of NATO's Nuclear Sharing Arrangements
    The NPT and the Origins of NATO’s Nuclear Sharing Arrangements by William Alberque Head of Arms Control and Coordination Section, NATO NATO’s Enduring Commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty Vienna Center for Disarmament and Non-Proliferation At the Permanent Mission of Japan 5 May 2017 PRESENTATION OUTLINE I. The story ‐ Personal and historical II. Key findings ‐ How were NATO’s nuclear sharing arrangements addressed during negotiations? ‐ What were the other key issues to be resolved? III. The enduring relevance of the NPT Lunch Lecture VCDNP | 5 May 2017 2 The story of the NPT • Baruch Plan of 1946 • Irish Resolution 1958, adopted 20 December 1961 • Eighteen Nation Disarmament Committee (January 1962) ‐ 14 March 1962 to 26 August 1969 ‐ US Draft Treaty 17 August 1965 ‐ USSR Draft Treaty 24 September 1965 ‐ UN Resolution 2028(XX) 19 November 1965 ‐ US revised Draft Treaty 21 March 1966 ‐ US-USSR joint drafts 24 August 1967, 18 January 1968, 11 March 1968 ‐ Agreed by ENDC 14 March 1968 • NPT opened for signature 1 July 1968 Lunch Lecture VCDNP | 5 May 2017 The Cold War doesn’t stop for NPT negotiations Six-Day War President Kennedy US escalation in raises global assassinated Vietnam tensions Berlin Crisis and NOV 1963 MAR 1965 JUN 1967 the Wall AUG 1961 AUG 1968 Invasion of Czechoslovakia OCT 1962 OCT 1964 MAR 1966 Cuban Missile Premier Khrushchev France withdraws Crisis removed from office from NATO military China detonates its structure first atomic bomb Lunch Lecture VCDNP | 5 May 2017 4 A Researcher’s Best Friend: the public record Lunch Lecture VCDNP | 5 May 2017 A Researcher’s Best Friend 2: FRUS • The Foreign Relations of the United States ‐ Broken down by President, and then topic area ‐ https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments • The famous “Document 232” ‐ Letter From the Under Secretary of State (Katzenbach) to Secretary of Defense Clifford, Washington, April 10, 1968.
    [Show full text]
  • UGM-27 Polaris
    UGM-27 Polaris The UGM-27 Polaris missile was a two-stage solid-fueled nuclear- UGM-27 Polaris armed submarine-launched ballistic missile. The United States Navy's first SLBM, it served from 1961 to 1996. The Polaris project was created to replace the solid-fueled Jupiter S project, which had been approved in 1956 to replace the liquid-fueled SM-78 and PGM-19 Jupiter missiles. In December 1956, the United States Navy awarded Polaris development contracts to Lockheed Corporation and Aerojet Rocketdyne.[1] The Polaris missile was designed to be used for second strike countervalue (since the CEP was not good enough for first strike counterforce) as part of the Navy's contribution to the United States arsenal of nuclear weapons, replacing the Regulus cruise missile. Known as a Fleet Ballistic Missile (FBM), the Polaris was first launched from the Cape Canaveral, Florida, missile test base on January 7, 1960.[1] Following the Polaris Sales Agreement in 1963, Polaris missiles were also carried on British Royal Navy submarines between 1968 and the mid-1990s. Polaris A-3 on launch pad before a test firing at Plans to equip the Italian Navy with the missile ended in the mid-60s, Cape Canaveral after several successful test launches carried out on board the Italian Type Submarine-launched ballistic cruiser Giuseppe Garibaldi. Despite the successful launching tests, the missile plan was abandoned due to the completion of initial SSBN vessels. Place of origin United States Nonetheless, the Italian government set out to develop an indigenous missile, called Alfa. The program was successful, but was halted by Service history Italy's ratification of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the In service 1961–1996 failure of the NATO Multilateral Force.
    [Show full text]
  • NORSTAD, LAURIS: Papers, 1930-87
    DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER LIBRARY ABILENE, KANSAS NORSTAD, LAURIS: Papers, 1930-87 Accession A94-5 Processed by: DJH Date Completed: July 1992 On June 15, 1986, General Lauris Norstad agreed to donate his personal papers to the Eisenhower Library. The Library received the papers in several shipments between 1986 and 1989. Linear feet of shelf space: 62 Approximate number of pages: 116,800 Approximate number of items: 60,000 An instrument of gift for these papers was signed by Mrs. Isabel Norstad in November 1993. Literary rights in the unpublished writings of General Norstad in this collection and in all other collections of papers received by the United States have been donated to the public. Under terms of the instrument of gift the following classes of documents are withheld from research use: 1. Papers which constitute an invasion of personal privacy or a libel of a living person. 2. Papers which are required to be keep secret in the interest of national defense or foreign policy and are properly classified. SCOPE AND CONTENT NOTE The Papers of General Lauris Norstad, United States Air Force officer, cover the period 1930 to 1987, with the bulk of the materials falling into the years 1942-1962. Norstad held various staff positions overseas and in Washington D.C. during and after World War II before serving in several European commands leading to his appointment as Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) in 1956. A small segment of these papers are dated 1969-1974 when Norstad served as a member of the President’s Commission on an All-Volunteer Armed Force and as a member of the General Advisory Committee on Arms Control and Disarmament.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gold Battles Within the Cold War: American Monetary Policy and the Defense of Europe, –
    . The Gold Battles within the Cold War: American Monetary Policy and the Defense of Europe, – President John F. Kennedy often told his advisers that “the two things which scared him most were nuclear weapons and the payments deficit.” Kennedy’s sensitivity to the nuclear danger is well documented and completely under- standable. But why was he so afraid of the U.S. balance of payments deficit? Why did he compare a technical problem of international monetary economics to the dangers of a nuclear war? These two problems – one involving monetary policy, the other a question of basic American security policy – were inextricably linked in fundamental ways during the Kennedy years. It is impossible to understand the full com- plexities and nuances of U.S. Cold War strategy in Europe during this pivotal period without coming to terms with the balance of payments and gold question. Likewise, these complicated monetary issues make no sense unless they are understood within their political and security context. The whole spectrum of the Kennedy administration’s policy toward Europe – ranging from the German question to nuclear sharing policy – cannot be understood without reference to U.S. monetary policy. Although there is no shortage of scholarship on the foreign policy and Cold War strategy of the Kennedy administration, the question of the U.S. balance- *This paper emerged from a presentation given at the John M. Olin Institute of Strategic Studies at Harvard University. The author would like to thank the participants in that seminar for their comments and suggestions, particularly Andrew Erdmann, Eugene Gholz, Colin Kahl, Michael Desch, Sam Huntington, and Commander James Stein.
    [Show full text]