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October 02, 1963 Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force'
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 02, 1963 Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force' Citation: “Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force',” October 02, 1963, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, National Archives, The Hague, Council of Ministers, access number 2.02.05.02, inventory number 753 and 723. Obtained and translated by Bastiaan Bouwman. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117766 Summary: Paper presented at 4 October 1963 meeting of the Dutch Council of Ministers. The paper lays out the reasons for declining to participate in the Multilateral Force so far, but argues that due to changes in the situation – principally a turn on the part of the British toward participation – the Netherlands now should move to participate in the talks. The paper lists the (political) advantages of such participation. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation and Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY). Original Language: Dutch Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document [...] SECRET Paper regarding Dutch participation in talks regarding a multilateral nuclear force . On 1 August of this year, the Council of Ministers agreed that for now the invitation by the American government to participate in talks of a working group in Washington regarding the establishment of a NATO multilateral nuclear force, consisting of surface ships with mixed crews, would not be acted upon. This invitation had been accepted by the Federal Republic, Italy, Greece and Turkey. Along with the Netherlands, the UK and Belgium decided to remain on the sidelines for the time being. -
Index to the Oral History of Rear Admiral Albert G
Index to the Oral History of Rear Admiral Albert G. Mumma, U.S. Navy (Retired) Accidents In the late 1920s Lieutenant Richard Whitehead crashed an O2U on the deck of the aircraft carrier Saratoga (CV-3) when his tailhook caught the barrier wire, 28-29 Aircraft Carriers The effort in the 1950s and 1960s to justify nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, 190-191, 268-269; rejection in the late 1950s of a congressional effort to build an aircraft carrier in a West Coast shipyard, 200-202 Air Warfare The German Air Force used the ME 163 rocket-powered airplane against the Allies in World War II, 107, 116 Albacore, USS (AGSS-569) Experimental test vehicle used in the early 1950s to demonstrate the feasibility of the teardrop-shaped hull as the best hydrodynamic form for a true submarine, 150-151, 172 Alcohol In 1945, in Bremen, Germany, Mumma had to disarm an Army photographer who had gotten drunk and was brandishing a pistol, 111-112 Alsos Mission At the end of World War II, U.S. officers visited France and Germany to ascertain German technical developments during the war, 97, 101-105 See also: Naval Technical Mission Europe American Society of Naval Engineers (ASNE) Professional society that contributes to the advancement of knowledge in the field, 234-236 Andrea Doria (Passenger Liner) Italian ship that sank in July 1956 off Nantucket after colliding with the Swedish liner Stockholm, 222-224; a longitudinal bulkhead was probably a factor in the sinking, 223-224 Antisubmarine Warfare German U-boats were surprised during World War II by the effectiveness of American airborne radar, 117 1 Arkansas, USS (BB-33) Battleship that in the summer of 1923 made a midshipman training cruise to Europe, 7-9 Army, U.S. -
Directors of Central Intelligence As Leaders of the U.S
All statements of fact, opinion, or analysis expressed in this book are those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect official positions of the Central Intel- ligence Agency or any other US government entity, past or present. Nothing in the contents should be construed as asserting or implying US government endorsement of the authors’ factual statements and interpretations. The Center for the Study of Intelligence The Center for the Study of Intelligence (CSI) was founded in 1974 in response to Director of Central Intelligence James Schlesinger’s desire to create within CIA an organization that could “think through the functions of intelligence and bring the best intellects available to bear on intelli- gence problems.” The Center, comprising professional historians and experienced practitioners, attempts to document lessons learned from past operations, explore the needs and expectations of intelligence consumers, and stimulate serious debate on current and future intelligence challenges. To support these activities, CSI publishes Studies in Intelligence and books and monographs addressing historical, operational, doctrinal, and theoretical aspects of the intelligence profession. It also administers the CIA Museum and maintains the Agency’s Historical Intelligence Collection. Comments and questions may be addressed to: Center for the Study of Intelligence Central Intelligence Agency Washington, DC 20505 Printed copies of this book are available to requesters outside the US government from: Government Printing Office (GPO) Superintendent of Documents P.O. Box 391954 Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954 Phone: (202) 512-1800 E-mail: [email protected] ISBN: 1-929667-14-0 The covers: The portraits on the front and back covers are of the 19 directors of central intelligence, beginning with the first, RAdm. -
Trident Pack.Pub
Facts about Trident Britain’s Trident nuclear weapon system consists of four components: missiles, warheads, submarines and support infrastructure. The submarines The delivery platform for the Trident missile is the Vanguard- class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine, built by Vickers Shipbuilding and Engineering Limited (now owned by BAE Systems) at Barrow-in-Furness. Beginning in 1993, four Vanguard-class boats were commissioned: the Vanguard, the Victorious, the Vigilant, and the Vengeance. Each submarine has a crew of approximately 140 and is based at Her Majesty’s Navy Base (HMNB) Clyde at Faslane in Scotland. HMS Vanguard The missiles Each submarine can carry 16 Trident II (D5) submarine- launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs). The missiles were designed in the United States by Lockheed-Martin. They have a range of approximately 4,600 miles and are accurate to within 90 metres. Britain bought 58 missiles as part of a larger collective pool at King’s Bay, Georgia – home to many of America’s Ohio-class submarines that employ Trident missiles as well. It has 50 left after test-firings. The missile was first deployed by the U.S. Navy in 1990. Trident missile test flight The United States has initiated a life extension programme to increase the service life of the missiles from 30 to 45 years. Trident missiles will be fully withdrawn from service in 2042. Britain is also participating in this programme. Each Trident missile can deliver 12 independently-targeted warheads, giving each Vanguard- class submarine the capability to deploy 192 warheads. In practice it is British Government policy to deploy no more than 48 warheads per submarine and probably around 12 missiles per submarine with 3-4 warhead each. -
Trump's Generals
STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY - PERSPECTIVE Trump’s Generals: A Natural Experiment in Civil-Military Relations JAMES JOYNER Abstract President Donald Trump’s filling of numerous top policy positions with active and retired officers he called “my generals” generated fears of mili- tarization of foreign policy, loss of civilian control of the military, and politicization of the military—yet also hope that they might restrain his worst impulses. Because the generals were all gone by the halfway mark of his administration, we have a natural experiment that allows us to com- pare a Trump presidency with and without retired generals serving as “adults in the room.” None of the dire predictions turned out to be quite true. While Trump repeatedly flirted with civil- military crises, they were not significantly amplified or deterred by the presence of retired generals in key roles. Further, the pattern continued in the second half of the ad- ministration when “true” civilians filled these billets. Whether longer-term damage was done, however, remains unresolved. ***** he presidency of Donald Trump served as a natural experiment, testing many of the long- debated precepts of the civil-military relations (CMR) literature. His postelection interviewing of Tmore than a half dozen recently retired four- star officers for senior posts in his administration unleashed a torrent of columns pointing to the dangers of further militarization of US foreign policy and damage to the military as a nonpartisan institution. At the same time, many argued that these men were uniquely qualified to rein in Trump’s worst pro- clivities. With Trump’s tenure over, we can begin to evaluate these claims. -
OSP11: Nuclear Weapons Policy 1967-1998
OPERATIONAL SELECTION POLICY OSP11 NUCLEAR WEAPONS POLICY 1967-1998 Revised November 2005 1 Authority 1.1 The National Archives' Acquisition Policy announced the Archive's intention of developing Operational Selection Policies across government. These would apply the collection themes described in the overall policy to the records of individual departments and agencies. 1.2 Operational Selection Policies are intended to be working tools for those involved in the selection of public records. This policy may therefore be reviewed and revised in the light of comments from users of the records or from archive professionals, the experience of departments in using the policy, or as a result of newly discovered information. There is no formal cycle of review, but comments would be welcomed at any time. The extent of any review or revision exercise will be determined according to the nature of the comments received. If you have any comments upon this policy, please e-mail records- [email protected] or write to: Acquisition and Disposition Policy Manager Records Management Department The National Archives Kew Richmond Surrey TW9 4DU 1.3 Operational Selection Policies do not provide guidance on access to selected records. 2 Scope 2.1 This policy relates to all public records on British nuclear weapons policy and development. The departments and agencies concerned are the Prime Minister’s Office, the Cabinet Office, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Security Policy Department, Defence Department, Atomic Energy and Disarmament Department, and Arms Control and Disarmament Department), HM Treasury (Defence and Material Department), the Department of Trade and Industry (Atomic Energy, and Export Control and Non-Proliferation Directorate), the Ministry of Defence (MOD), the Atomic Weapons Establishment (AWE) and the United Kingdom Atomic Energy Authority (UKAEA). -
Application Requête
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE APPLICATION INSTITUTING PROCEEDINGS filed in the Registry of the Court on 24 April 2014 OBLIGATIONS CONCERNING NEGOTIATIONS RELATING TO CESSATION OF THE NUCLEAR ARMS RACE AND TO NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT (MARSHALL ISLANDS v. UNITED KINGDOM) COUR INTERNATIONALE DE JUSTICE REQUÊTE INTRODUCTIVE D’INSTANCE enregistrée au Greffe de la Cour le 24 avril 2014 OBLIGATIONS RELATIVES À DES NÉGOCIATIONS CONCERNANT LA CESSATION DE LA COURSE AUX ARMES NUCLÉAIRES ET LE DÉSARMEMENT NUCLÉAIRE (ÎLES MARSHALL c. ROYAUME-UNI) 6 R-ILE_UK_2.indd 1 12/10/15 11:49 2 2014 General List No. 160 I. LETTER FROM THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND CO-AGENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE MARSHALL ISLANDS TO THE REGISTRAR OF THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE Majuro, 6 April 2014. I have the honour to submit herewith nine Applications to the Court. In six of these Applications the Marshall Islands is requesting the Respondent State to con- sent to the Court’s jurisdiction for the purposes of this particular case. All of the Applications are delivered to you on Thursday, 24 April 2014, by our Co-Agent, Mr. Phon van den Biesen. Attached to this letter are nine letters in which I make it known to the Court that Mr. van den Biesen has been duly appointed as Co-Agent for each of these cases. Each of the nine Applications is submitted to the Court in two original copies. In addition, 30 paper copies of each Application are provided to the Court as well as one USB device containing digital copies of each Application. -
George Washington University Undergraduate Review
KEYWORDS: MLF, Multilateral Force, non-proliferation, Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, U.S. Soviet Relations DOI: https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.3(2020).01 "Das Vadanya" to the Multilateral Force: the Soviet Union's Role in the Johnson Administration's Decision to Abandon the MLF ALEXANDER CHANG International Affairs, ESIA '21, [email protected] ABSTRACT The Multilateral Force (MLF) was a proposed nuclear sharing arrangement between the United States and a number of its NATO partners. Proposed in 1958, the MLF was debated until about 1965 or 1966 and was often distinguished by its controversial nature and failure to gain traction. This paper examines documents from the Digital National Security Archive (DNSA), Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), Record Group 59: General Records of the Department of State, and various secondary sources to evaluate the extent to which the Soviet Union contributed to the MLF's failure as an initiative. The Force is often treated as a narrow and highly technical policy debate by existing literature. However, examination of these documents highlighted the necessity of viewing the Force as a topic of distinct political import in American-Soviet nuclear negotiations. While technical disputes over the MLF's constitution was an immediate cause of its demise, U.S. policymakers also faced strategic incentives not to pursue the treaty. In particular, the documents reflect growing belief within the Johnson administration that exiting the agreement could improve broader bilateral relations with the Soviet Union and ensure that the international community could continue to make progress on the creation of a nuclear non-proliferation agreement . -
The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture
THE END OF NUCLEAR WARFIGHTING MOVING TO A W E I DETERRENCE-ONLY V E R POSTURE E R U T S O P R A E L C U N . S . U E V I T A N September 2018 R E T L A Dr. Bruce G. Blair N Jessica Sleight A Emma Claire Foley In Collaboration with the Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture an alternative u.s. nuclear posture review Bruce G. Blair with Jessica Sleight and Emma Claire Foley Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University Global Zero, Washington, DC September 2018 Copyright © 2018 Bruce G. Blair published by the program on science and global security, princeton university This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial License; to view a copy of this license, visit www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0 typesetting in LATEX with tufte document class First printing, September 2018 Contents Abstract 5 Executive Summary 6 I. Introduction 15 II. The Value of U.S. Nuclear Capabilities and Enduring National Objectives 21 III. Maximizing Strategic Stability 23 IV. U.S. Objectives if Deterrence Fails 32 V. Modernization of Nuclear C3 40 VI. Near-Term Guidance for Reducing the Risks of Prompt Launch 49 VII. Moving the U.S. Strategic Force Toward a Deterrence-Only Strategy 53 VIII.Nuclear Modernization Program 70 IX. Nuclear-Weapon Infrastructure: The “Complex” 86 X. Countering Nuclear Terrorism 89 XI. Nonproliferation and Strategic-Arms Control 91 XII. Conclusion 106 Authors 109 Abstract The United States should adopt a deterrence-only policy based on no first use of nuclear weapons, no counterforce against opposing nuclear forces in second use, and no hair-trigger response. -
2016 NAVAL SUBMARINE LEAGUE CORPORATE MEMBERS 5 STAR LEVEL Bechtel Nuclear, Security & Environmental (BNI) (New in 2016) BWX Technologies, Inc
NAVAL SUBMARINE LEAGUE TH 34 ANNUAL SYMPOSIUM SPONSORS L-3 COMMUNICATIONS NEWPORT NEWS SHIPBUILDING-A DIVISION OF HUNTINGTON INGALLS INDUSTRIES GENERAL DYNAMICS—ELECTRIC BOAT GENERAL DYNAMICS—MISSION SYSTEMS HUNT VALVE COMPANY, INC. LOCKHEED MARTIN CORPORATION NORTHROP GRUMMAN NAVIGATION & MARITIME SYSTEMS DIVISION RAYTHEON COMPANY AECOM MANAGEMENT SERVICES GROUP BAE SYSTEMS BWX TECHNOLOGIES, INC. CURTISS-WRIGHT CORPORATION DRS TECHNOLOGIES, MARITIME AND COMBAT SUPPORT SYSTEMS PROGENY SYSTEMS, INC. TREADWELL CORPORATION TSM CORPORATION ADVANCED ACOUSTIC CONCEPTS BATTELLE BOEING COMPANY BOOZ ALLEN HAMILTON CEPEDA ASSOCIATES, INC. CUNICO CORPORATION & DYNAMIC CONTROLS, LTD. GENERAL ATOMICS IN-DEPTH ENGINEERING, INC. OCEANEERING INTERNATIONAL, INC. PACIFIC FLEET SUBMARINE MEMORIAL ASSOC., INC. SONALYSTS, INC. SYSTEMS PLANNING AND ANALYSIS, INC. ULTRA ELECTRONICS 3 PHOENIX ULTRA ELECTRONICS—OCEAN SYSTEMS, INC. 1 2016 NAVAL SUBMARINE LEAGUE WELCOME TO THE 34TH ANNUAL SYMPOSIUM TABLE OF CONTENTS SYMPOSIUM SPEAKERS BIOGRAPHIES ADM FRANK CALDWELL, USN ................................................................................ 4 VADM JOSEPH TOFALO, USN ................................................................................... 5 RADM MICHAEL JABALEY, USN ............................................................................. 6 MR. MARK GORENFLO ............................................................................................... 7 VADM JOSEPH MULLOY, USN ................................................................................. -
The US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1961–63 3
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY The US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1961–63 A STUDY IN GOVERNANCE JAMES E. GOODBY Hoover Institution Hoover The Challenge of Existential Threats The security and well-being of the American people and of all humanity are threatened by several global challenges that can only be successfully met through international cooperation. My estimate of the top six: (1) climate change and water scarcity, (2) mass migration caused by armed conflict or climate change, (3) pandemics caused by international travel through regions ravaged by diseases that are resistant to treatment, (4) terrorism generated by organized groups of extremists, (5) massive disruption or physical damage caused by cyberwarfare, and (6) human and environmental devastation caused by use of nuclear weapons. The last of these challenges, unlike the others listed, is almost entirely under the control of a small number of governments, so improving the performance of the US federal government in this area would pay big dividends. Improving governance in the United States and elsewhere is not just a simple matter of a political choice. Governance of complex military/technical /political public policy issues in these rapidly changing times requires a combination of relevant expertise and leadership at several levels which, in the United States and elsewhere, is often missing in government institutions. The challenge is to create new institutions or reform existing ones so that they have the capacity to manage these complex issues. In this essay, I will draw on the experience of negotiating the limited test ban treaty (LTBT) during the period from 1961 to 1963 to demonstrate the unique role that a small federal agency with a crosscutting mandate and direct access to the president could play under proper conditions.1 I refer here to the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA), where I was a staff member with special responsibilities for test ban negotiations from 1961 to 1963. -
Pdf, Accessed 10 August 2013
Notes Introduction 1 . Kristan Stoddart, Losing an Empire and Finding a Role: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1964–1970 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012) and Kristan Stoddart, The Sword and the Shield: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1970–1976 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 2 . He eventually defeated Michael Foot in the leadership run-off. Foot would succeed Callaghan as leader in 1980, defeating Denis Healey. 3 . James Callaghan, Time and Chance (London: Fontana, 1988), pp. 385–408. 4 . David McKie, ‘Lord Callaghan Labour prime minister who, uniquely, held all four of the great offices of state, but whose consensus politics were washed away in the late 1970s’, The Guardian , 28 March 2005. 5 . ‘Why grass roots protests are now a “Must”’, The Guardian , 4 March 2010. 6 . Callaghan, Time and Chance , p. 400. 7 . Ibid. p. 448. 8 . Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London: Penguin, 1990), pp. 388–464. 9 . Ibid. pp. 381, 393, 422–424, 429–435 and Callaghan, Time and Chance , pp. 413–447, 478, 498, 515. 10 . For a comprehensive synopsis see Richard Vinen, Thatcher’s Britain: The Politics and Social Upheaval of the 1980s (London: Simon and Schuster, 2009). 11 . Andy McSmith, ‘Margaret Thatcher obituary: the most divisive political leader of modern times’, The Independent , 8 April 2013. 12 . Quoted in Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders Since 1945 (London: Allen Lane, 2000), pp. 408, 397–436. 13 . www.chu.cam.ac.uk/archives/collections/BDOHP/Coles.pdf, accessed 10 August 2013. 14 . John Nott, Here Today, Gone Tomorrow: Recollections of an Errant Politician (London: Politico’s, 2002), p.