Introduction

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Introduction Notes Introduction 1. The term ‘humanitarian war’ was first coined by Adam Roberts. See his, ‘Humanitarian War: Intervention and Human Rights’, International Affairs, 69(2), 1993 and, ‘NATO’s Humanitarian War Over Kosovo’, Survival, 41(3), 1999. 2. The issue of intra-alliance politics is discussed throughout Pierre Martin and Mark R. Brawley (eds), Alliance Politics, Kosovo, and NATO’s War: Allied Force or Forced Allies? (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000). 3. Formally recognised by the EU and UN as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) but referred to as Macedonia throughout. 4. The idea of the ‘court of world opinion’ was put to me by Nicholas Wheeler. See Nicholas J. Wheeler, Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). 5. Trotsky is cited by Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History (London: Papermac, 1999), p. 253. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid., pp. 324–6. For a general overview of the key aspects of the conflict see Arshi Pipa and Sami Repishti, Studies on Kosova (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), Robert Elsie (ed.), Kosovo: In the Heart of the Powder Keg (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). 8. See Lenard J. Cohen, Broken Bonds: Yugoslavia’s Disintegration and Balkan Politics in Transition, 2nd edn (Oxford: Westview, 1995), p. 33. 9. Article 4 of the Constitution of the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, 1974. See Marc Weller, The Crisis in Kosovo 1989–1999: From the Dissolution of Yugoslavia to Rambouillet and the Outbreak of Hostilities (Cambridge: International Documents and Analysis, 1999), p. 58. 10. Article 6 of the Kosovo Constitution, 1974. 11. Article 217 of the Kosovo Constitution, 1974. 12. Provisions for economic autonomy can be found in Article 292 of the Kosovo Constitution, 1974. The political status of Kosovo is principally articulated in Articles 300, 301 and 339. 13. Gazmend Zajmi, ‘Kosova’s Constitutional Position in the Former Yugoslavia’, in Ger Duijzings, Dusan Janjic, and Shkelzen Maliqi (eds), Kosovo/Kosova: Confrontation or Coexistence (Nijmegen: Peace Research Centre of the University of Nijmegen, 1996), p. 98. 14. See Mihailo Crnobrnja, The Yugoslav Drama, 2nd edn (London: I. B. Tauris, 1994), pp. 75–6, 225. Crnobrnja was formerly Ambassador of Yugoslavia to the European Communities. 15. Miranda Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian: A History of Kosovo (London: Hurst and Co., 1998), p. 181. 16. See Amnesty International, Yugoslavia: Prisoners of Conscience (London: Amnesty International, 1985), p. 6. 215 216 Notes 17. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, p. 182. 18. See Ivanka Nedeva, ‘Kosovo/a: Different Perspectives’, in Thanos Veremis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Kosovo: Avoiding Another Balkan War (Athens: Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, 1998), p. 104. 19. Branka Magas, ‘Yugoslavia: The Spectre of Balkanization’, New Left Review, 174, March–April 1974. 20. Dennison Rusinow, Yugoslavia: A Fractured Federalism (Washington, DC: Wilson Centre Press, 1988), p. 70. 21. Ivanka Nedeva, ‘Kosovo/a: Different Perspectives’, p. 104. 22. Fred Singleton, A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 273. 23. For a detailed analysis on the student unrest in 1981 see Julie A. Mertus, Kosovo: How Myths and Truths Started a War (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 17–95. 24. Malcolm, Kosovo, p. 335. 25. Vjesnik (Zagreb), 16 April 1981. 26. Mertus, Kosovo, p. 33. 27. Ibid., p. 33. 28. Tanjug cited by Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, p. 201. 29. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, p. 198. 30. See Mertus, Kosovo, pp. 56–91. 31. Pajazit Nushi, ‘The Phenomenon of Military-Police Violence in Kosova in the Years 1981–1992’, in Jusuf Bajraktari, Lefter Nasi, Kristaq Prifti, Fatmir Sejdiu, Edi Shukriu and Pellumb Xhufi (eds), The Kosova Issue – a Historic and Current Problem (Tirana: Institute of History – Pristina and Institute of History – Tirana, 1996), p. 150. 32. Amnesty International, Yugoslavia: Prisoners of Conscience (London: Amnesty International, 1985), p. 12. 33. Christine von Kohl and Wolfgang Libal, ‘Kosovo: The Gordian Knot of the Balkans’, in Robert Elsie (ed.), Kosovo: In the Heart of the Powderkeg (Boulder: East European Monographs, 1997), p. 75. 34. Mertus, Kosovo, p. 43. 35. Oskar Gruenwald, ‘Yugoslavia’s Gulag Archipelago and Human Rights’, in Oskar Gruenwald and Karen Rosenblum-Cale (eds), Human Rights in Yugoslavia (New York: Irvington Publishers, 1986), p. 19 36. Malcolm, Kosovo, p. 339. 37. Ibid., p. 339. 38. Mertus, Kosovo, p. 107. A favoured Ottoman method of execution was to impale the victim on a stake driven through the anus, up the back and out again at the neck. The victim would be impaled in public and would die a slow and painful death. Most Serbs are very familiar with the horrors of impalement thanks to the graphic description of such an execution in Ivo Andric, The Bridge on the Drina (London: The Harvill Press, 1995). 39. Speech by Vuk Draskovic, 7 April 1986. Cited by Robert Thomas, Serbia under Milosevic: Politics in the 1990s (London: Hurst and Co., 1999), p. 39. 40. Cited in ibid., p. 41. 41. Malcolm, Kosovo, pp. 344–5. 42. Esat Stavileci, ‘Constitutional Changes and the Abolition of Autonomy’, in Jusuf Bajraktari et al. (eds), The Kosova Issue, p. 155. Notes 217 43. On the extent of the parallel state see: Richard Caplan, ‘International Diplomacy and the Crisis in Kosovo’, International Affairs, 74(2), p. 451. 44. Guardian, 26 July 1994. For more on Rugova’s political platform see: Ibrahim Rugova, La Question du Kosovo (Paris: Fayard, 1994). 45. von Kohl and Libal, ‘Kosovo’, p. 93. 46. Ibid. 47. See International Crisis Group, Kosovo Briefing, 17 February 1998, p. 5. 48. von Kohl and Libal, ‘Kosovo’, p. 93. 49. Ibid., p. 94. 50. Behlull Beqaj cited by International Crisis Group, Kosovo Spring, part 1, 20 March 1998. 51. Elez Biberaj, ‘Kosova: The Balkan Powder Keg’, Conflict Studies, 258, February 1993, p. 7. 52. Human Rights Watch, Humanitarian Law Violations in Kosovo (London: Human Rights Watch, 1999), p. 66. 53. International Crisis Group, Kosovo Spring, p. 8. 54. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, p. 284. 55. See International Crisis Group, Kosovo Spring, p. 9. 56. Amnesty International, Kosovo: The Evidence (London: Amnesty International, 1998), p. 29. 57. Ibid. 58. These observations and figures are cited in International Crisis Group, Kosovo Briefing, pp. 16–17. 59. Rilindja, 12 November 1995. 60. Malcolm, Kosovo, p. 345. 61. International Crisis Group, Kosovo Briefing, p. 6. 62. International Crisis Group, Kosovo Spring, p. 34. 63. Ibid. 64. International Herald Tribune, 20 January 1994. 65. Guardian, 19 September 1994. 66. Ibid. 67. Ibrahim Rugova, Impact International, 10 April–7 May 1992, p. 10. Chapter 1: Kosovo and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia 1. See Patrick F. R. Artisien and R. A. Howells, ‘Kosovo, Albania and the Kosovo Riots’, The World Today, November 1981; Mark Baskin, ‘Crisis in Kosovo’, Problems of Communism, March–April 1983; and Viktor Meier, ‘Yugoslavia’s National Question’, Problems of Communism, March–April 1983. Specifically on the 1981 student riots see Jens Reuter, Die Albaner in Jugoslawien (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1992); Kjell Magnusson, ‘The Serbian Reaction: Kosovo and Ethnic Mobilization Among the Serbs’, Nordic Journal of Soviet and East European Studies, 4(3), 1987. 2. Daily Telegraph, 27 February 1990. 3. The Times, 23 March 1990; The Daily Telegraph, 7 September 1990; The Financial Times, 6 September 1990. 4. On the European Parliament visit see FBIS, Daily Survey: Eastern Europe (FBIS-EEU-89-125), 30 June 1989, pp. 74–6. 218 Notes 5. EC Bulletin 3-1991, p. 70. 6. International Herald Tribune, 24 November 1991. 7. Section 862 of House Resolution 2655, 29 June 1989. Congressional Record, 29 June 1989. 8. For example see, Laura Silber and Allan Little, The Death of Yugoslavia (London: Penguin for the BBC, 1995); Viktor Meier, Yugoslavia: A History of Its Demise (London: Routledge, 1999); Mihailo Crnobrnja, The Yugoslav Drama (London: IB Tauris, 1994). 9. FBIS, Daily Report: Eastern Europe (FBIS-EEU-89-131), 11 July 1989, p. 61. 10. The Times, 13 April 1990. 11. The Financial Times, 4 September 1990. 12. See Susan Woodward, Balkan tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington: The Brookings Institution, 1995), p. 151. 13. International Herald Tribune, 29 November 1990. 14. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, pp. 160–1. 15. The Financial Times, 22 May 1991. 16. Wayne Bert, The Reluctant Superpower: United States’ Policy in Bosnia, 1991–95 (London: Macmillan – now Palgrave Macmillan, 1997), p. 136. 17. Independent, 29 March 1991. 18. The Times, 7 December 1991. 19. Zˇeljan Sˇusˇter, Historical Dictionary of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Lanham: Scarecrow, 1999), p. 392. 20. For a persuasive critique of Resolution 713 and its impact on the war in Bosnia see, Michael A. Sells, The Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia (London: University of California, 1996); and Ed Vulliamy, Seasons in Hell: Understanding Bosnia’s War (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994). 21. USIA: European Wireless File, 9 December 1991. 22. Ibid. 23. International Herald Tribune, 19 March 1991. 24. USIA: European Wireless Brief, 18 October 1991. 25. See Thomas Halverson, ‘American Perspectives’, in Alex Danchev and Thomas Halverson (eds), International Perspectives on the Yugoslav Conflict (London: Macmillan – now Palgrave Macmillan, 1996), pp. 4–6. 26. The German position is well documented. For example see, Jean-Marie Calic, ‘German Perspectives’, in Danchev and Halverson (eds), International Perspectives on the Yugoslav Conflict for a first-hand perspective on this see Michael Libal, Limits of Persuasion: Germany and the Yugoslav Crisis: 1991–1992 (London: Praeger, 1997). For a xenophobic Serbian view of the Austrian and Hungarian positions see John Zametica, ‘The Dissolution of Yugoslavia’, Adelphi Paper, 270, 1992. For a more judicious assessment see Christopher Cviic´, Remaking the Balkans (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1991), pp.
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