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Israel: Background and U.S
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs February 14, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33476 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Summary On May 14, 1948, the State of Israel declared its independence and was immediately engaged in a war with all of its neighbors. Armed conflict has marked every decade of Israel’s existence. Despite its unstable regional environment, Israel has developed a vibrant parliamentary democracy, albeit with relatively fragile governments. The most recent national elections were held on February 10, 2009, ahead of schedule. Although the Kadima Party placed first, parties holding 65 seats in the 120-seat Knesset supported opposition Likud party leader Benjamin “Bibi” Netanyahu, who was designated to form a government. Netanyahu’s coalition includes his own Likud, Yisrael Beiteinu (Israel Our Home), Shas, Habayet Hayehudi (Jewish Home), the United Torah Judaism (UTJ), and the new Ha’atzmout (Independence) party. The coalition controls 66 of 120 Knesset seats. Israel has an advanced industrial, market economy with a large government role. Israel’s foreign policy is focused largely on its region, Europe, and the United States. Israel’s foreign policy agenda begins with Iran, which it views as an existential threat due to Tehran’s nuclear ambitions and support for terrorism. Achieving peace with its neighbors is next. Israel concluded peace treaties with Egypt in 1979 and Jordan in 1994, but not with Syria and Lebanon. Recent unrest in Egypt is rekindling latent anxiety in Israel about the durability of the peace treaty Egypt and Israel have relied upon for 30 years. -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR and ITS CONSEQUENCES for HEZBOLLAH by Benedetta Berti
DECEMBER 2015 THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR HEZBOLLAH By Benedetta Berti Benedetta Berti is a TED Senior Fellow, a Fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and an independent human security consultant. Her work focuses on human security and internal conflicts, as well as on post-conflict stabilization and peacebuilding. Dr. Berti is the author of three books, including Armed Political Organizations. From Conflict to Integration (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013) and her work has appeared, among others, in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, and Al- Jazeera. In 2015 the Italian government awarded her the Order of the Star of Italy (order of Knighthood). Beginning as a largely non-violent, non-sectarian political mobilization, the Syrian revolution gradually morphed into a protracted and bloody civil war as well as into a regional proxy conflict that has directly involved both regional states and non-state actors alike. Today, the Syrian conflict remains deeply internationalized, militarized and fractionalized. The domestic battlefield is characterized by a crucible of different political and armed movements. But while the fragmentation and proliferation of armed groups within the anti-Assad camp is well known, the Syrian regime has also been relying on a number of non-state allies. These include Syrian local ‘community-defense’ groups and other pro-regime paramilitary organizations; Shiite militia groups (mostly from Iraq) and, most notably, the Lebanese Hezbollah. Indeed since the very beginning of the Syrian revolution, Hezbollah clearly sided with the Bashar-al Assad regime, shifting from offering political support and solidarity to becoming one of the warring parties. -
Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds an End to Antisemitism!
Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds An End to Antisemitism! Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman Volume 5 Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman ISBN 978-3-11-058243-7 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-067196-4 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-067203-9 DOI https://10.1515/9783110671964 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. For details go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Library of Congress Control Number: 2021931477 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2021 Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, Lawrence H. Schiffman, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston The book is published with open access at www.degruyter.com Cover image: Illustration by Tayler Culligan (https://dribbble.com/taylerculligan). With friendly permission of Chicago Booth Review. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com TableofContents Preface and Acknowledgements IX LisaJacobs, Armin Lange, and Kerstin Mayerhofer Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds: Introduction 1 Confronting Antisemitism through Critical Reflection/Approaches -
Hizbullah Under Fire in Syria | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Hizbullah Under Fire in Syria by Matthew Levitt, Nadav Pollak Jun 9, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Matthew Levitt Matthew Levitt is the Fromer-Wexler Fellow and director of the Reinhard Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence at The Washington Institute. Nadav Pollak Nadav Pollak is a former Diane and Guilford Glazer Foundation fellow at The Washington Institute. Articles & Testimony Last month's assassination of a senior Hizbullah commander, apparently by Syrian rebel groups, demonstrates the growing threat the organization faces from fellow Arabs and Muslims. he death of senior Hizbullah commander Mustafa Badreddine in Syria in May left the group reeling, but not for T the reason most people think. True, it lost an especially qualified commander with a unique pedigree as the brother-in-law of Imad Mughniyeh, with whom Badreddine plotted devastating terror attacks going back to the Beirut bombings in the 1980s. And, at the time of his death, Badreddine was dual-hatted as the commander of both the group's international terrorist network (the Islamic Jihad Organisation or External Security Organisation) and its significant military deployment in Syria. The loss of such a senior and seasoned commander is no small setback for Hizbullah. But the real reason Badreddine's death has Hizbullah on edge is not the loss of the man, per se, but the fact that the group's arch enemy, Israel, was seemingly not responsible. Hizbullah, it appears, now has more immediate enemies than Israel -- and that has the self-described "resistance" organisation tied up in knots. -
Countering Iran in the Gray Zone What the United States Should Learn from Israel’S Operations in Syria
APRIL 2020 Countering Iran in the Gray Zone What the United States Should Learn from Israel’s Operations in Syria Ilan Goldenberg, Nicholas A. Heras, Kaleigh Thomas, and Jennie Matuschak About the Authors Acknowledgments Ilan Goldenberg is a Senior Fellow and The authors would like to thank Sarit Zehavi and Tal Beeri Director of the Middle East Security at the Alma Institute for their input into this report and their Program at the Center for a New feedback, as well as for spending a day with the authors American Security (CNAS). He previously visiting Israel’s northern border. They would also like to served at the State Department as a chief thank Israeli government and defense officials who engaged of staff for the small team supporting with them on this project and they are grateful to Norman then–Secretary of State John Kerry’s Roule, Lt Col Stewart Parker, and Loren DeJonge Schulman initiative to conduct permanent-status for reviewing drafts and offering helpful comments; and to negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians. Formerly Melody Cook and Maura McCarthy, who assisted with the a senior professional staff member on the Senate Foreign production of this report. Relations Committee, he focused on the Middle East. Prior to that, he served as a special advisor on the Middle East About the Middle East Security and then as the Iran team chief in the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy. Program The Middle East Security Program conducts cutting-edge Nicholas A. Heras is the Middle East research on the most pressing issues in this turbulent Portfolio Manager at the Institute for region. -
Wresearch NOTES
RESEARCH NOTES The WASHINGTON INSTITUTE for Near East Policy w1828 L Street, NW, #1050, Washington, D.C. 20036 • Phone (202) 452-0650 • Fax (202) 223-5364 • www.washingtoninstitute.org November 1998 Number 5 A CHRONOLOGY OF MIDDLE EAST STATE SUPPORT FOR INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM, 1997: A SUPPLEMENT TO THE STATE DEPARTMENT'S PATTERNS OF GLOBAL TERRORISM By Eytan J. Fisch The U.S. State Department currently lists five states in the Middle East as sponsors of international terror- ism: Iran, Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Sudan. To be classified as a state sponsor, a state must usupport interna- tional terrorism either by engaging in terrorist activity themselves or by providing arms, training, safehaven, diplomatic facilities, financial backing, logistic and/or other support to terrorists. " The most recent State Department report, Patterns of Global Terrorism, 1997, does not enumerate specific actions by each state sponsor of terrorism explaining why it earned them the designation. The following data on state-sponsor- ship of terrorism in 1997 is offered as a complement to that report. It provides details on the actions of four of the state sponsors: Iran, Libya, Syria, and Sudan. Generally, only specific acts—and not ongoing behav- ior, such as provision of safe haven or permission to use radio transmitters—are enumerated here. IRAN he agreed—regarding the example of terrorism The United States placed Iran on its list of state spon- against Israel—that "killing innocent men and women sors of international terrorism in 1984. According to I who are not involved in confrontations is terrorism." the State Department's Patterns of Global Terror- I This appears to be a similar position to the one taken ism, 1997 (subsequently referred to as Patterns I by his predecessor, former Iranian president 'Ali 1997), the United States considered Iran to be the \ Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. -
Hezbollah Leader Hassan Nasrallah Boasts of the Organization's Ability
May 28, 2006 Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center at the Center for Special Studies (C.S.S) Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah boasts of the organization’s ability to maintain a balance of deterrence with Israel. By doing that he justifies, in the internal Lebanese arena, its refusal to disarm and repels the demands of his opponents, the supporters of the “New Order” in Lebanon. Nasrallah speaking at a meeting of The Resistance Culture [i.e., terrorism] Committee: “The resistance [i.e., Hezbollah] has more than 12,000 rockets… All of northern occupied Palestine [i.e., Israel] is within range of the rockets of the resistance…” (Al- Manar TV, May 23). Overview aaa In a fiery speech on the sixth anniversary of the IDF’s withdrawal from Lebanon, Hezbollah’s leader Hassan Nassrallah boasted of the organization’s ability maintain a balance of deterrence with Israel. It has, he said, more than 12,000 rockets in its possession, posing a serious threat to Israel’s northern regions. He also spoke of his commitment to free Lebanese prisoners (terrorists) held in Israel and to liberate the Shebaa Farms in the near future. He thus presented himself as Lebanon’s protector and rejected demands from home and abroad that Hezbollah disarm. In an equally fiery speech he encouraged the Palestinians to continue their terrorist campaign against Israel, boasting that Hezbollah was the first to use suicide bombing attacks in the conflict with Israel. TTThhheee bbbaaaccckkkgggrrrooouuunnnddd ooofff ttthhheee tttwwwooo ssspppeeeeeeccchhheeess aaannnddd ttthhheeeiiirrr gggoooaaalllsss aaa Every year on May 25 Hezbollah celebrates Resistance [i.e., terrorism] and Liberation Day to mark the anniversary of the IDF’s withdrawal from the security zone in southern Lebanon. -
Palestinian Islamic Jihad's Internet Network
Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center at the Israel Intelligence September 24, 2007 Heritage & Commemoration Center The Internet in the service of terrorist organizations: the Palestinian Islamic Jihad’s Internet network and the service providers by which the organization is supported (updated to September 18, 2007). Overview 1. The PIJ is a relatively small radical Islamic terrorist organization sponsored by Iran and Syria and directed by its headquarters in Damascus. At the present time the PIJ is the most prominent organization in launching rockets from the Gaza Strip into Israel. Since 2005 it has taken dominance from Hamas in carrying out deadly suicide bombing attacks in Tel Aviv, Hadera, Netanya and other population centers in Israel. 2. Like Hamas and the other Palestinian terrorist organizations, the PIJ makes extensive use of the Internet, which serves as one of its main weapons in the battle for hearts and minds. The PIJ’s Internet network has six sites, four of them news-oriented and two devoted to the organization’s founder and former leader, Fathi al-Shikaki , and to its present leader, Abdallah Ramadan Shalah. As opposed to Hamas, which appeals to world-wide audiences, the PIJ’s target audiences are mainly Palestinians and 2 Arabic-speakers. Thus, with the exception of one site, all the PIJ’s sites are in Arabic, as opposed to the Hamas sites, which appear in eight languages. 3. Since it is a small organization, and it resources and manpower are limited, its Internet network is smaller and its technical level is lower than that of Hamas.1 However, during the past year the technology and content of its sites have improved. -
Suicide Terrorism As Strategy: Case Studies of Hamas and the Kurdistan Workers Party
Suicide Terrorism as Strategy: Case Studies of Hamas and the Kurdistan Workers Party Strategic Insights, Volume IV, Issue 7 (July 2005) by Ali Wyne Strategic Insights is a monthly electronic journal produced by the Center for Contemporary Conflict at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. The views expressed here are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of NPS, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. For a PDF version of this article, click here. Introduction Why is it that certain terrorist organizations employ suicide terrorism to advance their objectives, while others do not? In order to answer this question, I will examine why Hamas, the central terrorist organization operating within the Occupied Territories, has gradually escalated its employment of suicide terrorism; and why the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), a separatist group operating in Turkey, gradually abandoned it as a component of its broader strategy. I will discuss the activities of these groups within the context of two competing explanations of suicide terrorism: those which focus on religious motivations, and those which focus on strategic motivations. I argue that while the first set of explanations is meritorious in some instances, the latter set of explanations is much more broadly applicable, and, as such, more legitimate. Suicide Terrorism as Strategy Hamas’ official charter, made public on August 18, 1988, articulates a harrowing commitment to the complete destruction of Israel: “Israel will exist and will continue to exist until Islam will obliterate it, just as it obliterated others before it.”[1] The charter’s most striking features lie not in its body, but, rather, in its opening and closing statements. -
Islamic Radicalism in the Palestinian Territories: a Comparative Analysis of Radical Islamist Groups in the West Bank and Gaza Strip
FACULTY OF SOCIAL STUDIES Islamic Radicalism in the Palestinian Territories: A Comparative Analysis of Radical Islamist Groups in the West Bank and Gaza Strip Diploma Thesis BC. ET BC. TOMÁŠ KUBÍK Supervisor: Mgr. Josef Kraus, Ph.D. Department of Political Science Security and Strategic Studies Brno 2021 ISLAMIC RADICALISM IN THE PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF RADICAL ISLAMIST GROUPS IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA STRIP Bibliografický záznam Autor: Bc. et Bc. Tomáš Kubík Fakulta sociálních studií Masarykova univerzita Katedra politologie Název práce: Islamic Radicalism in the Palestinian Territories: A Comparative Analysis of Radical Islamist Groups in the West Bank and Gaza Strip Studijní program: Magisterský studijní program Studijní obor: Department of Political Science Security and Strategic Studies Vedoucí práce: Mgr. Josef Kraus, Ph.D. Rok: 2021 Počet stran: 249 Klíčová slova: Islamismus, Radikalismus, Západní břeh, Pásmo Gazy, Hnutí Hamás, Nestátní ozbrojení aktéři 2 ISLAMIC RADICALISM IN THE PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF RADICAL ISLAMIST GROUPS IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA STRIP Bibliographic record Author: Bc. et Bc. Tomáš Kubík Faculty of Social Studies Masaryk University Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Islamic Radicalism in the Palestinian Territories: A Comparative Analysis of Radical Islamist Groups in the West Bank and Gaza Strip Degree Programme: Master's degree programme Field of Study: Security and Strategic Studies Supervisor: Mgr. Josef Kraus, Ph.D. Year: 2021 Number of Pages: 249 Keywords: Islamism, Radicalism, West Bank, Gaza Strip, Hamas Movement, Armed Non-State Actors 3 ISLAMIC RADICALISM IN THE PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF RADICAL ISLAMIST GROUPS IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA STRIP Abstrakt Diplomová práce pojednává o aktuálním bezpečnostním problému re- gionu Blízkého východu – radikálním islamismu na palestinských územích Západního břehu Jordánu a Pásma Gazy. -
Hezbollah's Concept of Deterrence Vis-À-Vis Israel According to Nasrallah
Hezbollah’s Concept of Deterrence vis-à-vis Israel according to Nasrallah: From the Second Lebanon War to the Present Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer “Lebanon must have a deterrent military strength…then we will tell the Israelis to be careful. If you want to attack Lebanon to achieve goals, you will not be able to, because we are no longer a weak country. If we present the Israelis with such logic, they will think a million times.” Hassan Nasrallah, August 17, 2009 This essay deals with Hezbollah’s concept of deterrence against Israel as it developed over the ten years since the Second Lebanon War. The essay looks at the most important speeches by Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah during this period to examine the evolution and development of the concept of deterrence at four points in time that reflect Hezbollah’s internal and regional milieu (2000, 2006, 2008, and 2011). Over the years, Nasrallah has frequently utilized the media to deliver his messages and promote the organization’s agenda to key target audiences – Israel and the internal Lebanese audience. His speeches therefore constitute an opportunity for understanding the organization’s stances in general and its concept of deterrence in particular. The Quiet Decade: In the Aftermath of the Second Lebanon War, 2006-2016 I 115 Edited by Udi Dekel, Gabi Siboni, and Omer Einav 116 I Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer Principal Messages An analysis of Nasrallah’s speeches, especially since 2011, shows that he has devoted them primarily to the war in Syria and internal Lebanese politics.