Cynthia .Costas-Centivany

Wesleyan University ']!he Honors @ollege

THE SPANISH OF VlEQUES

by CYNTHIA . COSTAS-CENTIVANY Class of 1981

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Wesleyan University in palatial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in General Scholarship

iddleto, C onnec ticu% * April, 198 @

For my brothers, AndrOs, Luis and Jaime. For my dear father and for my mother. For my friend, Robert.

'or Jerry, Leslie, Katerina and Nadia. For Dave and Lueile.

For dearest Barbara and our people,s

f,.lture.

May each of our dreams come true. TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE...... 2 I INTRODUCTION...... 6

BACKGROUND '0R RESEARCH 9 A Brief Description of Vieques 9 A Brief History of Education in Vieques, 1898---12 present RES EARCH ..MED___._.H0 17 Approaching the Informants for Field Research---17 !['able of Informants

I] ANALYSIS OF FIELD WORK DATA 2]. Ill THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH: CAUSES, EFFECTS ISSUES 42 AND ANSWERS

IV C ON(] LUS I 0N...... 59 APPENDIX I APS 65 II PRELIMINARY QUESTIONNAIRE 69 III A CHARACTERIZATION OF THE 72 SPANISH 0[ VIEQUES

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAP}{Y 82 "El lenguaje es como un arca depositarla de la substantivldad de un pueblo."

"n esos rasgas del esplritu hay una manera particular y original que expresa claramente la afirmaci6n de nuestra personalidad." ---Antonio S. Pedrelra Insularismo 2

PRE FAC E

During the summer of 1980, I interviewed Spanish- speaking residents of the Middletown area. I investigat- ed problems of language change and adJustment for those Spanish speakers who had emigrated from their place of birth in Latin America, Spain or the Caribbean. Problems with the English-speaking educational system and their new social environment were the project's focal points for investigation. Its results illustrate the extent to which the language barrier restricts the economic and social mobility of Hispanics in a community like Middletown.

The majority of the informants in 'the summer project were Puerto Rican, Born in Puerto Rico, I too repeatedly migrated between the island and the United States through- out my early life. I shared with the informants the experiences of confronting problems in adjusting to the English

Language in an American cultural context. The informants in Middletown, and the background reading I did for the project motivated me to examine the language experiences of people who speak a Puerto Rican variety of Spanish, but who have remained in Puerto Rico rather than in the United Sta- tes,

Vieques, an island municipality of Puerto Rico, with a small, rural community residing there offers one of the most typical samplings of Puerto Rican Spanish. The ares, 'small farmers' there would,I thought, have a "pure," less English influenced style of Puerto Rican speech. I

found, however, that emigration was at least as common among Viequenses as it is for Puerto Ricans of less isolated rural municipalities. I had noted before that most of the Middletown informants from Puerto Rico had emigrated from rural areas on the main island. The high emigration rate of Viequensss, in turn, confirmed the assumption that Vie- ques represents a microcosm of Puerto Rico, Despite the emigration and return migration that brings in the English influence to Vieques, I was able to interview a good number of informants who were born, raised and had remained on the island. I chose most of my informants from

the southern fishing village of La Esperanza.ome of the Public administrators and political leaders whom I contact-

ed were originally from La Esperanza but worked and lived

in the central town of Isabel II. My intention was to interview as many informants of the same neighborhood with as diverse educational and occupational backgrounds as possible.

The value of their tape-recorded interviews will become ev- dent in later chapters. I would like to express my appreciation to my infor-

mants, without whom this work would not have been possible. I am also thankful to my friends and generous hosts in Vie- @

ques, Marldza Acab and Angel Martnez, from whom I received the encouragement and support I needed while doing my

fleldwork. I must also thank my ever-remembered friends

at the University of Puerto Rico, who offered me guidance and assistance in my research. I am most grateful to my

friends here, who in the midst of my writing also helped

shape the direction of my work by 9ffering me a listening

ear and their suggestions. Finally, I will not forget the

patience, the indispensable assistance, and the encouragement which I have received from my tutor and sponsors, along

with those professors who were generous enough to give me their time and attention.

C.M.C. Middletown, Conn. April 1981 al hombre le preocupa su lengua, porque se ha' dade cuenta del poder fabuloso yen clerto modo mlsterloso contenldo en esas leves celdillas sonoras de la palabra."

---Pedro Sallnas, Areco y..Defensa del Lenquaje 6

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

QJEC TIVES

My fieldwork in Vieques aimed to determine the extent of the American English influence on the Spanish spoken there. Through loan words and loan translations from Eng- lish, it seemed possible to specify the effects of migration and education on the Spanish of Vleques. The natural course of the research was directed towards tracing the role of English in the educational system of Vieques in order to find a more substantive explanation for these effects. The diverse cultural influences in the history of the island have played a highly important rols in the spoken Spanish of Vieques, The contemporary influence of English is education- ally based when compared with the other language influences of the past.

The Spanish of Vieques reveals the heritage of the island's people. The Carib-Arawak dialect of the Tan__o Indians is the foundation for the Spanish brought by Vieques' first colonizers (onfrfas, 1966:34). Imported slaves brought with them the African element which enriches the language further. British and French linguistic influences have remained most evident in the iand's toponomy, Despite the island's Span- ish occupation in 1514, subsequent British, Dutch and French ,invasions continued to threaten the Indigenous and Spanish 7 inhabitants of Vieques. In 1712, the Spanish administrators were overthrown by a Puerto Rican overseer, Miguel Enrquez.

Thereafter, the governor of Puerto Rico took on the administrative responsibility for Vieques (Bentez, 1976,181). Not until 1928 was Don Teofilo Leguillou assigned as the administrator of Vieques by Puerto Rico's Governor. He was sus- pected of being a French adventurer and naturalized Spanish citizen (Bentez, 1976,38). Despite Spanish control, Vieques was susceptible to other European influences during its colonization. At the close of the 19th century, American English became the ver nacular of exchange in Vieques. Its present manifestations

in the spoken Sp.sh of the island reflect historic and economic realities. Educational and economic backgrounds are too often inferred from the style or accent of the Viequense's

spoken Spanish. This often happens when a Viequense migrates

to the urban areas of Puerto Rico, where the urban listener at times condescends the rural style of speech of the Vie- quense (confirmed in interviews with Santos Ros and Carmelo Belardo, Vieques, Jan. 2 and 5, respectively, 1981). Puerto

Ricans, in turn, are sometimes socially differentiated by the the listener who is accustomed to the "purer," less English-

Similarly, Robbins Burling describes how speech styles help perpetuate the social structure of Hindi speakers who belong to different castes, (1970,112). 8

influenced styles of Spanish spoken in other parts of Latin American. With Robbins Burling% own proposition, it is possible to surmise that this differentiation made by "purist" listeners is a national rather than social distinction which they assign to Puerto Ricans Perhaps language is always a crucial symbol of ethnic or national affiliation. The difficulty of learning a new language gives continuity to linguistic traditions, and it becomes very easy to identify a language with a people, or nation, or even a race. Certainly language is one of the most obvious of ways by which we classify people. Yet people can learn new languages, and the fact that a group of people speak a common language can hardly be taken as proof that they share a common ancestry. Indeed, the very ease with which language serves as a con- venient symbol of cultural identity may allow people to switch their ethnic identity simply by learning a new language, (1970,101).

The American English loans used by Viequenses and Puerto

Ricans reflect their national affiliation with the United States. Concurrently, 'the Spanish they share with Spanish- speaking Latin Americans shows a common cultural affiliation from Indigenous origins and Spanish colonization. However, applying Burllng's statement, neither the Spanish spoken by Viequenses and Puerto Ricans confirm that these islanders possess an ancestry that is unique to that of North Americans and Latin Americans. The aborigines of the Americas and the Caribbean were themselves ethnically and linguistically divided. In addition, the colonization of these separate areas became distinct under the different cultural and linguistic dominions to which the various Indigenous populations were 9

subjected. Despite its possession by the Spanish, Vieques was particularly vulnerable to British, Dutch and French invaslons The fact remains that Vieques and Puerto Rco are presently existing in a linguistically, if not politically, ambiguous state. Both Vieques and Puerto Rico suffer from basic inconsistencies in the way in which Spanish and Eng-

lish are treated in schools. It was my intention to determine the extent of the English influence as reflected in lexlcal borrowings.

The primary objective in this work, then, is to examine the spoken Spanish of Vieques in order to find within the language evidence which either disproves or supports social differentiation by speech styles. Two important factors will be considered! the English influence on the speech of Viequenses and the effects of the various educational and

economic influences which promote the acquisition of English.

BACKGROUND FOR RESEARCH A Bief Description of Vieues The people of Vieques are exposed to English in the con-

text of American business and commerce as well as in the context of the schools. "Closet," "londry" (laundry), and "free-

zer" have become household words in the Spanish of Vieques. The small farmer, or Jbaro's, exposure to English is, on

the whole, different from that of upwardly mobile, formally l0 educated Viequenses. Persons with university and post- graduate degrees have had to migrate to universities in Puerto Rico or to those in the United States. The most educated are consequently more exposed to English than the rural baroo Upon their return to the island, the educated Viequenses often are imitated by those who have not been able to learn English fluently or achieve as high a level o education. Evidence in the following chapters will show that usage of English loan words is frequent among speakers with intermediate and high school education since they aspire to attain the educational or work opportunity enjoyed by return-migrants. In Vieques, learning the English language is valued purely for its utilityJ Knowing English fluently maximizes students' understanding of their subjects at the university level and also increases their employa- bility, according to Manuela Santiago, Administrator of Pub- lic Schools in Vieques, (Jan. 5, 1981).

In contrast to the intermediate or high school educated Spanish speakers, the Viequenses with advanced formal education are able to separate English expression from their spoken Spanish, even though they are the most exposed to the influence of English. While higher education helps them conserve knowledge and practice of formal Puerto Nican Spanish, the baros retain the more typical spoken style of Vieques. The , acceptance of English vocabulary, therefore, is largely limited to lexical forms for which they find no Spanish equivalent or substitute. Those with no formal exposure to English pronounce alien words like "Cornflakes" and "General Electric" in accordance with their own Span- ish phonetic system, zonfle and Zenerl elktr_. It is also noteworthy that educated speakers of Spanish and Eng- lish adopt such pronounciations once imported words become widely used in Spanish. For historical reasons, the 7,800 civilian inhabitants of Vieques were forced into a small physical space in the central area of the island (see Appendix I, Map C). There is close communication between the neighborhoods. From a linguistic point of view, therefore, there are no regional nor cultural barriers among speakers within the island, (de Carle, 1967,309). Most families are related. All the barrio______s on the island share one commercial center, Isabel

Segunda, where most people shop at least once every few days.

The mayor's office, a clinic, and the island's only high school are located in Isabel Segunda. Public transportation is limited to approximately 12 , "vans," which are privately owned. School bus service is provided between the rural areas and the Center's high school. Ferry service and air transport are the public means of transportation to and from the island of Puerto Rico. (See Map A and B. Appendix I)

The one and a half hour ride on the ferry to Fajardo, on the Lalo Pigueroa| Vieques, Jauary 198]. 12

east coast of the main island, is the trip away that Vie- quenses most often make, usually for no longer than a day's stay. The SanJuan Star is "the English language newspaper from Puerto Rico ar more frequently read are E1 Nuevo D, Clarld_d, and , all in Spanish and brought from Puerto Rico as well. In 1941, 26,000 of Vieques' 33,000 acres were expropria- ted by the United States Navy and are now utilized for military maneuvers and stockpiling, (See Maps A and C, Appendix I). The relevance of this to language usage lles in the ad- verse economlcconsequences of the land expropriation, which in turn have caused unemployment and massive migrations to

the main island of Puerto Rico and to the United States. To

date, high unemployment rates have yet to diminish. Return migration, however, is frequent among those who have earned sufficient money elsewhere to subsist for the remainder of their lives in Vieques. Those few who have been able to stay

on the island have established their own shops or other pla-

ces of business, or have acquired the necessary formal education elsewhere to become teachers, lawyers, government ad-

ministrators, medical doctors and medical assistants for the

island.

A Brief Historyo ducation in Vieques,..898-Dresent Upon Spain's cession of Puerto Rico and Vieques to the United States in 1898, a military government was established on the main island until the 1st of ay, 1900. While the Philippines was the other Spanish colonial territory that the UoS. acquired under the Spanish-Amerlcan treaty, Vie- ques and Puerto Rico were, in comparison, the most densely populated and, culturally and linguistically, the best defined. Spanish by xat time had already been established as "the language of exchange (Fonfras, 1966,40). English, however, became very popular after the American occupation.

The island territories had become disillusioned with the disorganized administrative policies of the Spanish Crown. Under pressure of the new American Commissioners of Instruc- tlon, Puerto Rico was in theory willing to accept the linguistic trade-off for polit.cal improvement. American Edu- cation Commissioners sent to change the iland's language to English (Fonfras, 1966,41)o According to Pedro Ceboll- arc, the Public Education Administrator in Puerto Rico, the Americans viewed the Spanish of Puerto Ricans as '*impure," "incomprehensible to the native Spaniard," and with o llt- erature and little value as an intellectual tool." It was therefore thought to be both proper and expedient to instruct Puerto Ricans in English, rather than attempting to impose the "elegant language of Castille." In this way the Ameri- cans attempted "to justify their efforts to eradicate Spanish, According to Ernesto Fonfras (1966,44), the first 40 years of North American colonization of Puerto Rico was di- vlded into four cycles in which four men directed the Depart- ment of Public Education of the island. It should be remembered that Vieques lagged behind Puerto Rico in establishing its own educational facilities. Vieques nevertheless was eventually subjected to the following plan of action for language use and instruction within its schoolsz Between 1900 and 1905, English was the principle lan guage of instruction while Spanish was taught as a special subject. Both English and Spanish were taught as subjects from the first grade in elementary school. In 1905, during a brief change of Public Education Ad- ministrators, the teaching of English was imposed in all schools. An effort was even made to make English the official language. From 1905 to 1916, English was imposed as the medium of exchange in all grades of the school system. From 1916 to 1934, instruction in grades 1-4 was in in gades 4-7, it was in English. In the Sanishlflfth grade, Spanish would be used in half of the subjects, English in the other half. Secondary school instruction would be in English. Both English and Spanish would remain as subjects in secondary and elementary schools. Between 1934 and 1937, Jos G. Pad{n became the first Puerto Rican to serve as Education Administrator. Spanish was taught in the first eight years of schooling. English would continue as a special subject from the first grade. The teaching of English would be greater in the seventh and eighth grades. Since 1900, English was imposed without regard for the

importance of consistency in education nor for the special needs of Puerto Rican children, particularly of those in rural areas. Confirmed by the administrative policies mentioned above, Lewis writes (1963,442) that Children in Vieques, JanuLry 1981 ...neither durrlculum nor organizational structure... made any distinction between the education of the rural child and that of the urban child, with the conse- quence that the former was sacrificed to the latter. The community of Vieques was historically a rural, predominantly sugar-cane farming island. Although sugar-cane refineries no longer exist, Vieques remains essentially rural. Spanish and American educational policies were applied in Vieques as they were in rural areas of the main island. Through the 1920's, texts and all class instruction were in English in the elementary, intermediate and high schools of

Vieques, (Manuela Santiago, Public Education Administrator, Vleques, .Jan. 5, 1981). According to Leavltt (1974,55), ..,It was not until 1928 that the junior high school was established in the rural communities, and "as late as 1940," there was not a single senior high school in any of the 45 municipalities that contained some two- fifths of the total insular population. In addition, when the Commissioner of Education was an American, (as we have noted), the bi-lingual emphasis resulted in educational chaos and ignorance of both Spanish and English... who What is more dlscouraging, the few high school graduates manage to attend a ,niverslty in Puerto Rico face the prob-

lem of having 'to switch back to the English medium once again. Some llve permanently on the main island during this time. A surprising number, however, commute between Vieques and Puerto Rico on a weekly basis. Their primary reasons for commuting are to live with their families as much as possible

and, of course, save money Not until the 1950s was the full use of Spanish texts January 16 re-instituted in the central high school of Vieques, (M. San- tiago). In the 1960s, Tumin states (1961s43,57) that "as compared to urban residents, rural-born, rural-resident persons have the least opportunity of obtaining a high school education." Not only was education difficult to obtain in Vieques| but we see that even when education becomes more feasible, the linguistic repercussions of shifting from Eng- lish to Spanish and back to English are a high price to pay. The vascilatlon of teaching programs breed confusion and dis- couragement among students. The manifestations of their confusion become evident in the spoken Spanish. However, the uneducated escaped the effects of the chaotic educational system. These people, the , the small farmers, as mentioned, are the conservators of typical Puerto Rican Span- ish on the main island and on Vieques. The respects learning and acknowledges the impor tance of literacy. But, in addition to the inadequate rural education, rural children are often taken out of school because they are needed for work in the fields or the house! because a son must bring lunch to his father in the fields, or because the family migrates to another area in search of work. Also, since the parents them~ selves have little education, they stress proper beha- vlor, not academic achievement, and are disappointed when learning does not take place automatically with school attendance, However, they have no reason to lieve that a little more education will make much dlf- ference in the future of their children...(Leavitts 1974,56) The problem of language vascilation within the chaetlc educational system today reinforces the skepticism among parents nd further discourages students from seeking edu- Mini%a Lo]?ez, Veque January 1981 17

cation. Since farming is no longer the primary source of employment or subsistence on the island, people are forced to acquire the skills to survive in a proTessively indus- trialized, business-oriented environment. Family ties and economic deprivation, however, become the factors which inhibit islanders from acquiring education beyond the high snhool level. No longer are the restraints rooted in the practical reality of the who needed his children to stay home or in the fields. It is important to note the attitude toward education in the past, however, in order to understand the skepticism with which many adults in Vieques viewed education. The research sets out to find the repercussions of the skepticism, the chaos and vascila-

tion, and the lack of compartmentalization of the two languages in the spoken Spanish of Vieques. RESEARCH.METHODS ADDroachin the Iniormant8 for Field Research The community of Vieques is comparable to an extended

family. Almost everyone in the central civilian area (See Map O, Appendix I) knows everyone else by sight if not by name. A questionnaire was distributed to approximately 50

residents in the arrio of La Esperanza. (Appendix II, see questionnaire.) This particular barrio was chosen for its se- cluded location, size and relatively short history. La Es- peranza, as a fishing barrio, also seems typical of Vieques, Vieques, January 1981 18

since fishing has always been an important resource for Vie- quenses. The questionnaire served as a means for initial acquain- tance with potential informants. Contacting an educational

cross-section of the people in La Esperanza was important

for this study. The questionnaire helped screen potential informants in this respect prior to the interviews. Most questions required Yes/No responses. These were given either aloud or in writing, whichever was most comfortable for the informant. The questions asked for general information on personal and family histories, personal and/or family edu- catlonal backgrounds, language use in their work and home vironents literacy and exposure to the media. The answers to questions on cultural foods and aspects of shared educational ba@grounds were similar among those in the preliminary pool, beca1se of the smallness of the community. After the informant was approached with the preliminary questionnaire, a second visit was paid to actually carry out the interview. Each of the interviews was tape-recorded. All informants were very cooperative. Most often they were willi to answer the questionnaire and carry out the interview at the first meeting. During the interview, informants were encouraged to speak naturally. Prior to the interview, no one was told that the main purpose of the interview was to gather data on Vieques, January 1981 19

their use of Spanish. The interviews were informal dia- logues on current issues and personal views. When the interviews were completed, the interviewees were informed of the linguistic observations that would be made from the dialogue with them. They gladly gave permission for using the interviews for such a purpose. The following are preliminary introductions of the infDrmants used in this project, beginning with the least educated. The table will serve for reference in chapters to follow. pRZL!MINARY DATA ON ihFORMNTS HISTORY OCCUPATION OUTSTAIfDING POLITICAL EMIGRATION ( NICKN/) SXv AGE EDUCATION of Fishermen's None no formal Fisherman Member everino (Seve) M 23 union opez education None Fisherman Member of Fishermen's licio Ayala M 55 no formal education union ! month visit to Fisherman; Leader in Fishermen's s_ntos (Mnosanto) M 65 no formal New York education Pentecostal union los Minister of Fishermen's None eighth grade Fisherman Member orge Nieves M 24 union of Fishermen's one ninth grade Fisherms-n Member ulio (Chongito) M 25 union )avis None M 61 ninth grade Barber in ]ino Figueroa Isabel ii years in New York Retired,part 12 M 61 ninth grade for work Eugenio (Geito) time fritter amrez sales at beach stand years in New York Housewife 12 licia (Iche) F 59 high school for work omero Carrasquillo None Secretary & 3armen V. (Cuca) F 24 high school Dol6n Accountant for fishery in New York & I0 years M 43 high school Restaurant for work Abreru Mario Guest House owner Political activist 9 years in San 26 high school Housewife with Minita L6pez Nieves F against U.S. Marine Francisco 1 year in WIT immediate family program in base San Fancisco ("Women in Transition" ppvTJINARY DATA ON INFOPJiANTS (Continued) EMIGRATION HISTORY ( NIOKNAM.E ) SEX AGE EDUCATION OCCUPATION OUTSTANDING POLITICAL ( Ir ) (Arito) F B.A. in Elementary 4 years in San Juan, cfstides 34 PoR. for education mlrez Accounting school teacher 2 years in Alaska for -melo Belardo M 3? B.A. in Secondary President of Socialist Education school teacher Party in Vieques Army training; 4 years in San Juan for education Commuted weekly to San ictor Emetic M 29 M.A. in Secondary President of Indepen- Education school teacher dence party in Vieques Juan 6 years for education 4 years in San Juan ns Belardo F 37 M.A. in Secondary Education school teacher for education ! year in Georgia & smael Guadalupe M 37 M.A. in Secondary school Leader in Independence Education & teacher of Party in Vieques; Mass. as political History Dramatic Arts; activist against U.S. prisoner aspiring writer base in Present mayor of Popular party 6 years in San Juan arlos Luis M 38 M.A. education; travels Liche) Castao Education Vieques (also for served '72-'76 as mayor monthly to term); Secondary New York or Wash.D.C. school teacher 6 years in San Juan adam, s Tirado M 46 M.A. in Secondary Mayor of Vieques '76-'80 Education & School teacher New Progressive Party for education Mathematics Administrator of President of New Progress- 6-7 years in San anue!a Santiago F 45 M.A. in education Education Public Schools in ive Party for one-year Juan for Vieques: term Secondary school teacher years in San Juan os$ J.D. Degree Lawyer and 7 (Don Tono) M 75 for education;5 years ivera PSrez retired Judge of Vieques in U.So during adoles- cence travels occasionally to U,S. east coast cits o

"La lengua no es de las academias, ni de los mesoneros, ni de los pobres ni di los ricos, ni de los vivos, ni de los muertos, constituye un patrimonlo a todos pertenece! en todos vive y para todos e8,"

Pedro Salinas Apecio y efensa del lenquaje 21

CHAPTER

ANALYSIS OF FIELD WORK

Due to Vieques' insular boundaries and relative isola-

tion from the United States, as compared to Puerto Rico with its closer relationship with the mainland, the Spanish spoken in Vieques is not affected to the degree that Puerto

Rico,s Spanish has been. The Spanish of Puerto Rico shows

lexical, semantic interference from English. Viequenses appear to be much less affected by English! anglicization

is principally in the fo, of lexical borrowings. The linguistic impact of North American commercial and social influences is, in most circumstances, first filtered through Puerto Rico before reaching Vieques.

Manifestations of the English influence in spoken Vie- quense and Puerto Rican Spanish can be classified as follows: i. Lexical borrowings having no Spanish equivalents.

2. Lexical borrowings having Spanish equivalents. 3. Spanish terms used in English grammatical construction (lexicon and syntax).

(a) Redundancy of subject pronoun, "Sal{ de.."-- "Y__q sal de casa alas cuatroo" "Volviste con.."-- "T_ volviste con tu hermana."

(b) Perifrastic verb form (estar + gerund) used for perfect or active tenses:

"Los tcnicos estudian el problema.'-- "El problema e@t siendo estudiado pot los t6c- nicos." "Constru[a un puente sobre el r.Oo"-- "Un puente .s.ta siendo construido 22

sobre el rfo." Passive voice is used over the active or passive reflexive voices that are preferred in Spanish, "El portero abre la puerta."/ "La puerta ha sido abierta por alguien.": "La puerta es abierta pot el portero. (d) Use of Erlish grammatical construction h.aber + adverb + participle: "Les hab{an cortesmente invitado." "Si hubieran rapldamente'." salido."

(e) Redundance and anamoly in the use of possessive adjectlves "Dej la ol encima de la mesa."--"Deje mi...plua encima de mi mesa." "Los o.os se le llenaron de lgrimas."- "Sus .9os .s iienaron de lgrimas." "Este carro es de nosotros." (Preferred).-$ changed to- "Este carro es nuestro." (f) oubtltution of ,, aquellas, , a9ullos for the demonstrati tlcl e__!l"; (los, etc., from the use of those zn English), "Aqulos que deseen asistir deben inscri- birse previamente." (Instead of "Los que deseen asistir0..") qulera entrar que entre." (In- stead"of "El_!__q. quiera entrar..."). (g) Redundance of the undefined pronoun un___, "Se discuta si el status de Puerto Rico es o no es Zno de convenio." "La conse- cuencia que de esto se derive es Zna7 muy importante." (h) Anomalous use of e__n after prepositions d__e, P_qE or . (i) Use of the English grammatical construction: let + pronoun + verb .,to wait for," "if possible")! the English application of who, well, then, how, etc.

The limited number of informants that could be interviewed in the short time available for field work does not

diminish the significance of the samplings. Of the 20 informants interviewed, 15 were men and 5 were women. Six were

between 20 and 30 years of age! five between 30 and 40 years;

three between 40 and 50 years| and six were 50 and above. Three informants had less than five years schooling! four in-

formants had less than ten years schooling! the third group

with four had been educated twelve years. Eight men and two wo-

men were teachers in elementary or secondary schools in Vie-

ques and had advanced degrees. Two women were housewives.

Three men owned their businesses. Three men and one woman

hold, or once held, public administrative offices. All the informants are from the barri___o of La Esperanza. Although all the informants are descended from , they have a variety of occupations. The largest economic group

in Vieques is middle-class, comparable to Puerto Rico's lower

middle-class. There are almost as many poor and extremely

poor people, however. All informants showed some degree of English influence

in their Spanish, regardless of age, educational, or economic background. Those with greater exposure to English through emigration, education and/or business and commerce used more English words and expressions in Spanish. None of the informants, however, used syntactic construction that diverged from the Spanish form. In the interviews, three categories of lexical angli-

cisms can be demonstrated. The first, are borrowings used

with the least phonological adaptation to Spanish. General examples of these are "appointment" poimen, (for "magazine" fmagasfn2 (for revista), "slogan" loga, (for lem_____a)! etc. Another category consists of English words that are more or less adapted to Spanish phonology as cauch, escrachar, and onchar, which are used in place of sofa, des- barata______rr and almorza,respectively. The last category of anglicisms are words which show the greatest adaptation in ei-

ther their spelling and pronunciation, and are generally ac-

cepted and understood by Spanish-speakers in Latin America

and the Caribbean. Some exnples of these are aplicaclon from applicatio (note orthographic changes)! lanta lantJ, fFom ,, and 9ergeOca merhencia, from emer- e (especially note phonetic changes). The lexical borrowings were used by informants in the interviews. Some of them have been mentioned in the litera-

ture on English loans in Puerto Rican Zpanish. Others were not, although they do fit the description of English borrowings in panl,h. These are not all the possible examples of angllcloms used in Vieques. They illustrate, however, the range of lexical borrowings from English which are commonly used by the informants interviewed. ANGLICISMS CATEGORY I INTERVIEW SAMPLINGS (Lexical borrowings showing least phonological adaptation to Spanish) STEADYs "Por ejemplo, casi siempre, el agricultor tra- 'di/ bajaba de cinco a sei/h# mesez/ en una forma Este'diJ donde I cobra semanal por ese tiempo." (anuela SantiagoI. l-5-81[. Cf. Category II, ehte'di/. ISSUE: "Ahora mi#h#mo la camara e/hJt en su. (Manuela Santiago! 1-5-81). "Ahora, indudablemente, sf, hay uno/ indicio/h de que, s, vamo/h en via de definlr el status ya eIt planteando el /i'g." (Ismael Guadalupe! 1-5-81). he phonologlcal unlt // s ].ntroduced from Eng- lish into the spoken Sanish here. Cf. also see RUSH o's and SHOT ah, category II. "Cuando el alcalde se iba pa Yo/l7 me de- jabm el carro, me dejaba el lp"...N.ueva (ano Santos Rfos 1-9-81). LAUNDRY "Cuando el alcalde se iba_pa Nueva Yo/i/... me ha encarg/ao/ del ondri_/, me dejaba la llave de la casa y se iba." (Nano Santos Ros; 1-9-81). Usually pronounced /londri! replaces lavandera, lavandero, (Gill Gaya, 1973: 125). "E/hytuve en el /a'lmey un ao y pico." (Severino LSpez! i-4-81). NAVY: "No/hi e_h. propiaron el /ne'vi y as{ no] re- garon," (Ings Belardow 1-9-81) 27

no 2/ metleron una maefh/tra que era unerlcana sku .V no hablaba nada en e/Jpaol, todo en ingle/h/.

(Carmen (Cuca) Colon, 1-10-81). JU NI OR Fui 2or un tiempo a una eh/pecie /u' niol de u'nlol ko'lecJ ante/h/ de ir al ejercito." (Carmelo Belardo! 1-8-81). HALF AND "Tenemo/h] matrimonio.n a'f en ha'f, como dicen, pot la llbera.lon femenina." ha'f (Eugenio (Genlt)o Ramfrez I--81)

Unlike the majority of informants, Eugenio Ramfrez has

lived in the United States for the longest period and uses !@ more English loans. Here we can best see the effect that migration has on Viequense Spanish. Half and half, rush, etc.

are not as frequently used by other informants as those ap- propriate to the social context of the island! na_, school, jeep and or colle, on the other hand are imported concepts and are widely recognized and used. ANGLICIS.S CATGORY I INTERVIEW SAPLINGE (Lexical borrowings showing phonological adaptation to Spanish). C HAE la

STEADY 28

STATUS "El ehta'tusw7 de Puerto Rico se decidir pot el pueblo." tus/ (Victor Emetic! 1-4-81). STRESS "Pot la vida agitada hay demasiado ehtre's." (Alicia Romero Carrillo! 1-3-81).

Anglicism used most often as technical term in medicine as a substitute for sobre esfuerzo or sobrealarm, (Fonfras, 1968:2). ROLE "El ro'l] de la e"h./cuela erhY.para perpetuar ---o, 12 la situaci6n polftica que ete en ese lugar." (Ismael Guadalupe; 1-5-81).

RECORD "Auf m,Zh/ o menoy/ llevamoJ[g 171 /re'kor7 de l{e/hycadore de lalhIantzdades de

(Caen (Cuca) Col6n; i-i0-81). Used most often in the context of sports; secondly, in the contexts of admimistration, "medical record," employee record" (Gill Gaya, 1973, 126). Widely used by Spanish-speakers of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Pan- ama, Venezuela and Santo Domingo (Fonfrfas, 1968: 60). RUSH "All (en los Etados Unidos) hay una vida o's-- todo e correndo." (Eugenio (Geito) Ramlrez; 1-3-81). RIGHT Interecton, rai.

(Eugenio (Geito Ramlrez; i-3-81). FULL-TIE "Siempre he trabajado fultai'i." ta ul (Antonio Prez; 1-6-81). ZIG-AG sa" 29

(Ismael Guadalupe! 1-5-81). AINTENANCE,"Yo hacfa/meinansg en 9 rabajo que tenfa en EmeinansJ lo/h/ EIhltados Unid/h. (Eugenio (Geito) Ramfrez! 1-3-81). SANTA E, "El /santa klo'h/ e/h/ una figura impueyh/ta aqu ---/Gta en Puegto Rico. klo'hJ (Ismael Guadalupe! 1-5-81). holiday anglicisms are used, as Christmas klaterimahwZ, etc., (Gill Gaya, 1973, 124). RENT: "qu %iene/hy to casa. o agayhl/hrental, ----re, nta2 vlvefh/, te da para vivi/i/ felizmente." (Eugenio (Geito) Rrez) 1-3-81). TRUCK SHOT: "Celebr m2=pleaofh_en_el /fro'I, m negocio 'ro' me di unofh/ cuanto/h/ ah (shots of llquor), sah7 uno/ palitos." (hlgenlo (Oeito) Ramlrez," 1-3-81). Cf. l se gana la vida con su /trok# (ruck pot cami6n,(Santullano, 1945: 47). HOLD-UP: "AII hay mucho /hol op (Eugenio (Geito) Ramrez; i-3-81).

CT. Joldear Asaltar,atracar en la via publlca. De (Eantullano, 1945 46). ANGLICISMS CATEGORY""III INTERVIEW SAMPLINGS (Lexical borrowings showing the greatest adaptation to Spanish words that were not generally accepted 20 years ago, but that are recognized and included in Spanish dictionaries today). STANDARD, "Cada anglo bajan loZrh] hta'ndar7 de las e'Tcucla/h./." (Arfstides (Arito) Romero| 1-3-81). One of the most fortunate anglicisms in the Spanish @

[;onfrlas, 1968, 80). language ( "living standard." noun .'standard" of life, --as normal, usual --as adjective uniform, --as verb es tandarlzar," estandardlzar.

se "Aqu{ o e/h7 como all& en San Juan, don.de o /revolver./." tiene ue a;dar con /rifle (ano Santos Rfos! I-9-81). (del Rosary.o, Nentioned as "general anglcs 1972 17), ,, un BEE/B' -ue n2 noda comer 9qatao er

(Mo Santos Ros; 1-9-81). tiempo para bacer mi ASSIGNMENT "Ni/h adre>rove[an el as ignac (Nanuela Santiago; 1-5-81) io h tstado } Unido/h SAFE-CAN en hambrientofb/ que comen e (Liche Castano" -9-81) from safe-can, Zafac on is conflrmed to be derived lano, 195, $5).

B LOC K . verb: "La ocupaclon po la Marlna no/hi el uso de nuenJtras tlerras." (Minita Lopez;" 1-4-81) connotes the idea of a great i bloQuear a WNlcn mm6, obstruct mass and not small ob3ecrs the word --or area. It is improper to use passage atasQadas,.obstruidas, obturadas or in place,of referring to, f6r ekaole,.'he taP onad...,S w . edle etc, Gill Caya, blockage 9f an in3ection ne 1973 128). Academy of pansh Cf. Blo___qc not accepted by the 31

Language. is correct. Not to be used when referr- to a street block, though often incorrectly ued in this manner (Fonfras, 1968, 32

From the anthropological perspective, understanding social circumstances sheds light on linguistic problems. This is 'the approach of analysis to be taken here. Talcot Parsons for such and Dell H. Hymes have suggested the following rules an approach (in De Granda, 1972z 121):

(a) Consideration of the attitudes toward language that the various classes or groups have within the studied community. (b) Consideration of the social situations by which speech styles are affected. An understanding of the composition tendencies and attitudes emerging from the social structure is important here. (c) Consideration of the manifested repercussions in 'the language, based on the understanding the attitudes and the social background of the speaker.

In the first of the above categories would be included elite the conservator class of the aro' o and the ntellectuai identity, who promote the preservation of the baro' cultural Through if not in practice, in Puerto Rican literary works. hs social and lir.uisic disintegration, the 2baro is losing ability to execute his role. The elite remai as such isolated are the from the mass. The middle, urbanized class in Vieques most accepting of foreign adaptations in their language. Their motivation lies in gaining the practical utllx'y"t and benefits

of learning the English vernacular, even if it means partial

mastery or less of one's own expresslon, Whi].e the socially

mobile face the precar.ou position of mastering or losng preservation, the class takes a passive role in language conservation (De Granda, 1972 122). In their iso-

lation, both the elite and the class are the ones able

to best resist linguistic annihilation as, compared to the

middle educated, socially mobile class. These people see an economic advantage to learning English.

The collective attitude towards linguistic acculturation

in Vieques and Puerto Rico is differentiated between pre and post 1940 periods. In .S.c.al ClaQs and S.pcial Change in Puerto Ric____qo (1961: 457-460), M. Tumin and A. Feldman point out the

cultural eceptivity within Puerto Rico during these two periods.

Prior, to 1940, acculturation is seen as forced, since no economic advantage could be associated with the learning of Englsh at the time. After 1940, the industrial boom in Puerto Rico brought economic implications to cultural assimilation, and hence, permissive acculturation among Puerto Ricans.

Knowledge of English facilitated the cultural adaption that was needed with the forced migration which rapidly increased during the post 1940 period. From Puerto Rico, many migrant farmers imigrated to the East's farming areas in the United States, part.cularly in New ngland, where tobacco cultivation was abundant at the timm. Viequenses often opted to migrate to neighboring islands, as Culebra and the Virgin Islands, before choosing to make as drastic a move as to the United States. Freguently these migrant farmers emigrated to other islands long enough to economically restore what 'they lost or could not earn in Vieques. Their hope always was to return to Vie- ques and to their families, who often stayed behind. This chosen alternative on the part of Viequenses, which seems much less frequent among Puerto Rican migrants, along with

Vieques' geographical isolation from Puerto Rico, makes for the latent acculturation that is evident there.

From migration, to education, the penetration of English ensued in both islands. Industry, commerce and banking, in addition to Puerto Ricans' increased military service outside the island, and concurrent education acquired in the mainland accelerated the acculturation process. Upon military occupation of land in Vieques, military work offered to Puerto cans in these areas generated an immediate cause for learning English. The presence of the American tourist on the island made English a marketable commodity in the service industry of Vieques. American residents began increasing on the island.

The contexts of the home of the f.sherman, of the business owner and the public officials in Vieques offer different opportunities for the speaker to become exposed to the English influence. There are innumerable social contexts that could be named. Though none of them escape the influence of English, speakers in one context are more susceptible than in others. There is greater evidence of English, for example, 35

in the dialogue with the business owner than with the fisherman.

The nucleus of unilingual Puerto Ricans are the older

adults, over 40, of lower middle and lower classes, who predominantly are born and reside in rural areas (De Granda,

1972: 149). Vieques is one of the rural municipalities of

Puerto Rico. Groups of young adults with children, and the

very old comprise the major portion of the population in Vie- ques. Young adults with no c"hlldren and adults with grown

children tend to find it more feasible to move away from Vie- ques, where job opportunltles are greater. According to sta- tistlcs cited in the oanJuan iitar, July 28, 1962, 49.9% of the urban p pulatlon of Puerto Rico, in that same year, spoke English as compared to 28% of the rural sector, (De Granda, 1972: 153). Of persons given the choice to either adopt Eng-

lish or maintain Spanish as official languages in Puerto Rico,

9% of the urban, upper-miIdle class gave English as their choice, (Ramlrez, 1964, 354). Io studies' have been made on such a queoton in Veques. However, it is important to be aware of the English influence within Puerto Rico, since

Puerto Rico is the most immediate external source of foreign influence for Vieques.

Both the personal need for economic advancement and the social pressure in immediate situations demands that the Puerto Rican adapt to English, (Herman, 1968: 492). "Imme- 36

diate" social pressures are contrasted with "background" pressures in linguistic adaptation. The latter is identi- of fied when choosing English over Spanish, which, in the case Puerto Ricans and Viequenses, occurs in a public rather than private setting! when the use of English provides cues to a group's identity, or implies social status or conformity to group norms; or, lastly, when the speaker wishes to identify

or be identified with a particular group, or be dissociated

from it, or desires or feels obligated to conform to norms

of a reference group (Herman, 1968: 495). Applicable to Puerto Rican Spanish, there are two types bilin- of bilingualism, (De Granda, 1972 150). "Coordinated" gualism and "subordinate" bilingualism are differentiated by

the level of fluency in English.. "Coordinated bilingualism" is characteristic of the most is- educated, and higher economic status of Puerto Rican main

landerso These are usually bankers, large business owners

and industrial directors, advanced technicians, professionals

of higher rank, etc., who have a good command of both Spanish who have and English. In Vieques, these frequently are people some- been educated in private schools in the main island and

times in the United States for high school or university education. In contrast to the trend in Puerto Rico, however, rarely did there appear in Vieques persons who had attended school or university in the United States for a major portion of their advanced education. Those who have, however, develop

the closest contact, for business or pleasure, usually with Puerto Rico, and sometimes with the United States. In this

group are also the ever-increasing return migrants from New

York or other areas of the United States, who after a con- siderable period of time, occasionally return speaking Eng- lish more fluently 'than Spanish. In addition, persons who prefer English use to Spanish in Puerto Rico and Vieques are

or have been regularly in contact with English, as in work-

ing for the Army, Navy or Air Force, both abroad or on the islands, where English becomes the language of exchange. Forced migration and "the armed services are most frequently the medium by which Viequenses acquire direct contact with an English-speaking environment.

"Subordinate bilingualism" is represented by the re-

mainder of the main island's middle class, particularly the

younger sector, and to an extent, though perhaps still few

in number, those of the lower, undereducated class (De Granda, 1972 151). This category applies to a much greater propor-

tion of the population in Vieques than "coordinate bilin gualism" does in Puerto Rico. People who are "subordinate bilinguals" are those who after high school studies or university studies in the main island, can read, write and speak English, though imperfectly, while Spanish remains their dominant language (Robinett, 1965, 97-i05; Long, 1965: 109- 38

120).

In the immediate future, the linguistic nucleus which is composed of "subordinate bilinguals,- will be the largest and most significant of the Puerto Rican population, ;De Granda, 1972: 151)o This is attributed to the proliferation of English in education, the increase of economic activity in Puerto Rico and Vieques and the increasing relations between Americans and Puerto Ricans on the islands.

R. Diebold defines (1961: 97-113) a third type of bilingualism that is applicable to Puerto Rico and particularly

Vieques. "Incipient bilingualism" is represented by a good portion of the insular population, on the whole, by persons of the older generations, who are more rural than urban, and who cannot form complete sentences in nglish but do incor- porate English words and expressions with their Spanish.

There is a predominance of "incipient bilingualism" in Vie- ques0 This has been illustrated in the earlier description of the spoken Spanish of the informants interviewed. In summary, the Spanish of Vieques has been illustrated to show its primary tenency toward the influence of English through lexical adaptation. This modification, in addition to the phonetic and syntactic ones that are more evident in the Spanish of the main island, can be explained as follows, (De Cranda, ].972: 173), i) Phonetic simplification, as in the case of the /'s evolution. Impllflcation of morphology and syntax, as in the highly frequent subtltutlon of both le and les with This le. is common, according to De Granda, in vulgar Spanish and in other parts of Spanish-speaking Latin America. He speculates, however, that even more frequently and extensively used in Puerto Rican dialects is, for example, the "'m'a.nlsnng" use of the subjunctive, the elimination of "sustantivos postver- bales," etc.

Simplification of lexicon is the most obvious impoverishment. Semantic nuances of Puerto Rican Spanish are replaced by English. The replaoements are not equivalents, but rather are impositions of a separate infrastructure and world view within language. the

These types of changes in the linguistic infrastruc-

ture of the Spanish of Vieques and Puerto Rico can be seen as a manifestation of social instability, (De Granda, 1972: 18). The Spanish-English duality in the language, culture, and ideology of Puerto Rico and Vieques forces upon these islands a peripheral identity to the rest of Spanish-speaking America.

For this reason, Puerto Rico and Vieques increasingly are not recognized as full members of the Spanish or English speaking worlds. Through Spanish and English these islands represent a linguistic bridge between the two cultures. The English is in itself not the danger that these dual language entities face. Their increased receptivity 'to English than in other parts of the Spanish-speaking world, however, shows a national and linguistic disintegration. Communication between generations, for exnple, and between people of dif- 4o

fering educational backgrounds is becoming more difficult. These 1 inguistlc divisions pe tentlally excommunicate social groups from one another. This is a detriment to the islands, nationality.

@ @

@ @ @ 4].

"El hombre lava moldeando a su manera, lava imponiendo sus costumbres, dndole la forma de sus emociones, como masa de trigo ductil a la presi6n de la mano, al calor, de los sentidos y del eapfritu, hasta consequir della un hlito de vida como instrumento caprfz para su servicio y entendimiento." Ernesto Juan Fonfrfas Raz6n del ,i,ma Espao,! en Puerto 42

CHAPTER llI

THE INFLUENOE OF ENGLISH CAUSES, EFFECTS, ISSUES AND ANSWERS

To my knowledge, the only study of the Spanish of Vie- ques is de Carle's 1967 dissertation, written at the Univer- sity of Puerto Rico by a Viequense. This was published in Spain in 1974. De Carle touches upon the English influence in the language. Howevsr, her main focus is on the Spanish phonetics, morphology, syntax and lexicon of Viequenses, and compares these with Toms Navarro's findings in E1 Esoaol de PuertoRico (1974). Navarro's work concentrates on regional speech characteristics within the island of Puerto

Rico and makes brief mention of the speech style of Vieques.

As the basis for her research, de Carle uses Navarro's

Cg.e.sionario LingiS,ico Hispanoamerican0' (1945). Of a total of 544 questions, 159 are on phonetics, 114 on morphology, 170 on lexicon, and i01 on syntax. De Carle interviewed 35 informants, the majority between the ages of 30 and 40. Ten of her informants were minimally educated, with

less than five years schooling, thirteen had intermediate

education, and twelve had 12 or more years of schooling. No distinctions could be made between urban and rural speakers, since residents of both the central town and new neigh-

borhoods were found to be of rural origin, who had been on

the island all their lives. On the other hand, some persons who were thought to be born in Vieques had migrated from 43 neighboring islands at an early age. (de Carlo, 1967,3). I specifically sought to recruit informants who had been both born and raised in Vieques, preferably in the area of La Esperanza. According to de Carle though, there would be no marked linguistic difference between speakers from, for example, the central, more commercial town, and those of La Esperanza, Since 1967 the central area has grown more commercial, while La Esperanza has remained a predominantly residential area (interviews with Radams Tirado, Jan. l, 1981 and Liche Caetao, Jan. 9, 1981 past and present mayors of Vieques, respectively). I found, as did de Carle, informants who have migrated at some point in their lives, primarily for economic reasons, to neighboring islands such as Puerto Rico and Culebra, or to the United States. Two of my own informants, Joe6 Rivera Prez and Victor Quiones Belardo, had participated in de Carle's investigation. I was careful to select informants that represented a broader cross-sectlon of different ages and occupations than the group selected by de Carlo. The interest in the present work was to find the effects of schooling and work environments among different age groups, while de Carle primarily chose persons of one age group with varying degrees of education. The effects of historical changes in work and educational opportunities should be reflected in my data, because different age groups are represented. His- 44

torlcal change would not be evident in de Carle's data, however. With regard to the three educational categories de Carle specified, they are the same that I have used in the present work.

The influence of English on the Spanish of Vieques is clear evidence of the social, economic and political arm- lock that the U.S. has on the island. The use of English by my informants proved to be rooted in their educational and economic reality,

Manuela Santiago told me (Vieques, Jan. 5, 1981) that, during her childhood, her father worked in a "steady" manner only for the 5 to 6 months that sugarcane farming allowed each year. She affirmed that today's reading of English texts and speaking Spanish in the classrooms of Vleques presents the greatest problems for an overwhelming number of students who need to master their academic subjects.

The most brutal problem for her and for her children is that, without ever having left Vleques, they can neither speak Spanish nor English with the fluency that would be expected, especially with the reinforcement of the hi-lingual education they are receiving. Bi-lingual education is provided for the children of return-migrants who either never learned or have forgotten their Spanish. It is also expected that all students learn English functloDlly, if not fluently, by the end of their secondary schooling. The program, un- fortunately, does not execute its intention. After a year of frustration and insurmountable language difficulties, Manuela Santiago's own son dropped out of medical school after he found that understanding the technical laruage in the English science texts required a better background in

English than was provided in elementary and secondary schools. Manuela Santiago, as Administrator of Public Ed- ucation in Vieques, stressed that too many students in Vie- ques are ignorant of somethi "as basic and necessary as" the literature of their own language.

Ismael Guadalupe teaches Dramatic Arts and History in secondary schools in Vieques. He commented on how too many of his students know more of George Washington and Robert

Kennedy than of such Puerto Rican historical figures as Segundo Ruz Belvls and Baldorioty de Castro. "Santa Clo'," he pointed out, is a cultural imposition which he has been

forced to explain to his children. I asked him why he hap- pened to use the words "issue" and "zig-zag" in our interview rather than Spanish equivalents. He attributed such utterances to the bl-cultural reality that the United States

has imposed on the Puerto Rican. He saw the social enrich- ment in learning other languages and cultures in addition (his emphasis) to one's own. He felt that Puerto Ricans should not overlook their culture for the sake of learning

another. Within the latter predicament, he foresees a 46

tentlal burden that Puerto Ricans might have in their re- senting the cultural values that overshadow their own. Equally, they experience confusion and even a sense of in- feriority in never really knowing the values of their Puerto Rican linguistic heritage. Despite the absorption of Indigenous, French, and Eng-

lish terms within the Spanish of Vieques, the language spo-

ken on the island is fundamentally no different than the Spanish spoken in Puerto Rico, according to de Carlo (1967, 322). She found the greatest difference between the two dialects to be in the lexicon. Both the Viequense and the Puerto Rican lexicon are principally of Spanish origin. As in the Spanish of Puerto Rico, there appears in Viequense archaic Spanish, Indigen-

ous, African, French and English elements (for examples, see Appendix III). In many cases, for example, there exists in Vieques a tendency to use masculine and feminine genders to

make semantic distinctions, as compared to the forms used in Puerto Rico. In Vieques, garbanzos are cooked with rice and pork hocks while arbanzas are smaller and are toasted with coffee grinds. With regard to the selection of anglicisms, 84.66% of

the vocabulary used for her investigation were used among Viequense speakers. The high percentage of English loans

has not affected the phonemic, morphological or syntactic 47

structure of the Spanish of Vieques, (de Carlo, 1967,314).

In a lexicon, the toponimic (place names) and onomastic

(personal and business names) of a language can be used to trace the cultural evolution of a people. In the toponimlc and onomastlc names used in Vieques, can be traced the history of its successive occupations by Western colonizing powers. In the toponomy is found, as perhaps the only remains of Indigenous lexicon, the names of the island, Vi__e- u_q_, and Crb....sland , (de Carle, 1967,315). These names are said to be derived from native Indian terms, Borequem and Carib. The Indigenous influence is greatest in enemas- tic lexicon, (See Appendix III).

On the maps of the island of Puerto Rico from the Puerto Rican Studies Collection in the University of Puerto Rico, Vieques appears with the following names, 1639, Bor___e- u_q! 1657, Borequem: 1683, Borequem! 1705, Isl____a orequem! 1730, Borlq.uem! map dated beginning of eigtheenth century, oreque Crab Is.l.snd; 1761, Crab Island! 1765, Crab Island! 1775, Isl_.._a d__e Bie__! 1783, .uriquen! 1810, Crab Island! 1810, Bie__! 1842, Isla de Vieques. Many of these maps were drawn by English, Dutch or French cartographers. The one dated 1657 was done in Latin. The map of 1842 is the only one that is labeled in Spanish. The map of 1810, which gives the name Bie__, although it appears in French, was prepared by Don Toms Lpez, of Madrid, in 1791 (Benf- 48

fez, 1976,192). There is an abundance of French toponimic names, Mo___n Reos (Mor), Mar.ineau, Leuillou, Sorc, T_rain6n! while there exists one German name, Wolff. "Calle La Esperanza" in Isabel II is now "Calle Victor Duteill." The barrio "La Esperanza," meaning hope, used to be called "San Juan Bau- tista."

The Northamerican influence, being the most recent, is principally found in the names of businesses (i.e , Camacho's Market| ..portsmaD Guest House, for "Casa del Francs") The majority of last names are Spanish, but there are many from French, British and American (Foster, Littlefield and others) , and a few of German, Dutch and Catalan origin, (de Carle, 1967,303). Dr. de Carle tested a selection of anglicisms that are cited by del Rosario (19551972,17) as anglicisms also used in Puerto Rican Spanish. She Speclfied the frequency of their use among her informants and also found other anglicisms that seem particularly common among Viequense speakers. The underlined words are used with greater frequency by de Carle's informants with less than 12 years of school These underlined words were used most by the intermediate group with five to eleven years of school. Those with twelfth grade education and above ranked second. The least educated group, made up primarily of b ranked last, showing 49 familiarity with 75.33% of the selected words (de Carle! 1967,274)

blof and blofero chequear record high 8t.andard baquear closet cllp and cliplar hobby racket folder lipstick sa-ich lash-light ticke___t freezer

inc om,e- tax bslsbol

Other words that de Carle found typical of Vieques

Spanish are given below. She did not test these for frequency of use or degree of familiarity among the three educated groups. These are apparently used by everyone on the island. They are spelled as in de Carle (1967). stencil timer' sofbol leiborer laundry kiutes supermarket uso (U.S.O.) spray baby-sitter gate highball main gate Navy back gate Marines cookies sailors handbag or handibag pedegr shopping bag fehry full pack doili off limits pie by he way pantry empl (M.P.) tiJeras pinking plc6 tifitiar (and nafitiar) 5O

tro rin de boxeo wash an' wear container tissng (teasing) beautician ".mire, Mihter" erapJ (shut up) The fashion in which vocabulary of the United States has been adapted in Vieques has historical and political implications. There are personal reasons why each one of us, as Puerto Ricans, come to accept or reject anglicisms

(del Rosario! 1948,142). TRe. choice is usually motivated by one or more of the following factors,

l) The desire to name new objects and ideas. 2) The desire for novelty through new names and phrases for old ideas. 3) The desire to imitate superiors (super- visors, teachers, parents) 4) The desire for clarity in understanding and in being understood readily. 5) The desire to speak with the maximum pre- cision possible. 6) Pedantry, or the desire to make personal knowledge noticeable. 7) The desire to compliment or denigrate objects. 8) As a crutch for less effort in speaking. 9) The desire for linguistic correction. These are far from all possible reasons for new linguistic adaptations. They are, however, according to del Rosario, 51

the most frequent and most evident.

TomEs Navarro (1974,222) reacts to del Eosario0s two articles both written in (1948) on the influence of English in Puerto Rican Spanish. He claims that del Rosario mini- mizes the volume of anglicisms in Puerto Rican Spanish to lesser proportions than ordinarily supposed, thereby les- sening the gravity which might be attributed to the English influence. Del Rosario,s articles, points out Navarro, allege supportive evidence that foreign linguistic influences can inhibit the conservation of a language. Del sario gives the historical example of Castilian lexicon re-

ceived from Arab, English and French. Navarro contends

that this is not applicable to Puerto Rican Spanish since these lexical borrowings did not occur under the circumstances which Puerto Rico confronts. Arab words were assimilated without detriment to Castillian, since at the time Castille was an independent state. In that part of Spain in which

the Muslim dominion persisted, however, the Spanish, after their natural resistance, forgot their own language and spoke the vernacular of their conquerors. Navarro suggests that this is the linguistic predicament which Puerto Ricans pos- sibly face.

Along the same llne of argument against the unnecessary adoption of anglicisms, Manuel Seco in "D,cionario de,,udas y Dificultades n la LenKua EsDaola," (Fonfras; 1968,25) 52 defines the acceptable adoption of foreign words and expressions in the Spanish language. Foreign or new linguistic elements are, in themselves, not a detriment to a language. What is important, however, is that these linguistic im- portations be, above all, necessary, and that they be molded and accomodated into the original structure of the laruage. We must avoid introducing foreign and new terms 'anaahleally'1 each country or linguistic region should willingly choose and not have imposed a different form of a term to name the same new object or idea, (196825). Vieques presently relies on Puerto Rico for its exposure to media, for commerce and political administration. In Puerto Rico, in turn, as in Cuba, Panama and other areas of the Caribbean, the American English of commerce, politics,

industry, economics and cinematography imposes its linguis-

tic and cultural criteria, but this situation is also appar- ent in other countries of Europe and the entire world. (Fon- fras. 196823). However, Indigenisms and Africanisms are the distinctions which give Viequense and Puerto Rican Span- ish its linguistic character. It is the conservation of these borrowings which is being encouraged here. British and American economic forces determine the constant and in-

tense exchange of products, businesses, and services in industry and commerce, With the industrial production, the Latin American, Spanlsh-speaklng world is faced with English terms in advertisements, correspondence, and personal con-

tacts each step of the way. However, terms of new meaning that can, sometimes are not replaced with their Indigenous, African or Spanish equivalents. English terms often repress the potential use of these equivalents.

The individual that is for the first time presented with the new object and exotic name,, will naturally pronounce in accordance with his/her on Spanish phonetic system. A corresponding individual who might have a limited knowledge of English, will make do with an incorrect transla- tion. The merchant or businessman who cares more for his profits than for the integrity of his language will more or less accept, without discernment, the improvised term that another might offer, and thus, the badly structured neo- logisms (new terms), the ,unnecessary barbarisms' are infiltrated. These are 'unnecessary' because in the majority of cases their Spanish equivalents exist, but these are unknown or forgotten. (Fon- frias 1968 24). In the case of Vieques and Puerto Rico, there should be concern for what will become of the Spanish spoken there.

These islands are closely tied with the English language through the different necessities of -their people's official, academic and professional life. The problem does not lie in the incorporation of terms which can be phonetically accomodated into the language. This is not to assume that a country without its language would disappear. The Irish almost lost their language, without sacrificing their nationality, (ilen, 1976,145). The problem is not that a language evolvess it is the system which produces people who fail to communicate or are illiterate in two languages! it is not

that a new form of expression might exist, but rather, that they cannot express themselves well either in Spanish or in English. And since one best thinks in one's own language, (R) @ (R) 54

"semi-lingualism," as npposed to monolingualism or effective bi-lingualism, is an obstacle for intellectual growth and in-

hibits the development of a nationality, in facilitating their assimilation, (Sil6n, 1976,146).

The more immediate problem that is described by Vie- quenses and Puerto Ricans is the communication gap that occurs between the older and younger generations, and between return migrants and permanent residents. The islands' young-

er generation and return migrants are the most exposed to Eng- lish. They show the greatest tendency to adopt English loans than the Spanish speakers who have conserved their Spanish. Consequently, linguistic divisions are created between speakers using English to differing degrees. Social and cultural friction increases with the lack of communication between

these linguistically distinct groups. In summary, under historically determined causes, the English influence in Vieques originally comes from British

and American colonial ties and series of occupations. In 1947, Pedro Albizd-Campos wrote, Vieques always was our bulwark for maintaining our Hispanic personality. It was there that the great Leguillou resisted the British second at- tempt to take possession of our traditional territory, (Translated from Spanish, p.51).

The English language first established itself within the educational system by the late 1920s. At that time, Spanish

became the secondary language of instruction. In 1937, Presi- dent Roosevelt is quoted in a letter to the Commissioner of Education in Puerto Rico, Dr. Jos6 M. Gallardo, as sayi

that "as an indispensable political tactic of the American Ainistration, the next generation of American citizens in Puerto Rico must master the English language, the language

of our nation. Only through the knowledge of this language can Puerto Rican Americans achieve a better understandirg of Northamerican ideals and principles," (Santullano,1945,43). Meanwhile, in the epQt of the U..S Bureau of...Eucatin 1897-1898, Vol.CXX, it had been established that "the na- tives should maintain their Spanish and feel proud of all

the good things with which their history has accorded them

the awareness of their own heritage will not diminish their conscience of American citizens. The suspicion that they be deprived of their mother toque would make ar effort to im- prove their schools not only useless but damaging," (Re- translated from Spanish, Santullanc,1945:42).

It would be a mistake to take the example of New Mexico

and its migration patterns as a comparable one to Puerto Rico's linguistic problem. While Puerto Rico's geographical and political relationship to the U.S. is different, Mew Mex-

ico's relationship to the United States and immigration from the country's interior has facilitated the expansion of the English language. This has been no impediment to the millions of inhabitants in New Mexico, Texas, and California whose vet- nacular has remained Spanish, (Translated from Spanish, San- tullano, 1945,40 and 41). Comparable, however, with the case of Vieques and Puerto Rico is the problem of language in the Philippines Spanish colonialism Westernized the Filipino principally through religion. American colonialism superimposed its own brand of West- ernization initially through the imposition of English and the American school system which opened the way for other Westernizing agencies The use of English as a medium of instruction has been the principal cause of backwardness among the produots of the system The neglected native languages have suffered from underdsvelopment and this in turn has retarded the intellectual life of the people, (Constantine, 1978: 218,219).

The linguistic and cultural impact which English had in the Philippines is illustrated by the literary trends of the country,

The introduction of English as the medi, of instruction altered the whole development of Philippine literature by opening a new path for Filipino writing and otherwise afforded the writer a choice in artistic medium. His mastery of Spanish assured him the creation of artistic works along Spanish literary tra- ditlons! but his shrinking audience augured the futility of his efforts, the eventual de- mise of his art....the writer in English had the advantage of rich traditions and an assured future audience, but hazards lay in his rudimentary knowledge of the language which makes his use of it faltering and awkward, (Hosillos, 1969141). In 1941, land expropriations were enforced and the U. S. Naval occupation of the east and western portions of Vie- ques took place. "In Vieques, the United States government is executin the vivisection of our nation," commented AI- biz Campos seven years later, (Translated from Spanish, 1948,51), "Vieques was always enuinely Puerto Rican community. There we find living the Puerto Rico of our childhood. A healthy, stron and joyous population, of handsome men and womenB courteous and hospitable, united as one great family." Return migrants and present political and economic ties with the United States, however, promote and deepen the English influence that exlsZs in Vieques today. Vieques is evidently experiencing a linguistic adaptation, if not a transition, to English. @ @

"Tiene o no tiene el hombre como individuo, el hombre en comunidad, la sociedad, deberes inexcusables, mandatorios en todo momento, con su idioms? Es ifclto adoptar n ning6n pals, en ningn instante de su historia, una posici%n de indlferencia o de inhibici6n ante su habls? Quedarnos, oomo quien dice, a la orilla del vivir del idioma, mirndolo correr, claro o turbio, como si nos fuese ajeno? O, pot el contrario, se nos impone, pot una raz6n de moral, una atenci6n, una voluntad Ineventora del hombre hacia el habla? Tremenda frivolidad es no hacerse esa pregunta. Pueblo que no la hags vive en el olvldo de su propia dignldad espiritual, en estsdo de deficincia humana. Porque is contestaclgn entraps consecuenclas incalculables. Para mf is respuesta es muy claras no es permisible a una comunidad clvilzada dejar su lengua, desarbolada, flotsr a la deriva, al garete, sin velas, sin capitanes, sin rumbo."

--Pedro Salinas Aprcio 2 defensa del lenuaje

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CONCLUSI 0 N

In the Whorfian sense, ethnoscientific and descriptive linguistic studies tend to reinforce the idea that each language and culture embodies a particular world view. Ethnoscientific methodology stresses the importance of gathering data in the language of the culture-bearers and contains the tenet that each oulture and language should be dealt with in its own terms, (Eastman, 1975, lOO) ,Judging from the lexical and syntactic pecularitles of Vieques Spanish and from its people's linguistic history, we can agree that the world view of the Viequense is unique, (see additional examples, Appendix III). Edward Sapir would support such a conclusion in that he defines language as the means by which a people's reality is shaped. He attributed to language an underlying infrastructure of meaning which un- consciously influences the speaker's conceptualization of the

world. Within the linguistic forms of a language, the cultural projections of the linguistic infrastructure are im- plicit (Eastman, 1975 75). Sapir considered language and culture to be independent of each other, while Whorl considered laruage to shape a people's culture (Eastman, 1975, ?5-?6). In the case of Vie- ques, "the Sapir-Whorf Hypotheses," in which a person's world view is determined by their language, evidently holds true. While Indigenous, African, Spanish and English speaking cultures are linguistically represented in the Spanish of Vieques, 6O

these have also been primary forces in determining the culture of Vieques.

Considering the case of the North American influence in the Spanish and culture of Vieques, we must consider the struc- turallst theories of Claude Lvi-Strauss, The surface data which the ethnoscientlflc methodology stresses, is for Lvi

Strauss "not sufficient evidence for explanation of cultural systems," (Eastman, 1975, 33). By means of anthropologically adapted analyses, Lvi-Strauss emphasizes the consideration of cultural determinants in linguistic investigations. Of great importance is to consider the technological, institu- tlonal and ideological elements influencing a language and culture, (De Granda in reference to Lvi-Strauss, 1972: 18). The inherent values in these influential forces are imported to the conceptual world of the Viequense by means of the En- glish language. However, because social change is dialecti- cally related to the evolution of Vieques' Spanish, the cultural catalysts of linguistic change there must be closely examined.

As elaborated in Chapter III the North American socio- economic change imposed in Vieques brought on land expropriations, social reorganization and finally, commercialization of the island's population. The administrative and educational institutions "there have accordingly been changed over the years. Different language practices and a new ideology is 61 emerging. The time sequence of these socially grounded, linguistic

iIluences is crucial to the development of Viequenses con- fidence and attitude toward "their language. Sudden rather

than gradual social change in Vieques has shown to have damaging repercussions on the spoken language there. This is particularly true after 1940, when greater social mobility

became possible for the agricultural class as a result of urbanization. Speakers of Viequense Spanish presently show

to have been unprepared to successfully assimilate into an-

other social structure different from their own. Linguisti- cally, this has caused a disturbance of their ideological footings, as Whorfian theory would support. The Viequense, the rural , spoke with riquezs de formas, abundancia de lxico, expresion viva, exacta, y detallista de objetos y aspectos de la naturalega.y de la [ida cotidian,.abundancia de elementos lexlcos emotlvamente condlconados, te- denc.a general 9onservadora en cagto a lxico y moderadsmsnte innovadora en fonetlca, y atenci6n a laproprledad belleza y correcci6n xpresiva, (Tomas Navarro in De Grands, 1972, 125).

Antonio Pedreira (1957: 202-204) describes the peculiarities of the "b' pronunciation. The most popular are ll to #y/ and and to /sJ! "the nasal pronunciation of vowels when accompanied by consonants as in "cantan," "apa the aspirated to 7 in latter portions of syllables and word endings! the velar pronunciation of a/ in the last syllable of a wd! the aspirated //; the uvalar /rr/ and among the 62

more educated, a castillean, "though mistaken" tendency to pronounce some letters as the /pg in "sptimo" and septlem- bre1" the /by in "obscuro," "substltuto1" the same tendency to also pronounce c__qc as in "lecci6n," "accin," etc. with /key instead of /gs, which is "more correct." The final /my in "album," "item," which "is generally pronounced as (Pedreira, 1957, 203).

There are people who react by thinking that some obsolete words that the conveniently uses are vulgar, low- ly or mistaken usages, manifesting their class or educational differentiation. Words as Etrujey, Ejablar, amber, es- mo, end@/, zota.r and many others were common even among the most educated Spaniards in the Golden Age. They are per- fectly correct words which since the 16th century have remained

the same in the speech. To the interest of the contemporary linguist, this example illustrates the phenomenon

of linguistic "stagnation." This, however, does not give any-

one the right, as happens in some countries of Latin America, to describe the perfection of the provincial speech. Along

with these words of archaic origin, el has created other

words as "atrecho," "avancino," "cumblera," "cucubano," "an- gotarse," "pollona," "Ma].ojillo," etc., which now have wide- spread use among Puerto Ricans and Viequenses (Pedreira, 1957 205). While the structure of Viequense Spanish is debilitated with the foreign replacement of it own expressive resources, the speaker must submit to a period of linguistic transition. The speaker adopts a less confident form of expression in adjusting to the English foreign influences within his language. He initially is not comfortable with these new elements. Upon completion of the transition, the speaker, in having replaced or forgotten the subtleties of his language condemns it to paralysis in not practicing expressions that once were or could have been familiar to him. What does remain of the speaker's toque is a skeletal version of concepts and ideas that are

the easier and more obvious to express than the less common

and more abstract ones. The speaker's original linguistic sources are raduced to expressing immediate reactions and des- cribing everyday occurrences (De Granda, 1972: 170). Samuel

Gili Gaya also describes this linguistic process in Nuestr_a Lenua aterna (1973: 6), and calls it the "impoverishment of the Puerto Rican's language" De Granda attributes a vlscious

circle to the impoverlshmezt process: initial timidity of expression with the presence of foreign linguistic elements

breeds linguistic impoverishment greater timidity, for

feeling linguistically inept, leads to increased impoverishment of the speaker's language. of equal-importance, are the conse- Less evident, though quences to linguistic impoverishment in the transculturation of the baro. While the linguistic tradition is subsequently 64

lose communi- and Vieques begin to honserved less, Puerto Rico bound, Spanish-speaking of the tradition cation with the rest world. and Puerto Rico, as educational system of Vieques The to the historically i/%ibited exposure seen in Chapter I, has language reln- and has handicapped students' Spanish language the meaning of of social values, forcement, with the change lost. To language is being in both ideolo and tradition could Puerto Ricans and Viequenses revitalize their language, values in Latin counication with traditional increase their more At the same time, a North America or Europe. America, schools bilingual education in the effective currlculum for Viequenses and Puerto To retain Spanish, could be implemented. writers exposure to their own literary Ricans could seek greater their cultural an- llngulstlc tradition of who do conserve the cestry.

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APPENDIX I

NAP A Marine Base areas, Transportation Facilities

AP B Roads and Barrios

MAP C Population Distribution Port of Civilian Isabel II Ai_ort \, Marine Base Wave Breaker

/ Maline Base Ai_port Caribbean Sea / 34,016 Total Sq. Miles Port of Port of La Esperanza Punta Arenas Civilian Area / U.S. Navy Paved Roads Unpaved Roads Marine Base Areas and Transportation Facilities Roads under construction in Vieques MAP B

Isabel II

La Esperanza Caribbean Sea

Urban Zone Neighborhood Borders Roads

Barrio Areas and Roads in Vieques P C

Isabel II

Caribbean ea La Esperanza

Each point represents 20 inhabitants.

Population Distribution in Vieques 69

APPENDIX II

Pre!iminaEy @uestlonnare

l. Su hombre, 2. Su direcciSn, 3.Cuantos aEos ha vlvido en Puerto Rico? 4.Si ha vivido/est Vlvlendoen los E.E.U.U., por cuanto tlempo yen que lugar vivlo? Favor de la direccion sl es poslble. 5. Su fecha de nacimiento, 6. Su edad, 7. Lugar donde naci6, 8. Lugar de naclmiento de, Su padre, Su madre:

Si se aplica, de, Sus hermanos(-as), Su esposo(-a), Sus hijos(-as), 9. embros de familla/amlstades que viven con Ud., lO. Trabajo de su padre,

de su madre, llo Educacion de su padre, de su madre: 12o SU propia educaclon, inclusive entrenamiento para trabajo, 13. Describa brevemente su presente trabaJo o un da tpico para Ud. 7O

14.Es espaol su primer idioma? __S __No 150En su casa habla Ud. espanol? __S{ __No o espanol e ingles? __S No Habla Ud. el ingles tan bien como el espanol? No 16. Generalmente le hable(-o) en espaol a sus padres? __S{

17.Z'Hay veces que le habla(-) a sus padres en ingls,__Sf No En qu ocasiones? 18.Tiene Ud amistades del extranjero (pot ejemplo de los E.E.U.U./P.R.) que vienen a visitarle en casa? S No Pot la mayorla,6de d6nde son sus amistades? 19.Cundo le habla Ud. espaol S No a SUS amistades puerto- e s..paol-'6-ingl-- No rlquenas? solo inglgs S ----No 20.iPrefere que la gente piense de Ud. como puertorrqueno. No 21.lHay veces que por conveniencia u otra razn Ud. intercambia su identidad naeional? (americana con puertorriquea) No Porqu o 1orqu6 no? 22.Escucha la radio en ingles. S No an espa-[? __---- __No 23.Escucha programas de television en espaol? __Sf __No en lngls. S No

24.Que clsse de programas de televisi6n preflere? 'avor men- clone programas especlficos que Ud. ve con frecuencia. 25.gLee el diario o prefiere escuchar las noticias? 6Lee/escucha en espaol? __Si __No en ingles?__Si __No periodco lee Ud. con mas frecuencia? 71

26.Cules de los siguientes toman primera y segunda importan- cia para Ud? Su interns en educacin -___point,ca ---edlclna/salud deportes trabajo vida social vlda familiar

27.Quiere que sus hijes aprendan el ingles? qu 28. Si hay,en q ocaslones preflere Ud. hablar ingls.En lugar, per eemple, y con qu personas? 29.Cual(-es) lenguaje(-s) emplea Ud. en su trabajo? a) con su supervisor? espel ingls espaol e ingles

b) con sus companeros de trabjo? esael ingls espaWol e iugls

30.Qu iiomas se usaron(-an) en sus estudios de la matemat.ca. ___espol ingls espaol e ingls $e us el ingles en su colegie para estudar alguna otra materla? Per favor mencione cuales. 31.'Qu comldas tpicas de Puerto Rico come Ud. regularmente? T en ocasiones de fiesta? d ejem- 32.Que clase de msica prefiere escuchar Ud? Per favor plos. 33.Cules artculos de ropa son en su opinion tpicos de Puerto Rico? 6Tamben, por favor describa su preferido estilo de vestir. 34.Que tipo de lecturas lee Ud.? Rico que cele- 35. Describa un da tpicente festive en Puerto bra Ud. Ejemplos Da de algn santo, Da de Reyes, tc. 72

APPENDIX III

A CHARACTERIZATION OF THE SPANISH OF VIEQUES

This appendix summarizes Dr. de Carle's work, and in no way portends to reproduce the depth to which she carried out her investigations. The phonetic and sytactic observations which she made do not even approach their extensive- ness here. Only where the awareness of her findings would enrich or facilitate the understanding of the previous Chap- ters are her observations mentioned. Contrary to Tomas Navarro's characterization of Puerto

Rican Spanish, Dr. de Carle found some linguistic aspects that did not apply to the Spanish spoken in Vieques. The velar nor combined pronunciation of the rJ was not found

in Vieques. Neither was the suppressed ZJ in clavo, the pronunciation of cincho and palmill0 with /u/, the open pronunciation of so as to becomes eintesvainte, nor the pronunciation of with initial aspirated . In the consonant group . in las allinas, the diminished ar- ticulation in silenced velar form aj jayina was not pro-

duced. was articulated nasally and with resonance but not with /. In morphology, the use of palo de lechos.a and oalo e Kuanbana were indicated in place of and guanbanQ. is more frequentiy used than. Ponguemo was not heard vayemos, however, was. 73

Other characteristics in the Spanish of Vieques is the formation of the plural form to a greater number as in pant%16n 9antalones, 9osquilla cosquillas. A common confusion of the prefixes e_s and de___s in which escot____e $ descote and d@sDroDrls-r. The prefix combination of de___s + i__Bn as in deslnquleto is also found to be common! likewise, the abuse of the diminutive forms as in velloDc..to, tranquilita, pla$lito (double diminutive suffix), chiquit0 ciquitito. Perifrastic forms are found in abundance in Vieques, as ma.s bao, buenfsim.9, , malls!m0. Argumentative ad- jectives more frequently take the perifrastic suffix form, hombr_e hombre rande (de Carlo, 1967, 150-159). Posses- sive perifrastics also occur in which possessive pronouns as nuestros are replaced by d@...... nosotros (de Carlo, 1967, 204). The present indicative verb form tal vez hax is frequently replaced with the subjunctive puede ue haya or puede ue haia. Cases in which lleEases lleates or lle_ appear, though sporadically. emos sido is more common than habemos sido. Vo a Donor is used over (de Carlo, 1967, 60). Some syntactical preferences in Vieques are also evidenZ. A Juan lo V.. is frequently transposed from Vf. a JuaN, with the addition of l_.q (1967, 203). Demonstrative prepositions are favored, la 9asa que nacio l la ca@a en que nacre! all.____f es que lo.y.. all es dode io vi (de Carle, 1967: 204). In the lexicon, as mentioned already in Chapter II, @ 74

inal plants, as well as names of illnesses and physical de-

fects, as blzco, tuerto, turnlo, manco, broco, ag, jorobado, etc., no differences were found in her comparisons of Viequense

and Puerto Rican Spanish. In other subject areas, particularly

of foods and fishing, some words exclusively used in Vieques were found, cariba, iaro, aar!t, fanduca, peJ de concha, e,e boaulcoloru, ic__, peje blanco, cebull6n, chinito, collrrubSa, rg_., cacar.t@, cancanachuf, aliberto al plo, plenascoui and comecana. Some of these words, speculates de Carle, have their origin in the neighboring island of Culebra.

Other words particularly though not exclusive to Vieques are, ameloochor, vell6n, trulla, abacorao, contrallu, ta. DeCarle cites that 95.0% of her 35 informants used the Indigenous lexicon included in her study (1967, 313) The pro- portion in which Africanisms remained vital in the language was

less than that of Indigenous lexical forms. As to the archaic lexical forms of Spanish, 56.92% of her informants used -them.

As a reminder from Chapter III's mention, 84.66% of her informants used the selected anglicisms in her investigation.

The Arawak Indians were the first Indigenous group with which Columbus came in contact in the Greater Antilles. By his second voyage, Carib Indians, renown for their cannibal tradi-

tion and for kidnapping Arawak wlves,supplied a variety of American loan words in which their Tafno tribal dialect and the dialect of the Arawaks was combined (Entwistle, 1938, 234 and 75 sin smi!!s is actually called Dsn and not , Although a high percentage of informants used , the maJorliJ prefer to say , The was not found to be called cmDans nor was the called clavsl, Neither was rstono de, la cn called o The ho__z is named eorv_.__s and not ho_. No one knew nor remembered the sandidisb!o, name for which Toms Navarro gives the pork head roasted with plantains.

The differences be%ween Navarro's study and her flndins could be based on the 37 years that had passed since his first study

and her owT. Another reason might be attributed to the fact

that only two informants from Vieques were included in Navarro's investigations (de Carle, 1967s 312).

Based on a sampling of some of the plant vocabulary studied

in Vieques, which in turn, was compared with testing done of the same words in towns of Puerto Rico, i.e., guadilla, Cayey and Guaynabo, Dr. de Carle found the greatest difference in the usage between Vieques and Guaynabo, and the greatest lexical correspondence with that in Aguadilla. While lexical correspondence increases, it should be noted that the greater distance is between Aguadilla, located in the northwestern tip of Puerto Rico, and Vieques, off the east coast of the island. Using

the same sampling, Dr. de Carle also found that in the majority of cases there is no difference in lexical usage between the various socio-cultural groups in Vieques.

With respect to names of flowers, ornamental and medic- 76

239). "Our early authorities sometimes confuse Arawak and Carib, so that it is best -to group all Caribbean loan-ords together" (Entwistle, 1938,240). While canoa, a Carib word, was adopted by the Arawaks and passed on, the Arawak a ground hut, became a most illustrative addition to Puerto Rican vocabulary. Particular to usage in Vieques, Dr. de Carlo extzacts Indigenous loan-words (1967, 263) for, FOODS, , atol, ua, casabe, etc. PLANTS, , maz, be__, ufana, hi, ,, mam, etc. ANIMALS, fand (for tortugas), hicotea or bu u u n , u_9_ itS, uaraKuaQ, e-c. UTENSILS AND IVING, butaca, cabuya, hamaca, ba__te, g_ir___o, eto. FISHING INSTRUMENTS, carnnda or c_, nasa, cord,:, anzuel___o, chichorro, belKuilla, trasmallo, palandre"" etc.

WEATHER, tribune, huracan, etc.

The acute accent in, as pronounced in Vieques and Puerto Rico, is an example which Toms Navarro attributes to

the African influence on language. Luis Pals Matos is asserted to have noted not only the impression of the cadence rhythm,

but also other effects "that African speech patterns have pro-

duced in Puerto Rican Spanish, "la insistencia en las vocales oscuras, la repercusi6n interior de las consonantes nasales y el movimiento lento de las inflexiones.,.del Tuntn de 77

Kriferf, Poems af.oantilano.., pot Luie Pal6s Matos, San Juan, 1937," (Navarro, 1974, 198). Navarro notes the appear- ance of Pals Matos' linguistic observations in Cuban Poet, Nicols Guillen's writings and in the works of other Spanish American authors (1974, 198). Though more scarce than Indlgenlsms, Africanisms, as those that follow, appear in Viequense Spanish (de Carle, 1967, 269): bembe, bemb, bemb, bemb6n, ba__, variant of ba__, cacbimb.6, di, mandinga, fuf_____ (spiritual witch) and fufumaneo (child's game)! onf, br_., op_q, a6, an, ui, m_m_m_m_m_m_m_m_m_%, , uinh, malaKueta, co, and others. Dr. de C arle confirms the use of some of the gallicisms, mentioned by Toms Navarro (1974, 198), which are claimed to have adapted in Vieques, Puerto Rico, and other Spanish Ameri- can countries in the greater part of the last century. Some of

them are:

flamboyan (arbol)| fuete (latigo)! machlna (tiovivo) (ma--ar--llo) ), and rancontun ("al tan con tan" in counting money--cut comptant). Directly from the French are used mang9 r_! cRbul!D (rom bouillon de.polsson)! ! cocheti' frlcass! toilet! basslere! corset though aisf preferably used. Ruben del Rosario defines the archaic element in Puerto

Rican Spanish as terms or expressions brought to the New World

in the 16th century by Spanish explorers and settlers, but 78 which are now obsolete in Spain (1972, 12). De Carle cites the following as archaic elements frequent in Vieques (the doubly underlined loans are more frequently used! those marked

"X she defined as not archaic since they were used by more than half of her informants), dilatarse, dgorarse, antler, mesmos, ,,

canso, comDana

seDultura, discontar, disparelo, me.diclna, contlnimas, nalde or naid__._._q X emorest, X canso, X dfceres, X eleto, X alentarse Del Rosario notes archaic loans particular to the ifbaro and illiterate speaker, stressing that the ! use of these is directly associated with their isolation and their having no formal education: auaitar, alentarse, amaranarse, esva.necAq, soberao (1972:12)

Lastly, of the foreigu influences, is that of the English, which is elaborated upon in the main text of this work. Dr. de Carle shows aspects of lexical invention in the Spanish of Vieques in listing compound word formations noted in

her investigations. These words, she claims, do not appear in the arousse Spanish .icZionary, in Malaret's Vocabulario de Puerto ic.9, nor in Santamarfa's Diccionaro general de amer- icanismos (de Carle, 1967: 282): saloafuer! ! oolsiaca (por si acaso! nioa (hi para)! blei (biclcleta) inDlenascoqi! ulembitQ turubelo 79

arreouchars! agentarse estrotol! estarabillao Apart from invented word combinations brought about by moods, needs, emotions and circumstances which wish to be ex- pressed, also noted are pet names, as Peps, Paco, etc. and combined names, as Val_____ for Eva Luz, Chemn for Jos6 Ramo, Maril_____ for ara de Lourdes, and Maol_e for Maria Dolores, among many others. Personal nicknames as Farol, ulele, Paleco0 or Fae_____l for Rafael! and those that identify entire families, as Los Pichones, .os Guab, Los Jalba, and Los Chiyos, are abundant in Vieques. Either by the person's characteristics, given the pet name , la Nera! or by ancestry, given , el FrDc, or given unisexual names, Ins, Cocos, Norbieto(a) (de Carlo, 1967 303), it is very common to find persons in Vieques that have "tailor-made" names The tendency

for nicknaming is expected in a community as small and isolated

as Vieques, in which daily associations are always with the

same people and where everyone knows one another. To create their idiomatic expressions ("modismos y refranes"),

a people gathers its philosophy, its manner of approaching life's problems. In these is also found bits and pieces of a people's history, though without neglecting the common citizens' view nor

the creative instincts that characterize them. Idiomatic phrases

were divided into three categories by Dr. de Carlo: A) Those that are popular in Puerto Rico and other Spanish- speaking countrles B) Those found in conversation during her investigations 8O

in Vleques, and were later verified with other informants! and lastly, c) Those that were created in memory of historical fig- / ures or events in Vieques.

The following are a few selections from these three care- goriee (de Carlo, 1970, 25), A) .Pop.larly U.ed Idio.mat.c Expressions, CAE___R, Cay6 9omo una guanba. Was heard to be used by 94.28% of the 35 informants that were selected. Ap- plies to the person who values himself more than any- one else. The greater the guanabana, that is the egotism, the harder the fall (de Carle, 1970, 25).

IR, Se rue eebrar cocos. Was found to be used by 91.42% of the informants. The expression refers to the person who dies. Also among the group with least formal education, the more modern variation is used, Enganch6 los teals (de Carle, 1970, 27). B) Conversational Idoma.ic Exoresslons, ABER, Cundo no aba udriciones lab moscas vivan. Used to make a person see that he/she is not indispensable (de Carlo, 1970, 29).

IR, Ira io tr0, a to io ue d, a to meter, a to jende, esmanu, a esce,""a to tren,.a'i""trote. All are used to express leavlh or doing things in hurry (de Carlo, 1970, 29). SER, Una cosa es con gultarra y otra con KuitarB. is said to indicate how'0ne more factor inas---- tion changes things altogether. Set ms llsto Que un algo de puente. Said of the shrewd or smart p'erso. is the only fish that escapes from the fishing net (de Carle, 1970, 30). C) istorical Idiomatic Ex2ressioos, s malo la bua MCaI. In 1923 McCall was the admlnlstra of Eastern. He was notorious for his bad policies. "El ao de McCall," the year of McCall, is spoken of in Viequss. Also, it is said, Fuma mas que McCall. In the same fashion, McCall is used as an hipocoristic name (de Carle, 197031). Ni PeDe LuKo lq. casa mejor. Applies to well match- ing couples. Pepe Lugo was an administrator for the Eastern Sugar Company. He was in charge of pairing oxen for good matlngs, (de Carle, 1970.31). Con Bardo al lau,ls used in reference to a liar. Bardo' was known'as a liar. ChSvere,con Bardo a lau is used when one commits a great lle. Chgvere was a policeman who invented the greatest lles, (de Carle, 1970, 31). 82

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