ZI

FROM CROESUS TO CONSTANTINE JEROME LECTURES

Ten th Series R RO T 0 T The Cities of Western Asia Minor and Their Arts in Greek and Ro1nan Tinzes

GEORGE M. A. HANFMANN

THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PRESS Ann Arbor In 1nemory of Axel Boethius and Gisela M. A. Richter

Copyright© by the University of Michigan 1975 All rights reserved ISBN 0-472-08420-8 Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 73-80574 Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press and simultaneously in Don Mills, Canada, by Longman Canada Limited Manufactured in the United States of America Preface

The privilege to present the Thomas Spencer Jerome Lectures gives me a welcome opportunity to place in a wider framework researches which I have pursued for the past twenty-five years at and elsewhere in Asia Minor. These lectures were delivered in winter, 1971, at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor and in spring, 1972, at the American Academy in Rome. The infectious enthusiasm of Gerald F. Else, Secretary of the Jerome Committee and a friend of many years, and the kindness of John Griffiths Pedley and other colleagues made the stay in Ann Arbor a memorable experience. We are deeply indebted to the Jerome Lec­ tures Committee and to its Chairman, Dean Donald F. Stokes for their generous hospitality. The American Academy in Rome is a wonderful haven for scholars. It was a great pleasure to renew contacts with the devotees of Rome, young and, old, and to learn from the Roman colleagues of their new, exciting discoveries. To the Director of the Academy, Bartlett Hayes, to Inez Langobardi of the Academy Library, and to Janet Martin and Margaret Dubois I owe special debts of gratitude in connection with the lectures. The first draft and the final work were done at Harvard University, where Glen Bowersock and Ernst Kitzinger supplied much relevant information. On visits to Dumbarton Oaks I had the opportunity of receiving valuable advice from Cyril Mango. At the intermediate stage of the project during a sabbatical leave, I enjoyed the admirable facilities of the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton. I should like to thank Carl Kaysen, Director, and Homer A. Thompson of the School of Historical Studies for their help in all respects. It was providential for my Jerome Lectures subject to have as fellow members at the Institute T. R. S. viii Preface

Broughton, C. P. Jones, R. P. Duncan-Jones, and A. G. Woodhead who patiently answered assorted queries. It was my ambition, very nearly fulfilled, to visit all major sites discussed in these lectures. I am keenly appreciative of the kindness of the excavation leaders and their staffs who took time out to show me their work and discuss their results. They, as well as colleagues in many countries, have obliged me by sending photo­ Contents graphs, slides, and information. For these favors I extend my thanks to: E. Akur­ gal, A. Alfoldi, E. Rosenbaum-Alfoldi, W. Alzinger, A. Bammer, M. Baran, C. A. Blessing, J. Boardman, J. Borchhardt, E. C::akir, P. Devambez, N. Dolunay, J. Fagerlie, F. Fasolo, N. Firatli, A. Giuliano, E. Gombosi, C.H. Greenewalt, Jr., H. ABBREVIATIONS Giirc;:ay, D. E. L. Haynes, K. Jeppesen, S. Karwiese, J. C. Kern, G. Kleiner, T. K. X Kempf, K. Kaval, L. J. Majewski, T. Marasovic, S. McNally, M. J. Mellink, R. Meric;:, H. Metzger, H. Mobius, R. Naumann, R. V. Nicholls, M. Onder, W. I. Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians 1 Peschlow, A. Ramage, N. H. Ramage, W. Reusch, K. Schefold, H. Stronach, H. Siirmelioglu, R. Temizer, H. Vetters, J. B. Ward-Perkins, D. H. Wright, F. K. Yegiil, M. Yenim, and G. Yiigriim. II. Hellenization Takes Command 22 Deborah E. S. Shastok assisted in preparing the first draft. My valued col­ laborator in recent years, Jane C. Waldbaum, had a major share in transforming III. Ad Claras Asiae Volemus Urbes: Roman the lectures into a form suitable for publication. I should like to thank Ilse Hanfmann and K. Patricia Erhart for help with the index. Governors and Urban Renewal 41 By my dedication I should like to pay tribute to the memory of two illustrious Jerome Lecturers who in their later years became close associates of the American IV. The Social Role of Sculpture in Roman Cities Academy in Rome-the two neighborly dwellers along the Mura of Western Asia Minor 57 Gianicolensi-Axel Boethius and Gisela M.A. Richter. Their inspiration has led me. to the two major themes of my lectures-urbanism and sculpture. Boethius's splendid Golden House of Nero has pioneered the modern approach to Roman V. Instinctu Divinitatis: The Tetrarchs, urbanism. His warm-hearted friendship is unforgettable for all who were Constantine, and Constantinople 75 privileged to share in it. Gisela Richter has organized for us the entire field of Greek sculpture. Her Ancient Italy represented an attempt to apply this knowledge BIBLIOGRAPHY 98 and much more to the problem of defining the development of arts in an originally unGreek region, a problem analogous to that posed in my lectures. She was the ILLUSTRATIONS 110 first American archaeologist I met upon my arrival in the United States in 1934, and she was still able to come to the first of the Jerome Lectures at the Academy in 1972. Her unwavering dedication to scholarly life, her love of classical art, and her INDEX 119 unfailing openness to young scholars were an inspiration for nearly a century of our studies. PLATES 129 George M.A. Hanfmann Abbreviations xi

IstFo-Istanbuler Forschungen. IstMitt-Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Instituts, Abteilung . JASAH-Journal of the American Society of Architectural Historians. Jdl-Jahrbuch des deutschen archaologischen Instituts. /HS-Journal of Hellenic Studies. JOAI-Jahreshefte des osterreichischen archaologischen Instituts. Abbreviations JOBG-Jahrbuch der osterreichischen byzantinischen Gesellschaft. /RS-Journal of Roman Studies. PERIODICALS AND ST AND ARD WORKS Masterbronzes-Mitten, D. G., and S. F. Doeringer. Master Bronzes from the Classical World. MonAnt-Monumenti Antichi. Pa tria-(Pseudo-Codin us), Patria Konstan tinopoleos. 2 AA-Archaologischer Anzeiger. PIR -Prosopographia Imperii Romani. Acta A-Acta Archaeologica. RA-Revue archeologique. AJA-American Journal of Archeology. RE-Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft. AMiran-Archaologische Mitteilungen aus . REG-Revue des etudes grecques. AnatSt-Anatolian Studies. Rev Phil-Revue de philologie, de litterature et d'histoire anciennes. AnatSt Ramsay-Buckler, W. H., and W. M. Calder, eds. Anatolian Studies Presented to Sir Willia111 RomMitt-Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Instituts, Romische Abteilung. Mitchell Ramsay. Studies Hanfmann-Mitten, D. G., J. G. Pedley, and J. A. Scott, eds. Studies Presented to George M. Annist-Istanbul Arkeoloji Miizeleri Yilligi. A. Hanfmann. An tCI-L' Antiquite classique. AnzWien-Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, Phil-Hist. Klasse. ArchEp/J-Archaiologike Ephemeris. Art Bull-Art Bulletin. Art Treasures-Smithsonian Institution. Art Treasures of . BOOKS AND ARTICLES ASAtene-Annuario della R. Scuola Archeologica di Atene. AthMitt-Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung. BASOR-Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Akurgal, Art-Akurgal, E. The Art of : Its Origins in the Mediterranean and Near East. BCH-Bulletin de correspondance hellenique. Akurgal, Civilizations-Akurgal, E. Ancient Civilizations and Ruins of Turkey. BSA-British School at Athens, Annual. Akurgal, KunstAnat-Akurgal, E. Die Kunst Anatoliens van Homer bis Alexander. BZ-Byzantinische Zeitschrift. Alzinger, Stadt-Alzinger, W. Die Stadt des siebenten Weltwunders: die Wiederentdeckung van Ephesos. CAH-Cambridge Ancient History. Aziz, Guide-Aziz, A. Guide du Musee de Smyrne. CahArch-Cahiers archeologiques. Berve-Gruben-Berve, H., G. Gruben, and M. Hirmer. Greek Temples, Theaters and Shrines. CMH-Cambridge Medieval History. Bieber, ScHe/l-Bieber, M. The Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age. CF-Classical Philology. Bohlau and Schefold, 1-Bohlau, J., and K. Schefold. Larisa am Hermus I Die Bniiten. CRAI-Comptes rend us de l' Academie des inscriptions et belles lettres. Bowersock, -Bowersock, G. W. Augustus and the Greek World. CSEL-Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasicorum Latinorum. Bowersock, Sophists-Bowersock, G. W. Greek Sophists in the . Dergi-Tiirk Arkeoloji Dergisi. Brinkerhoff, Collection-Brinkerhoff, D. M. A Collection of Sculpture in Classical and Early Christian DOPapers-Dumbarton Oaks Papers. . ERA-Boethius, A., and J. B. Ward-Perkins. Etruscan and Roman Architecture. Buckler, Sardis VI.2-Buckler, W. H. Sardis VI.2 Lydian Inscriptions. G.C.S.-Kg. Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Kirchenvater-Commission. Griechische Buckler and Robinson, Sardis VII.1-Buckler, W. H., and D. M. Robinson. Sardis VII.1 Greek and christ/iche Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte. Latin Inscriptions. HSCP-Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. Cadoux, -Cadoux, C. J. Ancient Smyrna: A History of the City from the Earliest Times to 324 IGRR-Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinents. A.D. ILN-Illustrated London News. Claude-Claude, D. Die byzmztinische Stadt im 6. Jahrhundert.

X Abbreviations Abbreviations xiii xii

Cook, Greeks-Cook, J. M. The Greeks in Ionia and the East. Magie, Ranum Rule-Magie, D. Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the End of the Third Century After Christ. Coupel and Demargne, Xnntlws 3-Coupel, P., and P. Demargne. Fouilles de 3 Le monu111ent Mamboury (1951)-Mamboury, E. Istanbul Touristique. Mango, Art-Mango, C. The Art of the , Sources and Documents. des Nereides. L'architecture. Dorner-Dorner, F. K. Inschriften und Denkmiiler nus Bithynien. Mango, Brazen House-Mango, C. The Brazen House: A Study of the Vestibule of the Imperial Palace of Eichler, FoEph V:1-Eichler, F. Forschungen in Ephesos V:1 Die Bibliothek. Constantinople. Fasolo, L' architettura a Efeso-Fasolo, F. L' architettura roman a a Efeso in Bol/etino de/ cen tro di studi per la Marcade, Recuei/-Marcade, J. Recueil des signatures de sculpteurs grecs. Martin, Urbanis111e-Martin, R. L'Urbanisme dans la Grece antique. storia dell'architettura. Ferrari, Com111ercio-Ferrari, G. 11 Co1111nercio dei snrcofngi nsintici. Meric;:, Guide-Meric;:, R. Ephesus Arc/rneologicnl Guide. Festschrift Eichler-bsterreichisches Archaologisches Instituts, Festsc/1rift fiir Fritz Eichler zu dessen Metzger, X1111tl10s 4--Metzger, H. Fouil/es de Xnnthos 4 Les ceramiques archniques et classiques et l'acropole lycienne. achtzigstem Geburtstag am 12. Oktober 1967. Miltner, Ephesos-Miltner, F. Ephesos, Stadt der Artemis und des Johannes. Firatli, Izmit-Firatli, N. Izmit ~ehri ve Eski Eserleri Rehberi. Morey, ECA-Morey, C. R. Firatli, Iznik-Firatli, N. Iznik (Nicee). Son histoire, ses monuments. Early Christian Art. Firatli, Ste/es de Byzance-Firatli, N. Les steles funeraires de Byznnce greco-romnine. Morey, Sardis V--Morey, C. R. Sardis V:1 Roman and Christian Sculpture. The Sarcophagus of Claudia 1 Antonin Sabina. von Gerkan, Tlzeater-Gerkan, A. von. Das T/1enter van . Giuliano, Ritrattistica-Giuliano, A. "La ritrattistica dell'Asia Minore dall' 89 A.c. al 211 o.c.," ~ylander,.. Io11ia11s-Nylander, C. Ionians in Pasargadae. Rivista del/'Instituto Nnzionale d'Archeologin e Storia dell'Arte N.S. 7. Oztiire-Oztiire, A. -Izmit Tarihi. Grabar, Sculptures byzantines-Grabar, A. Sculptures byzantines de Constantinople (IVe-X siecles). Pedley, Sardis-Pedley, J. G. Sardis in the Age of Croesus. Pedley, Sources-Pedley, J. G. Sardis Monograph 2 Ancient Literary Sources 011 Sardis. Gusmani, LW-Gusmani, R. Lydisches Worterbuch. Hanfmann, Rayonnement-Hanfmann, G. M. A. "Greece and Lydia: The Impact of Hellenic Cul­ Picard, Manuel-Picard, C. Manuel d'archeologie grecque: La sculpture. Pliny-Pliny the Younger. ture," Le Rnyonnement des Civilizations Grecque et Romaine sur les Cultures Peripheriques. Letters. Hanfmann, "Sardis und Lydien"-Hanfmann, G. M.A. "Sardis und Lydien," Akademie der Wis­ Pryce, BMC-Pryce, F. N. Catalogue of Sculpture, British Museum 1:1 Prehellenic and Early Greek. 1:2 sensclrnften und der Literatur Mainz, Geistes-und sozinlwissenschaftliche Klasse, Abhandlungen 1960, Cypriote and Etruscan. Ramage, Studies-Ramage, A. Studies in Lydian Domestic and Commercial Architecture at Sardis. Nr. 6. Hanfmann and Waldbaum, "New Exc"-Hanfmann, G. M. A., and J. C. Waldbaum. "New Ramsay, Asianic-Ramsay, W. M. Asianic Elements in Greek Civilization. Excavations at Sardis and Some Problems of Western Anatolian ," in J. A. San­ Richter, Portraits-Richter, G. M. A. The Portraits of the Greeks. ders, ed. Near Eastern Archaeology in the Twentieth Century, Essays in Honor of Nelson Glueck. Robert, NIS-Robert, L. Nouvel/es inscriptions de Sardes. Rodenwaldt, SSBer/in-Rodenwaldt, G. "Griechische Reliefs in Lykien." Hansen, Attn/ids-Hansen, E. V. The Atta/ids of . Helbig and Speier-Helbig, W., and H. Speier. Fiihrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Schede, Ruinen-Schede, M. Die Ruinen van Priene. Schefold, Propyli:ieen-Schefold, K. Die Griechen und ihre Nnchbnrn, Propyli:ien Kunstgeschichte. Altertii111er in Rom. Inan-Rosenbaum-lnan, J. and E. Rosenbaum. Ro11111n and Early Byzantine Portrait Sculpture in Asia• Schneider (1943)-Schneider, A. M. Die romischen und byzantinischen Denkmi:iler van Iznik-Nicaea. Schneider and Karnapp-Schneider, A. M., and W. Karnapp. Die Stadtmauer van Iznik (Nicnen). Minor. Janin (1964)-Janin, R. Constantinople Byzantine: Developpement urbain et repertoire topographique. Sherrard-Sherrard, P. Constantinople: Iconography of a Sacred City. Janin (1953)-Janin, R. La geographie ecclesiastique de /'empire byzantin 3, Les eg/ises et /es monasteres. Smith, BMC-Smith, A.H. British Museum, A Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Jones, Greek City-Jones, A. H. M. The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian. Squarciapino, Scuoln-Squarciapino, M. La scuo/a di Afrodisia. Jones, Plutarch and Rome-Jones, C. P. Plutarch and Rome. Vermeule, ImpArt-Vermeule, C. C. Roman Imperial Art in Greece and Asia Minor. Keil, Fiihrer-Keil, J. Fiihrer durch Ephesos. Wheeler, RAA-Wheeler, Sir M. Roman Art and Architecture. Kleiner, Rui11e11-Kleiner, G. Die Ruinen van Mi/et. Krautheimer, ECBA-Krautheimer, R. Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture. Wiegartz, Si:iulensarkophage-Wiegartz, H. K/einasiatische Si:iulensarkoplzage: Untersuclrnngen zum Sar­ kophagtypus und zu den figiirlichen Dnrstellungen. Krischen, Griec/1isc/1e Stadt-Krischen, F. Die griechische Stadt. Krischen, Weltwunder-Krischen, F. Weltwunder der Baukunst in Babylonien 1111d Io11ien. Winter, Greek Fort-Winter, F. E. Greek Fortifications. Zosimus, Hist. -Zosimus. Historia Nova. Lippold, P/nstik-Lippold, G. Die griechisc/1e Plastik. MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order-MacMullen, R. Enemies of the Roman Order: Treason, Unrest, and Alienation in the Enzpire. MacMullen, Soldier and Civi/ian-MacMullen, R. Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire. I: Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians

"Some element or aspect of history, institutions, or civilization ... of the peoples embraced in the ancient or Empire" was postulated by Thomas Spencer Jerome as one of the permissible themes of the Jerome Lectures. Taking courage from this generous definition I propose to investigate the zone of the peninsula of Asia Minor which represents most immediately the interplay and in­ terpenetration of the Mediterranean and Anatolian-and also that of Near Eastern cultures. Geographically, this is the zone which reaches from the coast to the high­ lands of the interior. It includes, approximately, the ancient countries of Bithynia, Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and Lyda. My overall purpose is to trace the changing Fig. 1 character of the cities in that zone and of the arts which these cities had created, especially that of sculpture. It will be my special purpose to show how the Ro­ mans affected and influenced these cities and their arts, and how the Roman­ Asiatic or eastern Roman art in turn was transformed into the art of . 1 Many years ago Sir William Ramsay pointed out the importance of what he

1See David Magie's splendid historical account Roman Greeks i11 Ionia and the East. M. J. Mellink's "Archaeology in R11/e i11 Asia Minor to the End of the Third Cent11ry After Christ Asia Minor," annual reports in American Jo11mal of Ar­ and C. C. Vermeule's Ro111a11 Imperial Art i11 Greece and Asia c/rneology, have been of greatest service. Over the past Mi110r which takes "Imperial" in the rather strict sense of three decades I have commented on several aspects of "official Roman." Accounts of particular relevance to the archaic : "Horsemen from Sardis," AJA 49 (1945): first part of this book are E. Akurgal, Die K1111st A11atoliens 570-81; "Archaeology in Homeric Asia Minor," AJA 52 vo11 Homer bis Alexm1der, and by the same author, Ancient (1948): 135-55; "Ionia, Leader or Follower," HSCP 61 Civi/izatio11s and R11i11s of T11rkey and The Art of Greece: Its (1953): 1-37; Sardis 1111d Lydie11; "Archaeology and the Origins i11 the Mediterranean and Near East; J.M. Cook, The Origins of Greek Culture: Notes on Recent Work in Asia

1 2 From Croesus to Co11sta11ti11e Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians 3

called "Asianic" and what is now generally designated as "Anatolian" elements divided into holdings of a feudal type with most of its population living in agricul­ in the population of classic Asia Minor, that is, peoples who preceded the Greeks, tural villages large and small. and who in some cases still maintained their linguistic and religious identity into The social-architectural organization of western Anatolian villages would de­ 2 the Roman era. The court and kingdom of Croesus in Lydia were their most im­ serve a study of its own. Their vernacular, almost timeless architecture, shows pressive attainments as independent peoples. With the transfer of the court of remarkably skillful adaptation to local materials and climate. 5 In the plains, mud Fig. 4 Constantine to Asia Minor, there began a new splendid chapter in the history of brick, wattle-and-daub, and thatch shelters are most prevalent; on the mountain, the region in which the Anatolian element was submerged. Thus I have selected the walls are often found to be made of flat stones. In many villages there is a ten­ the title From Croesus to Constantine to characterize as a unit the nine centuries be­ dency to crowd together so that occasionally roofs instead of streets are used for tween these two rulers which witness a fascinating interplay of Anatolian, Persian, access. Space for animals may take as much as thirty percent of the built-up area. Fig. 6 Greek, and Roman elements. The material which we shall consider is the architec­ A typical village plan, like that of the village of Lower <;::eltikci shows fifty-two Fig. 5 tural and artistic counterpart of that "Loom of History" which Herbert J. Muller family units heaped compactly along three major intersecting streets providing hous­ has so eloquently described. 3 ing for a population of 600. A small central space has the mosque and. the foun­ When we examine western Asia Minor during the time of Croesus in the sixth tain. Of the two houses seen in the plan, one is a small, almost nuclear umt attached Fig. 6 century B.c. and consider the character of the cities, we must first look at the set­ to a courtyard; only a third of the space is human dwelling. The other house is tlement pattern of the countryside in which these cities arose. Along the east-west a large enclosed complex with a two-storied broadside dwelling which opens on highway which runs through the Hermus valley, the heartland of ancient Lydia, 6 Figs. 2, 3 a porch. Animal and storage spaces are grouped around the dwelling unit. small groups of ancient burial mounds are seen every couple of miles. These Our illustration shows a mountain village house from a Tmolus mountain vil­ mound cemeteries are burial grounds of noble families who owned sizeable es­ lage south of Sardis made of stone, mud, and thatch, with stable on the left, porch Fig. 4 tates including one or more villages. It is a striking testimony to the continuity of and dwelling in center, and storage space on the right. A house from the swampy rural settlements that modern villages are still to be found in the immediate vicin­ country between Miletos and the Lake of Herakleia, the Bossekis site made of wat­ ity of these mound groups. In Caria, pyrgoi (towers, castles, Burgen), mentioned tle and daub, is even more basic and venerable. by ancient writers and in the inscriptions of the mid-first millennium B.c. were These traditional, modest dwellings of Anatolian farmers have never been 4 some sort of fortified demesnes. The countryside of western Anatolia was then more charmingly described than in the Philemon-Baucis legend: "An oak and a

Minor," Antioch Review (Spring, 1965): 41-59; and with J. and A. Heu beck in B. Spuler, ed. Handbuch der Ori en talistik linden tree surrounded by a low wall ... a marsh the haunt of divers and coots C. Waldbaum, "New Excavations at Sardis and Some vol. 2. 1 "Altkleinasiatische Sprachen," (Leiden: E. J. Brill, ... one home ... humble, indeed, thatched with straw and reeds from the marsh Problems in Western Anatolian Archaeology," in J. A. 1969) and cf. n. 7, below. Sanders, ed. Near Eastern Arcllaeology in tile Twentietll Cen­ 3H. J. Muller, The Loom of History. Fundamental for Hel­ . .. the lowly door ... the bench covered with rough coverlet ... the fire with the tury, Studies in Honor of Nelson Glueck, pp. 299-326. lenistic and Roman periods are the books by A. H. M. 2 little copper kettle ... the blackened beam ... the bed of willow frame and grass; The tenet that "the Anatolian mind is what was in the Jones on The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces and The beginning" (Asianic viii) is not systematically carried out in Greek City fro111 Alexander lo Justinian. For the later third and the three-legged table, the leg of which had to be propped up by a sherd" the book with the suggestive titleAsianic Ele111e11ts in Greek century and the early Byzantine era see his The Later ( 8.618-723)-all of these can still be found today. Civilization. The twenty-one essays treat 0f a variety of Ro111an E111pire 284-602. subjects, some religious, others social and economic. 4A. and N. H. Ramage, "The Siting of Lydian Burial Although this Anatolian countryside absorbed waves of invaders, it followed While Ramsay makes in passing a number of generaliza­ Mounds," Studies Hanf111a11n, pp. 143-60; F. Winter, Greek tions, he never gives an overall characterization of "the Fort, pp. 101-2, 106-9; D. W. S. Hunt, "Feudal Survivals 5 Axel Boethius has remarked on the similar timelessness made by F. K. Yegul for his excellent, so far unpublished Anatolian mind." He was predisposed to consider pre­ in Ionia," JHS 67 (1947): 68-76 discusses pyrgos, tyrsis, per­ phenomenon in the Italian countryside and reproduced a study of this village. For modern comprehensive studies of Hittite, pre-Lydian peoples as truly Anatolian in origin. gmna, , all Anatolian words for towers or castles. W. wonderful picture of prehistoric looking twig and thatch­ a central Anatolian village see Yassi/1iiyiik: A Village Study For other writings of W. R. Ramsay see AnatS/ Ra111say, pp. Radt, "Siedlung und Bauten auf der Halbinsel von roofed huts of swineherds in Calabria: Golden House of Nero (: Middle East Technical University, 1965) and W. xiii-xxxviii. For survival of Phrygian see G. Neumann, Un­ Halikarnassos," Isl Mill Beiheft 3, p. 13, "feudal upper (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1960), p. 6 A. Mitchell, "Turkish Villages in Interior Anatolia," Middle tersuchu11ge11 ZIii/i Weiterleben hetl1itisc/1en llltd luwischen stratum of Leleges living in castles or fortified towns with fig. 3, East Jo11mal 25 (1971): 355-69. Sprachg11tes in hel/enistischer 11nd rii111ischer Zeil, pp. 14-15, citadels." 6These illustrations are from a series of graphic analyses 4 Fro111 Croesus to Constantine Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians 5

its own folkways, with its worship of uncanny natural powers and strange gods enormous spiritual and emotional power-"Great is the of the Ephesians" and godlings who might have wandered on the earth: did not and Hermes was a cry that resounded even more powerfully in the time of Croesus than in the appear to Philemon and Baucis in the hills of Phrygia? And were not the people of time of Saint Paul. Whether palace or temple counted for more in Anatolian ur­ Lykaonia ready to take Barnabas and St. Paul for Zeus and Hermes in disguise? banism of the sixth century B.C. is a question we shall need to ponder in looking at (Acts 14.11-12). 7 the capital of Croesus. But how far were these regions urbanized? From the third millennium B.c. "Golden Sardis" had a re·putation for luxury ever since King Gyges came to on, if not earlier, there were agglomerations in western Anatolia which by their the Lydian throne in the seventh century. Its urban composition and its actual ap­ size and function must be considered urban; and when in 401 B.c. Xenophon pearance can be pieced together from the literary sources and the excavations. 11 marched through this inland part of the country he unhesitatingly described a The plans indicate conjecturally the area possibly covered by the Lydian city, Fig. 9 number of settlements as "towns" (poleis) distinguishing some as being large and perhaps some 250 acres. It was a populous city, and where inhabited, it was populous-Kolossai, Kelainai, Keramon , versus Peltai, Kaystrou Pedion, densely built up. The economic historian Carl Roebuck has calculated the popula­ Thymbrion (Anabasis 1.2. 5-13). tion of , the greatest of Ionian city states, as 64,000 in 494 B.c. 12 On that For the Anatolian and Early Iron Age, Hittite archives and exca­ scale, a population between 20,000 and 50,000 might be possible for Croesan Sar­ vations at and Beyce Sultan indicate that the fortified palace, the adjacent dis. The palace, the temple or temples, the town, the cities of the dead, even the residential town area in the plain, and the sacred area or areas with temples were royal mound cemetery were traditional components. Heralds of a new age were the important components of a typical urban configuration. Hittite archives imply the commercial agora-considered by Karl Polanyi as the first free market in the royal or princely palaces at Apasas (Ephesus?) and Milawatas (Miletus). 8 Eighth world's history13-and the industrial area, especially the gold refineries which we Fig. 7 century in Phrygia seemed to continue the pattern. 9 It is very probable have discovered. These commercial and industrial complexes owed their emer­ Fig. 10 that sacred precincts, "monasteries" (rather than large temple structures) often gence to the same impetus: the mining of gold and its use in the first monetary lay near but outside such towns-sometimes in the marshes svch as the sanc­ economy by early Lydian kings. Subsequently, Croesus refined into gold and Fig. 8 tuaries of Artemis of Ephesus or of of . silver currencies the invention of state guaranteed coinage which concentrated Fig. 12 On the basis of material from historical times, W. M. Ramsay formulated a enormous power in the palace as compared with the temple. The mint and special theory that these Anatolian temple monasteries had large land holdings, exerted economic influence, and functioned as primitive banks. Indeed, Denis van Ber­ 369-71, 384-90; Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic theories of "temple economies" in the ancient Near East World I, pp. 493-96, 503-7, 1440--41, 648--49, 1477-78; Social cf. most recently the critical assessment by I. J. Gelb "On chem has spoken of Ephesus as a "theocratic state."10 It is certain that they had 1111d Economic History of the Ro1111//l Empire (Oxford, 1926), p. the Alleged Temple and State Economies in Ancient 541 n. 45 on survival of large and influential temples as Mesopotamia," Studi in O11ore di Edoardo Volterra 6 (1969): 7 On the actual location of Philemon and Bads (Baucis) the Bronze Age in Anatolia and North , Naumann, banking concerns. T. R. S. Broughton, "New Evidence on 137. story see L. Robert, Noms indigenes dans /'Asie Mineure pp. 389--432; on palaces and houses in Thermi, Troy, Kus­ Temple Estates in Asia Minor," in P.R. Coleman-Norton, 11An excellent description and analysis of Lydian ur­ greco-romaine, p. 238. On Barnabas and St. Paul: the people ura, esp. 389-94, fig. 314, analysis of Troy II d as Bronze ed. Studies in Roman Economic and Social History in Honor of banism as far as it can be reconstructed from the ar­ of "lifted up their voices saying in the speech of Lyca­ Age palace; pp. 433-73 on sanctuaries, pointing out that Allen Chesler Johnson, pp. 236-50, after reviewing the evi­ chaeological remains is given by A. Ramage, "Studies in onia: 'the gods are come down to us in the likeness of Megaron A at Troy might have been a shrine and the dence concludes (p. 247) that the sacred land was origi­ Lydian Domestic and Commercial Architecture at Sardis n1en., " prehistoric forerunner of the Greek temple at Larisa, fig. nally much smaller in extent than was previously as­ (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1969), summary in 8Troy: R. Naumann, Architeklur Kleinasiens, 2nd ed., pp. 578. sumed. E. van Berchem, "Trois cas d'asylie archaique, I HSCP 75 (1971): 214-15. As the plans in Fig. 9 show, the 341--45; : S. Lloyd, Beycesultan I (Ankara, 1962); 9Gordion: R. S. Young, "The Gordion Campaign of Ephese," M11se11111 Helveticum 17 (1960): 24-26, discusses a archaeological data leave a certain latitude. For a good II (1965); Apasas, Milawatas: G. M.A. Hanfmann, "A Hit­ 1967," AJA 72 (1968): 237-39; "The 1963 Campaign at silver plaque of ca. 550 B.c. (D. G. Hogarth, The Archaic summary of historical and archaeological data on Sardis tite Priest from Ephesus," AJA 66 (1962): 1--4; 0. R. Gur­ Gordion," AJA 68 (1964): 285-88; "Doodling at Gordion," Arte111isio11 [1908], p. 120) which enumerates tribute to the through 1967 cf. J. G. Pedley, Sardis. ney, The (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1961), Archaeology 22 (1969): 270-72; Akurgal, Civilizations, pp. temple "ek /011 doron": from salt tax "ek /011 halos"; from 12C. Roebuck, "The Economic Development of Ionia," pp. 46-58; J. Garstang and 0. R. Gurney, Geography of 279-83. sale? of wood "ek /011 dora/os"; from merchandise imported CP 48 (1953): 12. 10 13 Hittite Asia Minor (Ankara: British Institute of Archaeol­ W. M. Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia I "ek /011 11a11tiko11"; on objects manufactured in the city "ek 1<. Polanyi et al. eds. Trade and Market in the Early Em­ ogy, 1959), pp. 75, 80-81, 83-84, 96, 101-7, 104, 111, 112, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1895), p. 131; II (Oxford, 1897), /011 poleos" and interprets it as reflecting the complex pires, p. 67. 115. In general: Naumann, pp. 236-478. On urbanism of p. 354 et passim; M. I. Rostovtzeff, in Ana/SI Ramsay, pp. financial administration of a theocratic state. For the 6 From Croesus to Constantine Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians 7

treasuries for gold were probably appended to the palace. On the other hand, at houses in Sardis were of reeds, and those which were of mud brick had roofs of Sardis the gold refineries and some jewelers' workshops were apparently located reeds ... when one of these was set afire [by Ionian attackers] the flames spread not in the royal palace under the direct control of the king, but next to the com­ over the whole city ... " ( 5.101). In actual fact, we found that the mon civic and commercial agora. Perhaps not all of the luxury arts and crafts were houses were built on rather slight foundations of river stones with a kind of mud a royal monopoly. pise, or less frequently, large mud bricks; some certainly had roofs of reeds, Fig. 10 The gold refineries were small factories to purify gold and separate it from though the only sure traces date from an earlier destruction by the Kimmerians. 15 silver. On the eastern bank of the Pactolus, in the sector called "Pactolus North," Apart from the two major axial roads, little attention seems to have been paid we have excavated completely one workshop and there are indications of at least to streets. The city seems to have been divided into precincts or wards enclosed by Fig. 13 one, possibly two more to the north. The precinct surrounded by walls measured tall walls. Systematic placing of public wells and some type of water supply and about 25 by 20 meters, with one or two structures containing small furnaces for drainage system for the industrial area indicate an incipient interest in hygiene. "cementation" (the parting of silver and gold), and open spaces for "cupels" But no terracotta baths have yet been found as were found in contemporary (small cup-like hollows for removing the base metals from the ore by melting it Smyrna. 16 with lead). Refuse from rock crystals, a rock crystal lion, and small jewelry seem to A major road, perhaps a sacred road, led to the great , indicate that the jewelers' shops were nearby. which was certainly on the periphery but may have been outside the city area. An A. Ramage, who excavated the precinct, believes that the gold refineries were archaic altar to Artemis has been discovered but the location of the archaic temple Fig. 16 in operation from 600-550 B.c. An altar to the goddess Cybele, adorned with four is still not known. 17 Fig. 10 lions at the corners, was found in the center of the area flanked by two oblong Nothing is known about a city wall of the archaic lower city; and in no reliable structures, perhaps for priests. It was built after the refineries were abandoned, literary source is there any indication that there was a wall until the Hellenistic according to Ramage; I believe, however, that some religious protection of the v age. 18 On the other hand, the Greek maritime cities-Old Smyrna, 19 Larisa, and workshop area by the great mountain goddess Cybele was an essential part of the Miletus (Kalabaktepe)20-were all strongly fortified. At Gordion, a fort either con­ Fig. 18 gold refining procedures from the beginning of the operation. 14 Two gold trinkets structed or tenanted by Lydian troops of Croesus, had a most formidable defen­ Fig. 11 and several dozen bits of gold foil, and droplets of gold are as close as we are likely sive bastion. 21 R. Koldewey thought that the Lydians had fortified the old town at to come to the vanished treasure of Croesus. Neandria in the Troad. 22 In its general aspect Sardis is a typical Anatolian acropolis town. The citadel 15G. M. A. Hanfmann, BASOR 162 (1961): 12-13; 170 pl. 262b "votive column and fortress wall." Miletus: G. was located on a spur of the mountain range which accompanies the river valley, (1963):6;177(1965):13;186(1967):32-33. Kleiner, Ruinen, pp. 23-25. For expert discussion of East­ 16 an urban location repeated at , Pergamon, and frequently in J. M. Cook, "Old Smyrna, 1948-1951," BSA 53-54 ern Greek defonses cf. F. E. Winter, Greek Fort, pp. 15-18, (1958-59): 16 and pl. 6 c. 106, 126-31; figs. 7-9, 130 (Ephesus, Larisa, Smyrna, other Anatolian river valleys. The town extends along the great east-west valley 17No clear evidence for an archaic temple has come from Miletus). 21 Fig. 9 and into the north-south valley of the Pactolus torrent. Our excavations along the new soundings in 1972. Cf. BASOR 154 (1959): 8-13; 166 "Lydian Fort" at Gordion: R. S. Young, "Making His­ (1962): 34. tory at Gordion," Archaeology 6 (1953): 164-65, AJA 61 Pactolus, probably south of the civic agora, and along the old royal road, probably 18A passage in Polyaenus, Stratege111ata (7.6.2-3) (Pedley, (1957): 324, pl. 89:14; "Lydian Building" AJA 60 (1956): 264, east of the agora, indicate only very general orientation and a heaped-up, con­ Sources no. 119, p. 39) says that in 547 n.c. Cyrus "setting "destroyed in conflict between Cyrus and Croesus, 547 ladders against the unguarded walls took Sardis" before B.c." It is of interest for relations with the Near East that F. tinuous dense urban settlement of local simple materials. They do bear out to he took the citadel; but the anecdotal story does not seem E. Winter, Greek Fort, p. 129, n. 17 credits "the Phrygian some extent Herodotus's surprising description of the richest city of the ancient to represent a trustworthy tradition. kings and their Lydian successors with transmission to the 19Cook, BSA 53-54 (1958-59): 14-34, fig. 3 (imaginative Aegean world of some of basic concepts of Near Eastern world as it was in 499 B.c. when the Ionian Greeks attacked it. "The greater part of recc,,1.struction); R. V. Nicholls, "Old Smyrna, The Iron siegecraft and military architecture," and underlines the 14 A. Ramage, BASOR 199 (1970): 18-25; G. M. A. Hanf­ lerion eine lydische Glosse," Acta Orienta/in 16 (1937): 150 Age Fortifications and Associated Remains," ibid. pp. part played by "the Lydian threat" in making eastern mann, Dergi 18 (1969): 61; D. G. Mitten, Dergi 17 (1968): had suggested that metals were considered sacred to the 37-137, fig. 7; also J.M. Cook, Greeks pp. 72-74, fig. 20. Greek cities develop their fortifications. 22 111; Hanfmann and Waldbaum, "New Exe," pp. 310-15; mountain goddess. 20Larisa: J. Biihlau and K. Schefold, Larisa a111 Her111us I Neandria: R. Koldewey, "Neandria," 51 Progm111111 zu111 M. J. Mellink, AJA 73 (1969): 222. J. H. Jongkees, "Mau/is- Die Bau/en, p. 44, pis. 2-6; K. Schefold, Propy/aeen, p. 245, Winkelmannsfeste der Archaeologischen Gesel/sc/rnft zu Berlin 8 From Croesus to Constantine Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians 9

Herodotus (1.84) stated that the citadel of Sardis itself had a magically impreg­ Croesus were of mud brick and still stood plumb in Hellenistic times. The palace nable wall around which King Meles (late eighth century B.c. ?) had carried a lion exterior may have been decorated with terracotta friezes such as that of a splendid (symbol of a goddess like Cybele or Ishtar). King Meles had supposedly visited found on the citadel. 29 Fig. 14 Babylon; and we are reminded of Mesopotamian belief in the magic sacredness of The existence of these terracottas supports the assumption of gabled megaron walls, as of the Imgur Bel-the Wall of Babylon. Anatolian comparisons of the structures, as a tentative reconstruction by A Akerstrom shows30; for such gaily Fig. 15 breaching of divine or sacred walls appear in legends about the walls of Troy. The painted friezes came from both horizontal and from raking simas. The strong wall built by and did not breach, but the section of wall built by black-white-red ornamentation at the top of possibly whitewashed buildings human heroes, Aiakos or others, collapsed. 23 against the blue sky must have made a striking effect in the appearance of such There may have been two palaces in Sardis; one on the citadel, and another cities as Croesan Sardis. somewhat lower down. The beautifully fashioned, large-masonry wall discovered Being colonies, most of the Greek cities were situated along the coast fre- Fig. 18 in 1960 on the northern top of the citadel supported a staircase and then went on quently on promontories over jewel-like bays. Palaces existed only in the few with bichrome effect into a green sandstone ashlar wall. Another terrace of similar cities where kings survived (Kyme) or tyrants emerged (Larisa? Samos, Miletus?). Fig. 17 fine masonry with drafted edges was found in 1971, slightly higher up. 24 Appar­ It was the port and the town, the agora and the temple, which were the distinctive ently, an archaic palace rose in many steps up the northern slope. This may well traits of Greek cities. be the upper part of the palace of Croesus. There may have been a lower part of Enough has been excavated of old Smyrna-Bayrakli31 to present at least con- the palace at the foot of the citadel, for a tunnel starting high up on the northern jectural restorations of the strongly fortified city with four or five hundred houses Fig. 18 slope went spiralling downward toward a flat-topped hill -later transformed into which is reminiscent in its site and appearance of Homer's city of the Phaeaceans a Byzantine fort. This eminence commands a splendid view of the lower city. 25 in the Odyssey (7.43-45): "Harbors on each ... the trim, curved ships line the We have no cogent idea about the appearance and plan of the major palace road . . . there is an agora and long walls with battlements." Some have structure. The suggestion has been made by Carl Nylander that a palace unit with hypothesized that by the late seventh century B.c. when Smyrna was destroyed a broad house plan, with a gabled pediment and towered facade at Aeolic Larisa by Alyattes, the father of Croesus, the town had streets laid out on a north-south may reflect the palace of Croesus. 26 However, the traditional structure in western axis, and houses built on a rectangular plan. "With the incorporation of the court- Fig. 7 Anatolia was the oblong megaron. It appears at Gordion and Larisa, 27 and the ob­ yard and the oblong plot, and the linking of plots in continuous street frontages, long form is known in Sardis in shops and possibly in priestly house dwellings or we seem to come up against regular townhouses for the first time in the history of sacral structures. 28 Vitruvius' s source implies that major walls in the palace of Greek architecture," observes John M. Cook, one of the excavators of the site. 32 The temple, now known to belong to , is located in a curiously eccen­ (1891): 10-11, fig. 9 and plan at back. The old town was place to the Council of Elders, the Gerousin. This sounds as tric position-just inside the city wall; it had a podium of two colors, very pre­ approximately 157 acres and as Koldewey suggested, if it were somewhere within or near the city area rather cisely joined masonry, and a great array of Oriental imports as well as an almost might have been fortified by the Lydians against the Greek than on the steep citadel. In 1973, a Lydian fortress wall inhabitants after they took the Troad in the sixth century. was found on the southern slope of the citadel. life-size Cypriot terracotta votive. 33 For evidence of Lydians in the Troad, C. H. Greenewalt, 26Nylander, Io11ia11s, p. 117. As crown prince, Croesus spent some time at in the Troad. 34 Jr. cites 12.4.6; 13.1.22 (the whole Troad under the 27Gordion: R. S. Young, AJA 72 (1968): 237-38, pis. 72:9, rule of Gyges). 73:11; 68 (1964): 285--88, pis. 85:15, 86:16; Akurgal, Civiliza­ 23Pindar O/y111pind 8.31, scholiast; cf, R. Graves, Greek tions, p. 280, fig. 117a, plan of town with palace area. The 29BASOR 170 (1963): 32, fig. 22. 33Cook, Greeks, p. 74; Akurgal, K1111s/A11at, pp. 182-84, Myths I (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1955), p. 214. megaron house type is attested both by actual structures 30A. Akerstrom Die architekto11ischen Termkotte11 Klei11- figs. 131-33; Civilizatio11s, p. 119. 24A. Ramage, BASOR 206 (1972): 16, fig. 6. and "doodles" showing such megara with gable roof al­ asie11s, pp. 70-72, fig. 22 (reconstruction); p. 86, list of simas; 34Nicolaus of Damascus, FrGrHist 90 F 65 = Pedley, 25As C. H. Greenewalt, Jr. convinces me, Arrian ready in the eighth century B,c., R. S. Young, Archaeology p. 95, fig. 29, Pegasus and Lydian man. Sources, no. 64. "Croesus was the oldest of Alyattes sons A11nbnsis I.17.6 is not conclusive for the location of the 22 (1969): 270-72, fig. Larisa: Bohlau and Schefold, Larisa I, 31Cook, BSA 53--54 (1958-59): 1-34; Nicholls, ibid., pp. ... who had been designated as ruler of Adramyttion and palace. A Hellenistic author used by Vitruvius (2.8.10) pl. 38a, pp. 86-88, fig. 15. 35-137. the plain of Thebe .... " Cf. Weissbach, s. v. "Kroisos," RE says that the Sardians turned over the palace as a meeting 28A. Ramage, Studies, fig. 18. 32Cook, Greeks, p. 72. suppl. 5 (1931): 457-58. 10 From Croesus to Constantine Sardis, Croesus, nnd the Persians 11

Assos, a breath-takingly beautiful site on the coast of the gulf of Adramyttium, Lydian army ford the Halys River (Herodotus 1.75). One may well speculate that may have belonged to him. Not much is known about the exact layout of the ar­ Thales or some other archaic scientist with geometric-urban interests created at chaic city of ; but might not the planning and beautification of the top of the Ephesus an example of that abstract geometric grid plan that Hippodamus was to Fig. 19 site, where the monumental precinct and temple of Athena was to rise, be a legacy expand and elaborate into a social-geometric-urban theory in the replanning of of the time when Croesus was crown prince? Croesus may have been at Assos at classical Miletus. 38 any time prior to 561, say 570-561 B.C. In my view, the temple with its lively It is at Ephesus, rather than at Sardis, that we come closer to discovering "Middle Corinthian" Klitias-like metopes and friezes may have been finished by Croesus as a builder; for it is at Ephesus that the fragments from the roundels at 550; plans for the precinct and temple might well date back to Croesus's residence; the top of column base(s) with the Greek inscription BA(sileus) KRoisos AN­ and even the beginning of construction might have taken place under his eTHEK-EN, "King Kroisos dedicated," and from yet another "straight moulding auspices. of a drum," the less well-preserved Lydian: ... LIS !NL, "son of Alyattes?39 gave" Figs. 21, 22 Assos is otherwise a traditional "Acropolis" type of urban settlement; the were found. 40 This bilingual quality-Anatolian and Greek-is symbolic of the temple is the dominant structure, as on the . In the terracing character of the arts at the court of King Croesus. of that geometric grid plan which came later to be connected with Hippodamus of On the walls of the quarries of Belevi, whence came the marble for the has termed "Pergamene" type of terraced urban composition. 35 Artemision of Ephesus, were engraved archaic doodles of human figures, god­ Ephesus, on the other hand, may have been one of the pioneering examples desses, warriors, and bearded men, and also inscriptions in a strange script mid­ of that geometric grid plan which came later to be connected with Hippodamus of way between Lydian and Carian. Wolfgang Dressler, who published the inscrip­ Fig. 8 Miletus. This revolutionary design would have been devised for the new tions, concludes that some of the letters were strikingly reminiscent of those of "Croesus city" associated with the huge temple for which Crbesus gave many the Croesus dedication on the columns and asks: "Did perhaps the same columns. An attractive hypothesis has been developed by A. Bammer, architect of Anatolian stone masons cut the 'Carian-like' (Karoid) inscriptions in the quarry the Austrian expedition, from the following evidence. 36 About the year 560 and the dedication of Croesus in the Artemision?"41 Croesus captured Ephesus (Herodotus 1.26) and, according to one ancient tradi­ There were Lydian priestesses at the temple of Artemis in Ephesus (Aris­ tion, "they settled around the present temple until the time of Alexander." The tophanes, Clouds 598-600); and there may have been Anatolian traits involved not city was then moved (Strabo 14.c 640). As seen in the lower right corner of Figure 8 only in the survival of the peculiar form of the inner shrine of the temple but also Bammer discerns in later periods the existence of a grid, possibly with blocks of in the development of figurative relief at the bottoms of columns, comparable in 280 by 140 feet, conforming to the orientation of the archaic temple of Artemis, principle to the "Late Hittite" type of palace decoration in such Phrygian strong­ which he believes belong to archaic Ephesus, also known in later times as the holds as Ankara. Otherwise, the Greek architects, Chersiphron and Metagenes, suburb Smyrna. Excavators of Miletus suggest that there too, a rectangular street system was at least partly in use in the early city. 37 38Thales supposedly dug a semicircular trench dividing 39Because of the damage we do not know the Lydian the Halys in two so that each arm was smaller and could form of the name of Croesus. Ionian cities are striking in their preconceived application of geometry to be forded (before the battle at ). On Hippodamus, 4°F. N. Pryce, BMC 1:1, figs. 31, 69; G. Lippold, Die urban planning. Recent scholarship has rightly pointed to possible connection see most recently, J. R. Mccredie, Studies Hnnfmann, pp. griecltische Plnstik (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1950), pp. 60-61 95-100; G. Metraux, "Western Greek Land Use and City who dates the column reliefs from ca. 550 to early fifth with the milieu of pre-Socratic philosophers. Thales, the fouinder of Greek Planning in the Archaic Period," (Ph.D. diss., Harvard century. geometry, was a friend of Croesus and with his technological skill helped the University, 1972); and F. Castagnoli, Orthogonnl Town 41W. Alzinger, "Ritzzeichnungen in den Mar­ Planning in Antiquity (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, morbriichen von Ephesos," JOA! 48 (1966-67): 61-72; 35Assos: I. H. Bacon, lllvestigalions nl Assos Entwicklung von Ephesus," JOA! 46 (1961-3): 146-47. 1971) with important survey of recent finds and literature. W. Dressler, "Karoide Inschriften im Steinbruch von Be­ (Archaeological Institute of America, 1902); Akurgal, 37G. Kleiner, Rt1i11e11, p. 25. "It would be natural for a Citing Urartian acropolis at Zernaki Tepe (p. 135) he levi," ibid., pp. 73-76, figs. 31-43. I have visited the quar­ Civilizatio11s, pp. 64-69; R. Martin, Urbnnisme, ch. 3; and cf. city that founded so many colonies to use the same plan­ suggests that "the Hippodamian plan . . . may be a ries and copied the graffiti and inscriptions on Sept. 6, i11frn, ch. 2, p. 27, n. 22. ning and measuring system in its own more recent parts." gradual evolution of an archaic Anatolian tradition, possi­ 1966. 36A. Bammer, "Zur Topographie und stadtebaulicher bly by way of the Ionian World." 12 Fro111 Croesus to Constnntine Snrdis, Croesus, and the Persians 13

and the famous architect, sculptor, and engineer, Theodoros of Samos, presented strongly appealed to the superstitiously pious Croesus. It recurs in the sculptures the colossal Greek temple of Artemis (closely akin to the somewhat earlier Hera­ which he gave to the temple at Ephesus. It may well be that the thirty-six sculp­ ion of Samos) as the first really developed example of the Ionic Greek order. 42 tured drums of the Croesan Artemision presented a processional vision of the At Sardis in 1963, we found evidence of a more experimental, a more court of King Croesus which was as much a projection of his ideology as the frieze Anatolian, and perhaps a more Near Eastern structure with a number of very of the Parthenon is of the Periclean democracy. 46 extraordinary traits. Probably dedicated around 550 B.C., this small scale marble These column friezes may have included divine or mythological ancestors of model of a temple or shrine of the goddess Cybele, or, if one wants to be more Croesus: A hero wearing a feline skin may be Herakles, who was related to the Figs. 20, 28 cautious, of a goddess who had power over snakes and lions, is about two feet Lydian royal house through his service to the Lydian Queen Omphale, and was Figs. 23-26 high as preserved. 43 The model possibly contracts the number of columns on the considered the originator of the royal dynasty of Herakleidai who preceded the sides, but taken literally, the plan was square and included a central column in House of Croesus-the Mermnadai. 47 There were priestesses bringing offerings Fig. 29 back. Unknown until now in archaic Ionic architecture were the three-quarter Ionic on trays decorated with golden bulls' heads48 (Croesus had given "golden bulls" Fig. 27 columns on simple torus bases at the corners and engaged half-columns at the to the temple [Herodotus I. 92]). Anticipating the Ara Pads, children were in- centers of the walls. 44 There were painted reliefs rising the full height of the wall cluded, and allusions to Croesus's military might in armed men and horses were in three zones of panels. The panels are separated by horizontal bands with also seen in these friezes. One remembers the story of how Croesus left shipbuild- ornamental maeanders. One can read them (like Etruscan paintings) as frieze; ing to the Greeks as long as the cavalry remained with the Lydians (Herodotus interrupted by columns, or as tall, metope-like, oblong panels without an ar­ I.27). chitectural frame of their own. Figurative representations on the full height of the Endowed with the right of refuge by Croesus, the Ephesian sanctuary had a wall are found in Mesopotamia, as for instance in the nearly contemporary Ishtar "Mixo-Lydian" character. The fabulous hoard deposit in the pre-Croesan Artemi­ Gate in Babylon, 45 and on part height of the wall in superposed Assyrian reliefs, sion of Ephesus49 strongly suggests that before and during the time of Croesus the but these lack the precise architectural compartmentalization. Within Greek ar­ goldsmiths (as the silversmiths in the time of Saint Paul), ivory workers, and other chitecture this figurative representation on the full height of the wall is unique. luxury craft workers tended to serve primarily the temple, and therefore, may Fig. 25 At the back of the temple are six mythological scenes including probably well have settled around it. Lydian ivory working is already mentioned by Homer Herakles and the Nemean Lion, and the Lydian Pelops on his chariot. On the (Iliad 4.141). It is possible that at least part of the famous Ephesian archaic ivories Fig. 26 sides, priestesses, dancers, and sileni move in a procession toward the front, was made by Lydian craftsmen working at Ephesus. so toward the image of the goddess waiting to receive them. It is the same theme and Richness of attire can still be surmised from the painted patterns, but unfor­ the same compositional device which was to have such splendid development in tunately less than one percent of the sculptures of the Artemision remains and the Panathenaic procession on the north and south sides of the Parthenon. these are mostly in small fragments. Fortunately we can recapture the full color of The idea of a procession coming to offer gifts to the god or goddess must have Lydian courtiers during the time of Croesus in two terracottas found at Sardis.

46A. H. Smith, BMC I (1892): 26-30, pl. I; F. N. Pryce, cover (color); H. Hoffmann and P. Davidson, Greek Gold 42G. Gruben in Berve-Grnben, pp. 456-62. E. Akurgal, west, E 73.5/N 17.20-17.70." D. G. Mitten, BASOR 174 BMC I.1 (1928): 47-63, figs. 39-69. Herodotus 1.92: (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1965), pp. 237-38; M. F. A. Art, pp. 221-22, the reliefs of "coll11111111e caelatne ... consti­ (1964): 39-43, figs. 25-26; G. M. A. Hanfmann, R11yo1111e- Croesus gave most of the columns of the temple at Boston, Greek, Etmscan nnd Ro111n11 Art, p. 172, fig. 180. tute a very successful translation of Hittite orthostats into 111e11t, pp. 494-95, pis. 124.3, 125.3; K. Schefold, Propylaeen, Ephesus. Cf. n. 56, below. 49P. Jacobsthal, "The Date of the Ephesian Foundation the Ionic idiom." Cf. his fig. 40 (p. 88) an Assyrian relief p. 284, pl. 333; G. M. A. Richter, Kami (London and New 47The Lydian equivalent of Dionysos, the winegod Baki, Deposit," [HS 71 (1951): 85-95, pis. 31-36; E. S. G. Robin­ after Perrot and Chipiez II, p. 143, fig. 42; better in R. D. York: Phaidon, 1968), no. 164, figs. 524-27; Hanfmann and is less likely; he would probably be shown bearded as on son, "Coins from the Ephesian Artemision Reconsid­ Barnett, Assyrian Pnlnce Reliefs (London: Batchworth Press, Waldbaum, Arc/ineology 22 (1969): 268. the contemporary Caeretan hydriae. Cf. M. Santangelo, ered," ibid., pp. 156-67, pl. 38. n.d.), pis. 133-34. Priestesses: Akurgal, Art, p. 212, pl. 66, 44B. Wesenberg, Kapitelle 1111d Bnssen, pp. 109-10 consid­ "Les nouvelles hydries de Caere au Musee de la Villa Sl>An argument for a Lydian school of ivorists was made suggests that the so-called "Spinner" is a Lydian priestess, ers this a separate column type with base shape derived Giulia," MonPiot 44 (1950), pl. III center. by R. D. Barnett, "Early Greek and Oriental Ivories," ]HS though the ivory was made by an Ionian. from the Near East (Syria?). ""Golden bull's head pendant from Western Asia Minor 68 (1948): 1-25, esp. 18. Evidence from Sardis remains 43S63.51:5677. H. preserved: 0.62 m.; "in the shattered, 45 Akurgal, Art, p. 51, pl. 20: Nebucchadnezer II, 604-562 in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, dated ca. 400 n.c., cf. scanty; the ivory head of a priest? of the moon god may be fallen? masonry of a pier, apparently pier 4 counting from B.C. H. Palmer and C. Vermeule, Arc'111eology 12 (1959): 2, and an import, Akurgal, K1111stA11at, p. 100, pl. VIIa, b (color). 14 From Croesus to Constantine Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians 15

Fig. 30 One was part of a frieze-perhaps again a procession-the other a strange vase Pasargadae and the neighboring capital of Babylon. As we look at these two Fig. 36 which was shaped perhaps as a Lydian clad in Persian costume. 51 This vase is stepped constructions, one at Sardis, the so-called Pyramid Tomb, the other a Figs. 37, 38 almost as much a painting as it is a sculpture. staircase in the palace of Cyrus, 1,500 miles away, it is hardly doubtful that Lydian Fig. 32 In the reconstruction of an altar found in the gold refinery area of Sardis52 we architects went to Iran and worked there. The resemblance between the reliefs at have placed four lions at the corners because we had found two and one half of Pasargadae and Ephesus shows that sculptors as well as masons were involved in 57 Fig. 31 them still in place. Precisely the same arrangement of two lions in profile, with the construction-probably Ionian Greeks as well as Lydians. two more presumably concealed, appears in an Etruscan tomb painting of the The current did not run in quite the same fashion the other way. A number of Tomba dei Tori, Tarquinia (known since 1892). 53 The subject of the painting is years ago I set myself the task to track down traces of Persians and their arts in the Achilles, behind an altar-like fountain, lying in ambush for an equestrian Troilus western provinces of the Persian Empire. I arrived at the conclusion that they Fig. 33 approaching from the right. The style is Eastern Greek-Ionian, about 540 B.c. lived in "Little Persias" similar to the Americans living in "Little Americas" after With extraordinary perspicacity, G. W. Elderkin had utilized the Etruscan picture World War II. It seemed as if only articles of personal attire, arms bestowed as to reconstruct one of Croesus's fabulous presents to Apollo in -the golden signs of honor by the king, jewelry, gold, silver, luxury glass vessels, and rich lion on a pedestal built from four bricks of pure gold and one hundred thirteen textiles, in short, only arts immediately pertaining to the personal adornment of 58 Fig. 34 bricks of silver-gold. 54 The explanation for the extraordinary resemblance of the members of satrapal courts were distinctively Persian. arrangement in places as far apart as Sardis and Tarquinia is that after the fall of One should, however, credit the Persians with being the first regional plan­ Croesus in 547, many of his court artists fled, some apparently as far as Tuscany ners, at least in a general administrative and military sense. It is they who first where wealthy patrons abounded. (In fact, there are some indications that the rationalized the concept of overland roads, especially the famous royal road, as Etruscans may have considered themselves relatives of the Sardians.)55 the communications axis of the empire and organized the first efficient system of Perhaps we should end the survey of Croesan arts with the famous picture of horse-ridden relays with post stops from Susa to Sardis. The very system of Fig. 35 Croesus on the pyre, a picture painted some fifty years after his death. 56 It is really satrapies was regional planning and the choice of satrapal capitals was an exercise noncommittat but generally, it is thought to represent that version of the Croesus figure hydria fragments by the Leningrad Painter, ca. Pasargadae cf. Hanfmann and Waldbaum, "New Exe.," p. legend in which he was taken from the pyre by Apollo and brought to the Islands 480-450 n.c. showed Croesus being rescued by Cyrus(?). 316, pis. 38, 39. S. Kasper has reinvestigated the Pyramid of the Blest (Bacchylides 3). D. L. Page, "An Early Tragedy on the Fall of Croesus?," tomb and has reconstructed it as a twelve-step pyramid. Proceedi11gs of the Cambridge Philological Society 188 (1962): Cf. C. Nylander, Ionians, pp. 93, 97; D. Stronach, "A Cir­ Such were the arts in the time of Croesus. Then "came the Mede," but 47-49. J. D. Beazley, "Hydria-Fragments in Corinth," Hes­ cular Symbol on the Tomb of Cyrus", Iran 9 (1971): 155-58. strangely there are closer ties in architecture between Sardis, capital of the de­ peria 24 (1955): 319, pl. 85, and Attic Red-Figure Vase­ For Ephesus see H. Luschey, "Iran und der Westen von Painters2 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), vol. 1, p. 571, Kyros bis Khosrow," AMirn11 N.F. I (1968): 17. feated Croesus, and Pasargadae, capital of the victorious Cyrus, than between no. 74. 58Aristophanes Acharnirms 74: "out of their glass and 51G. M. A. Hanfmann, BASOR 174 (1964): 11, figs. 3, 4; than 540 n.c. and the riding youth is Lydo-Ionian, not On the pyre, Croesus supposedly uttered an incantation gold cups (at the Persian court) we had to drink pure wine. C.H. Greenewalt, Jr., Studies Ha11f111mm, pp. 29-46. Chalcidian in style as Rumpf opined. Cf. also M. Robert­ in the magic "Ephesian Letters"; the same saying was al­ ... "A.Oliver, "A Gold-Glass Fragment in the Metropoli­ 52A. Ramage, BASOR 191 (1968): 11-12, figs. 9-11, lions son, "Ibycus: , Troilus, Polyxena," B111/etin, legedly written on the garment of the image of Artemis in tan Museum of Art," JGS 12 (1970): 9-16, esp. no. 1, fig. 3, in situ. University of London Institute of Classical Studies, 17 Ephesus. This peculiar tradition is cited by lexicographers phiale from Ephesus, ca. 400-350 n.c. in fill from new 531. Bonfante-Warren, "Etruscan Dress as Source: Some (1970): 11-15. of the second century A.D. W. Heick, Betmcht1111ge11 z1ir Artemis Temple; "Persian export glass." For seals with Problems and Examples," AJA 75 (1971): 280, pl. 67:12 54G. W. Elderkin, "The Golden Lion of Croesus," Ar­ Grossen Giittin 1111d den ihr verb11ndene11 Gottheiten (Munich: Persian motifs made at Sardis cf. J. Boardman, "Pyramidal with bib!. n. 14; G. Q. Giglioli, L'arte etl"llsca (Milan: Fratelli chaeological Papers II.2 (1941), 8 pp., figs. 1, 2 (Tori). Oldenbourg, 1971) p. 264, n. 13, boldly attempts to read Stamp Seals in the Persian Empire," Iran 8 (1970): 37. Treves, 1935) 22, pl. 107, with earlier lit. Color after water 55There is some curious but late evidence to this effect: the saying as an invocation in Hittite of certain Hittite gods Jewelry: C. D. Curtis, Sardis 13 (Rome, 1925), pp. 11-15, color: G. Koerte in Antike Denkmaler 2 (1908), pl. 41; M. "Sardians for sale" exclaimed triumphant Romans in sell­ of oath. In any event, the story emphasizes the connection pl. I a-f; H. Th. Bossert, Altanato/ien (Berlin: Verlag Ernst Palotino ML 36 (1937): 302, fig. 70; Et/"llscan Painting ing Etruscan prisoners from Veii, Plutarch Q11aestiones of Croesus with Artemis of Ephesus. Cf. Eusthatius, Co111- Wasmuth, 1942), figs. 168-79; G. M. A. Hanfmann Sardis (Geneva, Skira, 1952) color pl. 31; L. Banti, II mondo degli Romanae 53 (2770) = Pedley, Sources, no. 25, p. 12. 111entaria ad Odyssea111, Bk 19, 247, citing the lexicographers 1111d Lydien, p. 30 and n. 2; Akurgal, K1111stAnat, fig. 118; H. Etmschi, 2nd ed. (Rome, 1969), pl. 62 below; A. Rumpf, 56Louvre G 197. P. E. Arias and M. Hirmer, A History of Pausm1ias and Aelius Dionysius. I owe all of the material J. Kantor, "Achaemenid Jewelry in the Oriental Institute," Malerei 1111d Zeichm111g der Klassischen An like (Munich: C. H. 1000 Years of Greek Vase Painting (New York: Harry N. Ab­ in this note to the learning of C. H. Greenwalt, Jr. JNES 16 (1957): 4-7; P. Amandry, "Orfe vrerie Beck, 1953), p. 55, pl. 15:2. It should not be dated later rams, 1962), pl. 131. A second representation on red- 57For the Pyramid tomb and the Tomb of Cyrus at Achemenide," Antike Kunst I (1958): 9. 16 From Croesus to Constantine Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians 17 in urbanism on a high level. Sardis had been a capital before, but the choices of lovely waters to Iranian taste. The waters, the sites, even the towns were already Kelainai and Daskylion were less obvious. Other passages in the works of ancient there; the Persian contribution was the planning of palaces and preserves as authors imply that the Persians planned" chains" of fortified places. 59 additions to the existing towns. 61 In the urban sphere proper, it is probable that the Persians did considerable Consequently, because the Persians followed Assyrian and Babylonian prec­ work and introduced improvements in military fortifications of places where they edents for "paradeisoi" and because the edict of Darius to Gadatas62 concerning maintained garrisons. According to Xenophon, at Kelainai, a fortress, palaces, the sacred precinct of Artemis Leukophyrene at seems and a park were planJ:\ed anew. 60 There were two palaces, one of the Great King, to imply interest in actual landscaping, it is likely that landscape gardening and "strongly fortified and situated at the foot of the Acropolis, over the sources of the possibly use of waters, as well as overall planning of game preserves were part of Marsyas river," and the other a palace of the Younger Cyrus. "Apparently adja­ Persian practices. Indeed, the Younger Cyrus is credited by Xenophon with plan­ cent to the paradeisos, the park full of wild animals, which he used to hunt on ning the royal park at Sardis. 63 horseback . . . through the middle of this park flows the Maeander river; its Kelainai still has not been excavated. Nothing has been found at Sardis which sources are beneath the palace, and it flows through the city of Kelainai ... the would permit identification with satrapal residence; presumably they continued Marsyas also flows through the city and empties into the Maeander ... " (Anabasis to use the palace of Croesus. Nor have we succeeded in locating that belvedere or 1.2.7-9). castle of white stone which, according to Strabo (13.4, 5.625) the Persians built on Daskylion is described by Xenophon as the "place where the palace (ta the Tmolus south of Sardis, or the shrines of Artemis Anahita said to have basileia) of Pharnabazus was situated, and round about were many large villages, existed at Sardis and in the Cayster Valley. 64 stored with provisions, and animals, some fenced in parks (perieirgmenois Excavations have taken place at the satrapal residence of Pharnabazus at paradeisois) and others in open space. There was also a river, flowing by the Daskylion, which was identified with complete assurance by the finding of clay palace full of all kinds of fish. And besides, there was winged game in abundance imprints from satrapal archives. The general location at Kalehisar on the southeast for those who knew how to go fowling" (Hellenica 4.1.15-16). bank over the Manyas Lake (near Ergili) has been ascertained, but the actual Communications (Sardis, Kelainai, Daskylion are all nodal points on high­ architectural layout remains unknown, although impressive parts have been ways) and defensibility were the first Persian requirements in selecting sites of found built into other buildings. 65 The superlatively cut masonry and architectural "state capitals," i.e., of satrapal residences. The Persians also demonstrated that details in Ionic order66 show that the building was not built in Persian style, and they were among the first landscape planners and ecological planners. Clearly, Akurgal believes the architects and masons were Greeks. water was the great attraction-the wonderful springs and two rivers at A Persian porch and hall with towers, but with pediments and columns in Kelainai-Dinar, the river and great lake of Daskylion, with green verdant plains Greek style, has been reconstructed for the residence of some small potentate, Fig. 39 and teeming "paradises" of wild life, a game preserve at Kelainai, and an incredi­ 61E. Akurgal, "Recherches faites a Cyzique et a Erghili," 64J. Keil, "Die Kulte Lydiens," Ana/St Ramsay, p. 250; W. ble "bird paradise," which is still to be seen at the Daskylion Lake. Those who Anatolia 1 (1956): 22, n. 33. For Daskylion Akurgal draws H. Buckler and D. M. Robinson, "Greek Inscriptions from the interesting parallel with the selection of palace sites on Sardis III," AJA 17 (1913): 369-70; RE s.v. "Anaitis," vol. recall the loveliness of the gorge and river waters at Bishapur and the wonderful lakes by the Se!<; uk Begs, who may have been influenced I.2 (1894): 2030-31. 5.27, 5. R. Fleischer, "Ar­ effect of the pool at Tak-i-Bostan will be willing to credit the choices of sites with by an Iranian tradition of later times. For possible Lydian temis Anaitis von Hypaipa," Artemis van Ephesos (Leiden: regal hunting ground at cf. Strabo 13.1.17. E. J. Brill, 1973), pp. 185-87, pis. 75-76. 62A. R. Burn, Persia and the Greeks, c. 546-478 B.C. (Lon­ 65E. Akurgal, Kuns/Anal, "Persische Kunst," pp. 167-74, 59Xenophon Anabasis 1.2.1, "Xenias is to leave only as (1960): 53-56, discusses the name and relation to later don: Edward Arnold, 1962), pp. 113-14. esp. 171, fig. 115 (re-used parts), p. 321 n. 9-10; E. Akur­ many as were necessary to guard the ac­ name of Kibotos. Cf. also L. Robert, Hellenica 2 63Xenophon. Oeconomicus 4. 20-24. On his visit to gal, Anatolia 1 (1956): 20-24, pis. 7-12; K. Balkan, "In­ ropoleis." (1946): 75-76; W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Cyrus, the Spartan admiral Lysander praised the equal scribed Bullae from Daskylion-Erghili," Anatolia 4 (1959): 6°Kelainai: RE 11 (1921): 133-34; L. Robert, "Philologie et Plzrygia II, pp. 396-480, inscriptions nos. 281-351; Muller, spacing and the straightness of the rows of trees. Cyrus 123-28. Geographie," Anatolia 4 (1959): 5-7, on the road from Loom of History has an eloquent description of Dinar­ replies: "I ha e measured and designed all of this, and I 66Akurgal, Anatolia 1 (1956): 24, pis. 8-9; Kuns/Anal, pp. Kelainai-Dinar to Kolossai with much literature. L. Robert, Kelainai, pp. 1-31. did some of the planting myself," presumably shortly after 170-71, 115. "Inscription of the Sepulchral Stele from Sardis," AJA 64 407 B.c. Apparently the lay-out was quite geometric. 18 From Croesus to Constantine Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians 19

presumably tributary to the Persians, at Larisa-Bururn;:uk in the Hermus ! 67 pediment from a small maussoleum, very likely of a noble Persian or a high-placed Fig. 42 estuary. It resembles the palace constructed by the Persians at Babylon. 68 The f Lydian of the Persian era. 72 The piece was discovered at Sardis in 1968 and formed excavator, Karl Schefold, has dated the structure to ca. 550 B.c.-the Croesus i about half of the pediment or temple-like structure, rather like the Nereid monu­ era-but his earlier dating of ca. 530 B.c. is more plausible as it allows time for the ment at Xanthos. 73 Although the relief having been discovered about 2 meters influence of Persian palaces to reach Asia Minor after they had been constructed under the present bed of the Pactolus, is very much washed out, its soft well­ by Lydians and Ionians in the 550-530s at Pasargadae and Susa. 69 The same type i rounded style resembles the opulent reliefs of the "Satrap Sarcophagus"74 exe­ of. palace may have been envisaged in the famous siege scene of the Lycian I l cuted by Greek sculptors rather than the awkward linearism of the Daskylion prmcely funerary precinct of Gjolbasi-, shortly after 400 B.c.; only here the I reliefs. wings project more markedly than in Larisa. 70 l i A number of very careful investigations of the "banquetting scene" have been If the evidence for the Persian palace, fortress, and city is still evasive, the made by several scholars, notably by J. M. Dentzer. 75 The inscription and rep­ evidence for Persianizing funerary art in Anatolia has _been considerably enriched. I resentation of the bearded gentleman on the Daskylion stele seem to establish Three funerary stelai, from Daskylion itself (one of them inscribed in ), "Elnap son of SY," who invokes the Babylonian gods Bel and Nabu, and his Fig. 40 reveal in a very curious style the funerary cart of Persian form and also the iI associates portrayed on the stelae as" Aramaic speakers," as Semites. The Semites f~ne~ar\~eal with ~usban~ reclining and his ~eiled and crowned lady sitting by Fig. 41 I were carriers of that Irano-Semitic officialdom which effectively constituted the his side. The style 1s certamly not Achaememan court style but neither is it the I i administrative apparatus of the Persian Empire in the West. The iconographic style of Greek sculptors of the Aegean; it appears to be an Anatolian provincial resemblances all point in the direction of the Syro-Aramaic area, and beyond it to version of a Western Aramaic-Mesopotamian funerary tradition. It is striking how Mesopotamia, as in the famous relief of Asur-Banipal and his wife. 76 As A. Alfoldi much more Ionian the same subject of funerary meals presents itself as shown in a has shown, the banquet scene carried with it the connotation of high regal life of

67 the east and luxury, of which the Persian kings were considered the most eminent Larisa: Schefold, Propylaeen, p. 245, pl. 263 (new re­ 44-57, pls. 1-6; N. Dolunay, Istanbul Arkeoloji Miize/eri 77 construction) after JOA! 31 (1938-39): 42-45, and Biihlau examples. Yilligi 13-14 (1966): 97-117, pls. 1-7; F. M. Cross and G. M. and Schefold, Larisa I, pp. 153-56, pl. 30. 68 A. Hanfmann, "An Aramaic Inscription from Daskyle­ We have then in figurative arts various kinds of Persian impact. The greatest R. Koldewey, Die Ko11igsb11rge11 von Babylon Tei! 1 Die ion," and "The New Stelae from Daskyleion," BASOR 184 Sli'dburg = WVDOG 54, pp. 120-25, pl. 28 (tentative recon­ amount of Iranian subject matter and style is found in the luxury arts of the (1966): 7-13. It should be noted that the purely epigraphic struction), pis. 26-27 (actual plan and elevation as found). 69 date proposed by Cross would have been 450 B.c., lac.cit., satrapal courts, yet even here closer study reveals admixture of Anatolian and Pasargadae: Nylander, Io11ia11s, pp. 47, 69-70, 88-91, p. 8, n. 14. H. Miibius by letter on Oct. 10, 1967, and 102-21, fig. 386, palace of Croesus as possible model of Greek elements. Thus, John Boardman has just recently conclusively attributed to independently P. Bernard, have suggested that the stelae Larisa and Pasargadae. Milesians were deported to the were earlier, Aramaic inscriptions having been added Sardis some two hundred pyramidal seals of chalcedony, agate, and rock crystal. region of Susa in 494 B.c., Herodotus 6.18-22, H. Luschey later. (The thought expressed by Bernard that they are in Schefold, Propylaeen, pl. 350a. A similar synthesis of Their motifs are usually Persian (as the horned griffin or the crowned bearded re-used Greek stelae is not tenable). See also, M. J. Mel­ Greek and Persian elements might have occurred at the Figs. 43, 44 link, AJA 69 (1965): 148; Art Treasures, p. 90, no. 128 ill. P. sphinx), but their inscriptions are Lydian-and only one owner's name is Iranian palace of Daskylion where, according to Akurgal, the Bernard, "Les bas-reliefs greco-perses de Dascylion a la 78 Fig. 43 town was never inhabited by Anatolians but was a Greek (Mitratas), the others all Lydian. The inscription shown in figure 43 reads maneli. lumiere de nouvelles decouvertes," RA (1969), fasc. 1, foundation. The name, however, is Lydian, and permis­ 17-28; J. Teixidor, "Bulletin d'epigraphie Semitique," Syria sion for Greeks to settle was given by Gyges so the 45 (1968): 375-77; R. S. Hanson, "Aramaic Funerary and 72S69.14:8047. Cf. 199 (1970): 38-39, fig. 29; 75 Lydians might have had some share in the beginning. BASOR Ar­ Dentzer, RA (1969), fasc. 2, 195-224; RA (1971), fasc. 2, 7 Boundary Inscriptions from Asia Minor," BASOR 192 c/111eology 23 (1970): 252, fig: Mellink, AJA 74 (1970): 173; °F. Eichler, Die Reliefs de Heroons von Gjolbaschi-Trysn 215-58; E. Akurgal, lmnica A11/iq11n 6 (1966): 152-54; R. N._ (1968): 3-11; J. Borchhardt, "Epichorische, grako-persisch (Wien: Franz Deuticke, 1950), pp. 23-26, 61-62, pl. 18:A Hanfmann, Melanges Mansel (Ankara, 1974), pp. 289-301, Thiinges-Stringaris, "Das griechische Totenmahl," Ath­ 7-8, B 10, fig. 8. beinflusste Reliefs in Kilikien," IstMitt 18 (1968): 192-99, pls. 99-102a. Mill 80 (1965): 1-99; I. Kleemann, ls/Fo 20 (1958): 112. 73 71 pls. 40-42, 44, 45.2, 46, 47.2, 48, 50 with complete bib!. to Nereid monument: Coupe! and P. Demargne, 76 ].-M. Dentzer, "Reliefs au 'banquet' dans !' Asie P.. Dentzer, RA (1971), fasc. 2, 221, fig. 1, p. 218. 1968; H. Miibius, "Zu den Stelen von Daskyleion," AA Xn11/hos 3 (1969); G. Niemann and E. Reisch, Oas 11 A. Alfiildi, "Zur Geschichte des Throntabernakels," Mineure du Ve siecle av. J.-C.," RA (1969), fasc. 2, pp. (1971): 442-55; G. M. A. Hanfmann, "A Pediment of the (Wien: E. Holze!, 1921); 200-5, fig. 2; E. Akurgal, "Griechisch-Persische Reliefs aus Nereide11-Mo111111ze11/ in Xn11thos La 11011velle Clio 2 (1950): 537-66. Persian Era from Sardis," Melanges Mansel (Ankara, 1974), Picard, Manuel 2:2 (1939): 864; A. H. Smith, BMC 2 (1900): 78 Daskyleion," Imnirn Antiqun 6 (1966): 147-56; A. Dupont­ J. Boardman, Iran 8 (1970): 39, nos. 4, 5, pl. I, pp. 20-21 pp. 295-99. I see no cogent objections to dating all of the Sommer, "Une Inscription Arameenne Inedite d'Epoque 4-5, 38 no. 924, fig. 1; W. R. Lethaby, /HS 35 (1915): 214. for Lydian inscriptions. Cf. also R. Gusmani, "Onomastica stelae to the first half of the fifth century, a dating made 74 Perse Trouvee a Daskyleon (Turquie)," CRAJ (1966): Satrap Sarcophagus: I. Kleemann, Der Satrapensnr­ Iranica nei Testi Epicorici Lidi," in Umanila e Starin, Seri/Ii advisable by the early forms of palmette-lotus finials. kophag nus , /s/Fo 20 (1958). in 011ore di Ade/chi Attis1111i (Naples, 1971), pp. 1-8. 21 20 Fro/II Croesus to Co11sta11ti11e Sardis, Croesus, and the Persians I With the Nereid monument of Xanthos, 81 the Lycian art attained at once a In sculpture, more markedly Aramaic-Anatolian are such linear somewhat more sophisticated and more markedly Hellenized level (presumably prompted provincial reliefs as those of Daskylion and Hypaepa; the most sophisticated level ! is also the most heavily Hellenized-as in the new pediment from Sardis and the by migrant Greek masters), a true forerunner of the great _Car~an _art program ! carried on by the dynasty of Hekatomnidae of Caria and culmmatmg m the Maus- sarcophagus found at Sidon. The Iranian element is found in subject matter and externals of costume but hardly influences the style. soleum of Helicarnassus. We shall next examine the purely or primarily Greek developments in west- The Persian penetration remained limited in geographical extent and in ern Anatolian cities. It is well to remember, however, that in late archaic times and depth. At Sardis, for instance, the Persians or their Lydian helpers seem to have during much of the Persian era we deal with surprisingly great co_ntrasts: thus at provided better water supply, and possibly public fountains, but the native ar­ the same time that a presumably Anatolian craftsman was creatmg the strange chitecture remained basically unchanged, as did the popular crafts of pottery and, Figs. 40, 41 and awkward semi-Anatolian, semi-Oriental monuments for Elnap and other indeed, the general "material culture." Expressions of art such as sculpture and "Aramaeans" at Daskylion, a Phidias, a Polykleitos, and a Kresilas, the greatest painting remained disparate and dissociated into different styles and different sculptors in the history of the world, were engaged in producing in purest Hel­ social strata. Theoretically, a synthesis would have been possible of native lenic and in the most classical style, the famous statues of Amazons for the Anatolian customs, of Persian military and personal elevation of rulers by luxury Figs. 46-48 and figurative propaganda, and of the aesthetic anthropomorphism of archaic and Artemision at Ephesus. 82 then classical Greek art, but this does not seem to have happened at the satrapal courts. s1Cf. n. 73, above. s2cf. ch. 2, n. 1. It was the local rulers of a fairly independent mountain country, the "Wolfs­ land," , who strove to emulate the satraps and who seemed to have achieved something of a "synthesis" in architecture, sculpture, and as very recent dis­ coveries have taught us, in painting. This synthesis for Lycian architecture and sculpture of the Persian era has been pointed out by E. Akurgal, G. Rodenwaldt, and more recently by French scholars working at Xanthos. 79 Now discoveries of archaic and Persian period paintings found in chamber tombs of Kizilbel, two miles south of Elmali, have greatly enriched the scope of our materials80; s~a­ Fig. 45 faring, warriors' departures, and local mythology in Greek guise attest a style which, while drawing on Eastern Greek experience is yet markedly original. I agree with the discoverer, M. J. Mellink, that these paintings should be consid­ ered Anatolian or Lycian achievements. A later painting shows more clearly (as do the sculptures of Xanthos) the introduction of Achaemenian elements glorifying the life of rulers-among them the winged disk and the banquet scene.

79P. Demargne, H. Metzger et al., Fouilles de Xanthos I 80M. J. Mellink, "The Painted Tomb Near Elmali," AJA (1958), II (1963), III (1969), IV (1972); K. Schefold, 74 (1970): 251-52, pls. 59-61; "Excavations at Elmali, "Xanthos und Siidanatolien," Antike Kunst 13 (1970): 1971," AJA 76 (1972): 263-68, pis. 58-60; "Excavations at 79-84; Akurgal, KunstAnat, pp. 122-49, figs. 77-101 and Elmali, 1972," AJA 77 (1973): 297-303, pis. 43-46; "Notes for recent bib!. Civilizations, p. 364. Relations to Persians: on Anatolian Wall Painting," Melanges Mansel (Ankara, G. Rodenwaldt, "Griechische Reliefs in Lykien," SSBerli11 1974), pp. 543-46, pis. 163-70. See also G. Neumann, (1933): 1030, 1041-43. For cf. chapter 2 below and J. "Neue Funde und Forschungen in Lykien," Jahrb11ch des Borchhardt, "Limyra: Sitz des lykischen Dynasten Perikle­ Akademie der Wissenschaften in Giitti11ge11 (1971): 34-49 for s," Is/Mitt 17 (1967): 151-67. excavations in other Lycian graves.

I Hellenizntion Takes Command 23

and devastation in western Anatolia and especially along the west coast. Recovery and prosperity seem to have come with the weakening of Persian rule during the fourth century. 3 Amazons were closely allied with the history of the sanctuary in Ephesus. II. Hellenization Takes Command According to the Hellenistic poet Kallimachos, they were the first servants of the goddess (Hymn. Artem. 237-247). At Ephesus, on local altars they had obtained "pardons" from Herakles and from Theseus. Perhaps because of this they were represented on the fourth century altar of Artemis. 4 Fig. 57 Culturally, it is ascertainable from inscriptions that the Greek language was gaining ground against the Anatolian tongues in Lydia, Caria, and Mysia. Around 340 B.C., a Lydian thought it necessary to make his dedication to Artemis in )' Lydian and Greek. 5 What an extraordinary sight it must have been to see this array of four or even five The eastward progress of the Hellenization of Anatolia was vigorous, though Figs. 46-48 bronze Amazons, all wounded, and all on display before the great archaic not always at an even rate. Sardis, the Lydian capital, became a Greek city during Croesa~ temple of Artemis in Ephesus with the greatest sculptors in history the third century B.c. Its complete repeopling-synoikismos-by Antiochus III put competmg for the attention of the judges. 1 the seal on the transition. The colossal temple of Artemis, the fourth largest Ionic The time was about 435 B.c. and this visit of Phidias, Polykleitos, and Kresilas temple known, had a huge marble image of Zeus-perhaps assimilated to look was a high point of high classical influence. But this high classical style was like the ruler-pretender Achaeus (king, 220-213 B .c .) . 6 conveyed by visiting artists and statuary imported from the Greek mainland and The mixed Greek-Iranian arts seen in western Anatolia in the sixth and fifth islands-not by native Ionian sculptors of Asia Minor. centuries receded toward the periphery to the regions of Cappadocia and Pontus A visit to eastern Greece, to Ionia, soon became almost de rigeur for ambi­ where Iranian princes still ruled, 7 or to southeastern Anatolia and Syria, to Com­ tious young mainland sculptors in the fourth century B.c., somewhat, perhaps, like magene, where they survived into the first century B.C. 8 ~isits to America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries for enterpris­

mg European musicians and opera stars. Thus, Praxiteles went to Asia Minor, as 3M. I. Rostovtzeff, The Social a11d Economic History of tile 1:1 (1928): 66, 86, figs. 132, B 215-16, fragment of fine did the four famous sculptors active at the Maussoleum-Timotheos, already Hellenistic World 1 (Oxford, 1941), p. 81. Scythian cap with laurel wreath (hence not in fight but in 4 elderly, Scopas, Leochares, and Bryaxis. 2 G. W. Elderkin, "Theseus and the Metropolitan ritual, perhaps as supplicants) suggests presence of Ama­ Amazon," Art in America 23 (1935): 129-34, has rightly ob­ zons, possibly in combat with Greeks. The essential in­ ~her: were historical, economic, and cultural reasons for the change we served that it is peculiar that the motive prescribed for the formation is in Picard, Manuel 2:1 (1939), p. 300, n. 3. perceive m eastern Greece during the classical period. All through the fifth cen­ competition was not that of a sacrificing Amazon, or an 5The famous inscription of Nannas Diony- Amazon at ease-which would have befitted their tra­ sokleos = Na1111as Bakivalis: R. Gusmani, LW (1964), tury, until the end of the war between Athens and Sparta (404 B.c.), and indeed, ditional role in the sanctuary, but the pathetic motif of the no. 20; W. H. Buckler, Sardis 6.2 (1924), no. 20, p. 38, pl. 8. until the so-called King's Peace of 386 B.c., there had been much violent fighting wounded-perhaps still defiant-but defeated Amazon. 6 G. M. A. Hanfmann, BASOR 166 (1962): 34, fig. 27, This could only be interpreted as defeat of the East by the colossal head of Achaeus; idem, Sardis und Lydie11 (1960), p. Greeks, but the conception of the heroic, barbaric oppo­ 528; D. Magie, Roman Rule I, 9-11 (Achaeus); L. Robert, '"They made Amazons to be dedicated in the Temple of clzaeology 12 (1959): 111-15; D. von Bothmer, Amazons in nent is in a way the forerunner of the defiant, heroic NIS (1963): 9-21 (on Antiochus III). Artemis," wrote Pliny It is not clear whether N.H.34.53. Greek Art, pp. 216-22, pl. 89; B. S. Ridgway, "A Story of Gauls. A. Bammer wrote (May 3, 1971) that the Amazon 7H. von Gall, AA (1967): 585-87. the alleged competition was organized by the people of Five Amazons," AJA 78 (1974): 1-18. relief was found in 1900 near the theater with pieces of 8Commagene-Nemrud Dag-Arsameia: F. Dorner, T. Ephesus or by the temple authorities. Cf. G. M. A. Rich­ 2 Pliny N.H.36.30. For Praxiteles cf. Picard, Manuel 3:1 altar architecture. According to Bammer, it belongs to the Goell, Arsmneia am Nymplzaios, Is/Fa 23 (1963); D. Schlum­ ter, Sculpture and Sculptors of the Greeks, 4th ed. (New (1948), pp. 556-57; B. Ashmole, "Demeter of Cnidus," /HS inner corner of the fourth century B.c. altar, AA (1968): berger, L'orie11I lzel/e11ise, pp. 41:_56; Akurgal, Civilizatio11s, Haven: Yale University Press, 1970), pp. 174-75, figs. 71 (1951): 13-25 (on Leochares); J. H. Jongkees, "New 400-23, fig. 28. If a Roman copy, it would have been a pp. 346-51, bib!. 361, 364. 662-64, 671, 700; Richter, "Pliny's Five Amazons," Ar- Statues by Bryaxis," /HS 68 (1948): 29-39. repair. For possible archaic Amazons, cf. F. N. Pryce, BMC

22 24 From Croesus to Constantine Hellenizfltion Takes Command 25

Historically, it is customary to take the Persian occupation from the fall of this sufficiently important achievement and for his advanced city plans of Miletus Croesus in 547 B.c. to the arrival of in 334 B.C. as one historic and Piraeus, but also for inventing the grid plan, which had actually been used period. Culturally and artistically, however, something may be gained by view­ long before at Ephesus, , and in much earlier, non-Greek places. ing, as a unit the period from the Persian defeat at M ykale (479) through the early We have seen that in the Croesus era, the focal points in terms of concentra­ and high Hellenistic ages until the Romans appeared on the scene and inherited tion of power and attraction for the arts in the Anatolian inland cities were the the Kingdom of Pergamon in 133 B. c. palaces and the temples, with the temples far more significant in artistic terms. In I am making this statement in the light of our experience at Sardis where the archaic coastal Greek cities it was the temple, and agora, and then the port-again urban pattern, domestic architecture, and material culture of daily life showed with the temple far outweighing all else in terms of monumentality of architecture only gradual change under Alexander and his immediate successors, but were and wealth of artistic expression. Hippodamus acknowledged the importance of radically changed after the destruction in 213 B.c. sacred tradition when he reserved one third of the land for sacred purposes in his Asia Minor has been viewed as a kind of pilot plant of history, experimenting ideal state. Another third he reserved for support of the warrior class; and one during the classical age with things which were to become popular in the Hellenis­ third for farmers. "His system" wrote Aristotle, "was for a city with a population tic world. This is certainly true of urbanism, for _i,t was eastern Greece which of ten thousand, divided into three classes, artisans, farmers, and warriors" pioneered the kind of city planning that was to be carried to and Africa and (Politics II.5-1267b). Fig. 49 through Asia to India by Alexander the Great and his successors. It has been suggested that since farmers did not live in the city, the city would Figs. 50, 51 Miletus is a vast, nearly level site, quite difficult to comprehend. The only real have been divided into a sacred area, and a residential area owned by the warriors eminence, that of the theater, also indicates approximately the position of the but inhabited also by the nonlandowning artisans. 10 ancient waterfront with the Lion Harbor to the north and the Theater Harbor to From the example of Miletus one would surmise that Hippodamus included the south. The fine domed mosque, erected by Prince Elyas of Mentese in 1404, most public buildings in his "sacred" area. For the classical planners, public areas now marks to some extent the position of the major north-south artery which of the city were still hallowed by divine presence and protection. Thus, when the passed by the place now occupied by the mosque, and issued from a southern city city of was vastly enlarged and replanned, the refounding began with a gate as the Sacred Road leading to the sanctuary of Apollo at , about 12 procession and prayers offered at all the altars of gods, goddesses, and heroes by miles to the south. 9 priests, priestesses, the supreme magistrate (prytanist and the Urban Renewal The reconstruction of Miletus, begun around 470 B.c., was an early example Committee of Ten. 11 It is noteworthy that Hippodamus did not envisage the ideal of a rationalized city plan; it was also the largest urban planning project hitherto city as having a population larger than seven thousand people, if three thousand attempted by the Greeks. Like some latter day urban planners, Hippodamus of lived outside the city itself. Miletus itself, however, was laid out on a remarkably Miletus seems to have been vocat explicit, good with his pen, and something of a large scale, in an area of about two hundred fifty acres, certainly for a population showman. He was perhaps the first socially conscious city planner, the first to much larger than ten thousand. 12 And the very striking trend during the fourth associate Greek speculation on the ideal city-state which was a favorite subject of century is for remarkably long defensive walls and large city areas (although the the classical age with actual experience in city planning. He got credit not only for city areas were clearly not completely built up).

10G. P.R. Metraux, Westem GreeK Land Use a11d City Plr111- city planning committee at all altars of gods, goddesses, 11i11g in the Archaic Period (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, heroes; (2) appointment of architect; (3) layout of streets, 9 Miletus and Hippodamus: Aristotle Politics II.5.12676; Coordination of Ancient and Modern Studies, the Univer­ 1972). assignment and sale of lots; (4) reservation by the commit­ A. von Gerkan, Griec/1. Stiidte (1924), pl. 6; Martin, Ur­ sity of Michigan (Ann Arbor, 1973), pp. 16-18. J. R. 11Colophon: Martin, Urba11is111e, p. 55, citing the famous tee of agora, shops, all public spaces; (5) fund raising for banis111e, pp. 97-106, 124-25, figs. 6, 15; G. Kleiner, Rui11e11, Mccredie, "Hippodamos of Miletos," Studies Ha11f111a1111, inscription concerning extension and refounding of the city walls. L. Robert, "Decrits de Kolophon," RevPhil ser. p. 25 notes the possibility that parts of pre-Hippodamian pp. 95-100. The attribution of the plan of Miletus is a city. A transcription of this exemplary information is given 3, vol 10 (1936): 158-70. Miletus may have had rectagonal (grid) layout. Cf. Charles modern conjecture not based on ancient references. by B. D. Meritt, "Inscriptions of Colophon," AJP 56 (1935): 12cf. W. Bendt, Topogmpl1ische Karte vo11 Mi/et Mi/et Il.4 Blessing, "The Form of Cities in Perspective," Center for 361-72: (1) prayers by priests, priestesses, city officials, (Berlin, 1968). 26 From Croesus to Constantine Hellenization Takes Command 27

As to the emphasis and position of the arts, the typical "Milesian" type layout Ephesus changed locations and adopted modernized grid plans. So probably, did defined the "sacred public" area or areas by subtraction of a certain number of Sardis, though somewhat later. 17 The reasons were not always the same but an blocks. Thus in Miletus itself, a kind of hinge was created owing to the existence Figs. 50, 51 important factor affected the coast: undoubtedly the land had sunk while rivers of two major harbors. This public zone included three open Pi-shaped agorai were piling up alluvial plains and silting up earlier harbors. This had affected (north, south, and west). The hallowing shrines, that of Athena (going back Priene and Miletus; and the site of archaic Smyrna (Bayrakli) too, became possibly to the Bronze Age) and that of Apollo Delphinios held emphatic, though landlocked. 18 peripheral positions. "The two sanctuaries were the starting points for the Priene is our best preserved example of a small Hellenistic grid town. The Fig. 52 planned renewal of the city," says G. Kleiner. 13 Clearly, respect for sacred tradi­ city's houses consisted of the old palace unit, the megaron 19 on a small scale tions was a strong consideration. Placed on both sides of the Theater Bay, in new combined with the old rustic court plan of the Anatolian village house, but Figs. 53, 6 monumental forms for the traditional athletic functions, the theater and the rationalized and built of permanent materials, at times even of regular masonry. stadium were apparently also planned in the fourth century B.c. Rooms built for comfort were raised to imposing heights of 5.5 to 6 meters. The The city government was probably placed close to the center of the oldest ungainly materials such as stone rubble or mud brick were now concealed behind market, the North Market, in the so-called "Prytaneion."14 Built only in the sec­ painted stucco which imitated marble walls. Such walls were ~onceived as _str~c­ ond century B.c., the council house placed between the North and South Markets tured along the lines of public buildings and did, at times, mclude loggia-like monumentalized the traditional, deliberative body, symbolic of democratic gov­ 20 ernment. pilaster supports in their upper parts. In archaic Sardis we noted the contrast between the splendor of temple and Fig. 50 Miletus, with its enormous trade, incorporated in her markets the most sub­ palace and the rustic modesty of habitations. Archaic Smyrna was only different stantial examples of commercial buildings. The market took the form of a stoa, a in the degree of contrast. However, the social downward levelling brought fea­ colonnade accompanied by single or double row of shops. The South Market, said tures of both the temple and the palace into the houses of the citizens. Painting to be the largest of all Greek markets, covered over eight acres (33,000 square joined architecture in enhancing the attractivenes.s of the dwellings. Made of meters). Its east hall was known in ancient inscriptions as "Stadium Stoa" be­ materials hitherto essentially limited to palace and temple, marble tables, marble cause it was a stade long (196.45 meters). Built under Antiochus I (280-261 B.c.) stands, and bronze and ivory beds, were among the furnishings through which the seventy-eight triple-chambered stores provided income to support the huge 21 sanctuary of Apollo at Didyma.1s private houses began to claim palatial aesthetic values. . . At the same time, the old Anatolian acropolis-palace came back ma grandiose The Milesian planners have been rightly praised for assembling previously and monumental form. As Roland Martin has acutely recognized there arose in dispersed elements of the Greek agora into "an organic unity," for creating by skillful use of colonnades "un edifice unifie ... susceptible aux multiples fonc­ 17Priene: T. Wiegand and H. Schrader, Priene, p. 35; M. 19Schede, R11i11e11, figs. 118, 120 (House XXXIII); C. M. tions qu'il devait assumer. "16 Schede, Rui11en, pp. 2-3. Smyrna: Cadoux, pp. 94-97 Havelock, Hellenistic Art (New York Graphic Society, (Alexander's dream, Pausanias 7.5.1), p. 100 (actual foun­ 1971), pp. 76-77, fig. 52 (House XXXIII), pp. 73-74, figs. Developed from a wedding of geometrical theory, rationalization of social dation by Lysimachos); Akurgal, Civilizations, p. 121. 43, 44 (plan and model of Priene). The design for the new life, and simplicity of layout, the Milesian city plan became a great success. It was Ephesus: J. Keil, Fiihrer, pp. 20-21; Akurgal, Civilizations, town was, of course, late classical, drawn up around 350 p. 143; F. Miltner, Eplzesos, pp. 13-14, stated that the wall B,c. but most of the buildings were Hellenistic. notably assisted by the curious phenomenon of cites errantes, "wandering cities." of Lysimachos is 9 km. (ca. 5 miles) long and the area is 4 20Schede, R11i11e11, ch. 12, pp. 96-97, figs. 112-13, incised In the late fourth and early third centuries B.c. Colophon, Priene, Smyrna, and sq. km. or on the order of 4000 acres. He assumes that the and plastic ashlar; fig. 115, window frame of terracotta. center of civic life was the precinct and altar of Hestia 21Schede, Ruinen, p. 98, fig. 121, marble table (round 13 Kleiner, R11i11m, pp. 25-26, Delphinion at the entrance Boulaia, p. 15, fig. 9. Sardis: Apparently the city was support); statuettes of marble and clay, figs. 122, 123. G. 14Kleiner, R11i11e11, fig. 29. to the North Agora and Main Street, Athena over the West shifted eastward away from the Pactolus by the planners M.A. Richter, Ancient Furniture (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 15Kleiner, Rui11e11, pp. 61-62, fig. 37. Agora. As the sites of the sanctuaries predated the plan, it for Zeuxis, Vice-Regent for Antiochus III (213 B.c.), 1926), p. 79 (ivory table legs). 16Martin, Urba11is111e, p. 275. must have been developed with respect for the sacred BASOR 182 (1966): 25; J. G. Pedley, Sardis, p. 12. traditions. 18Kleiner, Rui11e11, pp. 2-5, figs. 4, 5; Schede, R1ti11e11, pp. 1-3, figs. 2, 3. 28 From Croesus to Constantine Hellenization Takes Command 29

Asia Minor a new school of urban planning. 22 Working with three-dimensional (April 13, 1971), "there exist remains of walls and foundations technically com­ units which emphasized vertical as well as horizontal composition, the new de­ parable to those of the Maussoleum." signs strove for a more dynamic and monumental environment than the linear The building program undertaken by Kings Attalos I and Eumenes II of Milesian grid based on two-dimensional geometry could provide. The new ap­ Pergamon during the late third and early second century B.c. presents the most proach also paid much greater heed to the configuration of the landscape and striking example of this new, dramatic urbanism. The architects of Pergamon Fig. 56 utilized the site to create dramatic views. 23 monumentalized and exaggerated the existing natural theater of the site, which in This development may have been pioneered during the late classical age by principle was like Sardis-an offshoot from a mountain range dominating a river the Hekatomnid dynasty, the dynasty of Maussolus, known to some extent by the valley. A mountain city is usually densely cramped but the Pergamene composi­ buildings at Labranda and the rebuilding of in Southwest Asia 27 24 tion opened its units magnificently toward the landscape. Enjoying the vast Minor. The magnificent site of Halicarnassus rises like an open-air theater Figs. 54, 55 panoramas from Pergamon's windswept heights, we can experience an integra­ around the wooded bay. Although inaccurate in detail, Fritz Krischen's sketch tion of landscape and architecture which is one of the great accomplishments of evokes the general impression of Hekatomnid Halicarnassus from the major ap­ dynamic Hellenistic art. 28 proach to the city, that is, the approach from the sea. 25 From the fifteenth century But was Pergamon really comparable to Versailles, as M. Collignon had of our era until the present day, the city has been dominateu by the magnificent suggested?29 True, it was powerful King Eumenes II, who as Strabo observed Castle of Saint Peter (built between 1404 and 1480); but the ancient city was (13.624), "built up the city [polin], planted a grove in the Nikephorion, and gave dominated not by the palace but by the tomb-the famous Maussoleum: Aere nee votives and libraries and raised the Pergamene urban area [katoikian] to the beauty vacuo pendentia Mausolea (Martial De Spectaculis I.5). Seemingly suspended in the which she shows to this day .... " On the one hand, the royal palaces and arsenals air, its pyramid formed the visual center of the waterfront, symbolizing the im­ were at the top of the height, and the gods, Athena and Zeus, had their mortalization of the ruler after death, not his activities on earth. stations-the Athena Precinct, the Altar of Zeus-lower than the kings. On the Fig. 56 Excavations by Kristian Jeppesen have shown that the Maussoleum stood in a other hand, the palaces did not unite into a vast monumental complex in the vast rectangular precinct (marked by arrow in figure 54) some 242.5 meters Oriental and Persian tradition. They remained a series of enlarged peristyle court long-running parallel to the shore-which was never finished. 26 houses of the same type as those of classical residential urban dwellings. 30 Until recently we knew nothing about the palace of Maussolus except what Architecturally, these kings did not claim to dwarf humanity. Neither did the Roman writer Vitruvius-following a Hellenistic source-wrote: "everything they do so in other arts. To represent their battles with the Gauls as parallel to was revetted with marble from Prokonnesos and the walls had stucco so polished gods and giants, and to Greeks and Persians, was only to assert the customary that it gleamed like glass" (Vitruvius 2.8.10). Now Jeppesen surmises that the classical heroization through mythical precedents. The truly novel ideological palace was under the Castle of Saint Peter, where, as Jeppesen writes in a letter element of the propaganda by the Pergamenes was their insistence on their role as 22Martin, "Pergame et l'urbanisme monumentale," to the Tower of Babel ... " and thought that Maussolus Kulturtraeger of the heritage of Hellas. They created a Greek library, second only to Urb11nis111e, pp. 127-51. wanted to compete with the tomb of Persian King Cyrus at Alexandria, and assembled the first Royal Art Museum brought together for the 23P. Lehmann, "The Setting of Hellenistic Temples," Pasargadae. The former idea may have some merit, sake of aesthetic values, that is, for the sake of possessing famous "classical" art. Joumal of the Society of Architectural Historians 13 (1954): though the Pyramids of Egypt, already proverbial for 15-20. 24 Herodotus, must' be considered as models. The scale and Labranda: Swedish Excavations and Researches character of the tomb of Cyrus are so totally different that K. Jeppesen, I:1, The Propylaia (Lund: Gleerup, 1955); A. any idea of connection with the Maussoleum is ludicrous. 27Plan of Pergamon: Martin, Urbanis111e, pp. 131-43, fig. 30Martin, Urba11is111e, pp. 235-36, fig. 47; p. 144, pl. IX; A. Westbohn, I:2 The Architecture of the (Lund, 1963); P. Cf. chapter 1 above and figs. 37, 38. 17, pis. VII.1, IX.1; Havelock, Hellenistic Art, figs. 74-78. W. Lawrence, Greek Architecture, pp. 277-78, fig. 163. G. Hellstrom, II:1 Pottery of Classical a11d Later Date (Lund, 26 K. Jeppesen, "Excavations at Halicarnassus," ActaA 38 28G. M. A. Hanfmann, "Hellenistic Art," DOPapers 17 Kawerau and T. Wiegand, Die Palaeste der Hochburg 1965); J. Crampa, Greek Inscriptio11s I (Lund, 1969). (1967): 29-58. "The Site of the Maussoleum at Halicarnas­ 25 (1963): 83, 88; Berve-Gruben, pis. 171, 175. (Altertii111er vo11 Pergamon V.1) (on Pergamon palaces); F. Krischen, Weltwu11der, p. 72, pl. 25; Krischen saw in sus Reexcavated," AJA 77 (1973), pp. 336-38, pis. 63-64. 29M. Collignon and E. Pontremoli, Perga111e (Paris: L. Akurgal, Civilizatio11s, p. 81. the Maussoleum "a tower rising over the city, comparable Henry May, 1898), p. 229; Martin, Urbnnisme, p. 127. 30 From Croesus to Constantine Hellenization Takes Command 31

It is unfortunate that so little is known about this museum. 31 We can see the statues, not reliefs. 36 Recent Austrian excavations have begun to produce beauti­ change in the function of sculpture, however, and in the change of Athena from ful fragments of the architectural decoration of the altar. 37 There are also frag­ the protecting divinity of an entire polis in the Parthenon, to a protectress of ments of colossal statues, one possibly from an Amazon. A wonderful horsehead, professors in the Library of Pergamon. 32 probably from a processional chariot, combines superlative delicacy with fiery I would like to examine now the changing role of sculpture in the life of the spirit. 38 This was part of a statuary group and A. Bammer (by letter, May 3, 1971) cities. First, some general observations on the social loci of sculpture. The temple suggested that it may have stood separately on the roof of the colonnade around and the temple precinct remained important as receptacles of sculpture. The high­ the altar. The excavators also believe that the altar was adorned with a figurative est honors for the kaueis (kaves), the Lydian-titled priestess of Sardis, for the frieze, perhaps of Amazons. According to the local legend, the wounded Ama­ stephanophoros, priest of Zeus in Priene, and for the highest priests, priestesses, zons had begged the Greeks for mercy at this very altar. 39 Fig, 57 and of:icials in general were statues placed in the major sanctuary of the city. But The motif of frontal figures in architectural compartments was resumed the attitude toward sculptured decoration of the temple in Ionia was ambivalent. around the middle of the second century B.c. in the altar of the sanctuary of Pytheos, the herald of Ionian Renaissance in architecture in the late classical era Athena in Priene. Most scholars assume that small panels with scenes from the Figs. 72, 73, 74 (ca. 350 B.c.) permitted sculptures galore on the Maussoleum, but kept his exem­ gigantomachy held the place on the podium which the Amazons had on the altar plary temple of Athena in Priene chastely devoid of a figured frieze. 33 in Ephesus, while large frontal figures perhaps of priestesses stood between the Where ancient colossal temples were renovated, as the Artemision of engaged Ionic columns of the upper story. 40 A similar arrangement occurred on Fig. 20 Ephesus, the precedent of archaic sculptures was followed. The column drums of the altar of the sanctuary of Artemis Leukophryene in Magnesia on the Maeander, the Artemision of Ephesus, built after the fire of 356, were again decorated, where the design may have been made by the classicistic architect and theorist perhaps by Scopas (Pliny 36.95), though apparently with mythological not pro­ Hermogenes. 41 These altars, with their isolated, statuesque, frontal figures have cessional figures. It is now thought that the round reliefs were carved below the necks of the capitals, not on the bases. 34 During the classicistic revival around the 36Picard, Manuel 3:1 (1948), pp. 620-22. time of Orophernes, 158 B.c.: A. von Gerkan, "Der Altar 37Fragrnents of altar: A. Barnrner's latest report at hand, des Athenatempels in Prien~," Bo1111er Jahrbucher 129 middle of the second century B.c., inspired by the architect Hermogenes, the "Tempel und Altar der Artemis von Ephesos," JOA! (1924): 15-35. Detailed evaluation of gigantornachy and traditional Ionic figured frieze was brought back, though not very convincingly, as Beiblatt 48 (1966-67): 22--43 states (p. 23) that he has "noth­ comparison with Pergamon frieze: A. Schober, "Zur ing to add to the proposed_ reconstruction (Festsc/1rift Eich­ Gigantomachie von Priene," JOA! 30 (1936): 28---49, figs. in the temple of Artemis at Magnesia. 3 5 ler, pp. 10-22) of the superstructure over the three wings 3-10. C. Praschniker, "Die Gigantornachie-Reliefs von There was a much more sustained conviction that the altar at which the actual of the altar which does include a Figurenfries." For the Priene," ibid., pp. 45--49, suggests on the analogy of Belevi ritual took place deserved significant sculptured decoration. A monument of fragments of wonderful double maeanders with rosettes, that the gigantomachyand possible amazonomachy reliefs insects, dolphins, and birds, cf. A. Bammer, Festschrifl from Priene were reliefs of coffered ceilings, and that the greatest importance for the future was the late classical altar of Artemis at Eichler, figs. 3-12. amazon scenes might belong to the time of Pytheos, the Fig. 57 Ephesus. In a somewhat involved passage, Strabo (14.641) who cites an earlier 38Horse and chariot group: Bammer, JOA! Beibl. 48 fourth century n.c. Praschniker's technical and other ob­ (1966-67): 39, fig. 15; horse and altar view, AJA 74 (1970): jections seem quite serious. He pointed out that according source, says that the "altar was pretty much [schedon ti] full of works by Prax­ 172, pl. 45:22. Over a dado course with upright lattice or to Newton (Antiquities of Ionia IV, p. 33) the reliefs were iteles." It has been conjectured that these works by Praxiteles might have been pilaster motif similar to Ara Pacis was the rnaeander and found "in the ruins of the temple," according to Pullan, above it the figurative frieze of Amazons. This part formed "in pronaos," (p. 29), and according to Rayet, "within the

31 the podium for a wall with Ionic half-columns outside and ." G. Gruben in Berve-Gruben, pp. 478-80, is appar­ E. V, Hansen, Attn/ids, pp. 289-90, 321. 33 32 Pytheos, temple of Athena, Priene: Schede, Ruinen, p. (Ionic?) pteron inside, JOA! Beibl. 48 (1966-67): 24; ently unaware of Praschniker's objections. Hansen, Attn/ids, pp. 321-22 (statue of Athena in Li­ 28, figs. 32, 34, 35; 0. Bauer, "Vorlaufiger Bericht i.iber die Fesfschrift Eichler, pp. 20-21, fig. 13. 41Magnesia: Podium reliefs never finished. Divinities in brary of Pergamon); A. H. Smith, BMC II (1900): 146, Neubearbeitung des Athenaternpels zu Priene in der 39For the legend, cf. Picard, Manuel 2:1 (1939), p. 300, upper story: W. von Massow, Fiihrer durch das Perga111011- 152-53, no. 1150:1--4 (statue of Athena, Priene). It stood on Jahren 1965/66," ls/Mitt 18 (1968): 212-20. n. 3. 111useu111, p. 31, fig. 23; C. Humann, Magnesia mn Mneander, a base dated by coins of Orophernes to 158 a.c. Left foot 34 A. Barnrner, "Zurn ji.ingeren Arternision," JOA! 47 40Aitar, Priene: W. von Massow, Fiihrer durch dns Per­ pp. 91-102, fig. 93; A. von Gerkan, Der Altar des Arle111is­ with join and bronze sandal straps, Society of Dilettanti, (1964-65): 131-35, figs. 77, 79. ga111011111use111n, p. 24, fig. 14; Schede, Rui11e11, p. 36, figs. Te111pels in Mag11esia a111 Miia11der (Berlin, 1929), pp. 23-24, Antiquities of Ionia 4 (London: Macmillan, 1881), p. 31, fig. 35 C. Humann, Magnesia nm Maennder, pp. 84-89, 184-85, 44--48 (giants, female figure); A. H. Smith, BMC II (1900), pis. XI, X; = Koldewey Gesellschaft, Studien zur 17; 0. Rayet and A. Thomas, Mile/ et le Golfe Lnt111ique figs. 35, 82-85; A. Schober, Der Fries des Hekateions van nos. 1165-76. Fundamental treatment: P. Wolters, "Zur Bau forsc/11111g I. (Paris: J. Baudry, 1877), pl. 15, fig. 19. , ls/Fa 2 (1933): 89-90. Gigantomachie von Priene," Jdl 1 (1886): 56-64. Dating to 32 From Croesus to Constantine Hellenizafion Takes Command 33

been thought to be conscious classicistic reactions to the Baroque exuberance of scape elements. 45 But the closest and most obvious alliance of the Telephos frieze the great Altar of Zeus at Pergamon. is with painting and possibly with book illustration. We know the same division of In the glorification of the altar against the temple and in the overabundance of the wall in painting, and P. von Blanckenhagen has suggested that the Odyssey figurative decoration, the great Altar of Zeus at Pergamon represents the cul­ landscapes were derived from similar biographic cyclic prototypes. 46 Figs. 58, 59 minating point. The very fact that an entire precinct was given to an altar without Here, as in the architecture of Pergamon, we deal with the highest and most a temple makes the Altar of Zeus exceptional. So are its vast dimensions (120 feet intensive expression of the Helenistic age. We know that some of the leading by 112 feet; 36.4 meters by 34.2 meters). Almost unquestioningly, we take the sculptors of the altar were Rhodians, though others came from Asia Minor. 47 Yet Pergamon altar as a valid symbol of an entire age-Aus der Welt des Pergamonaltars, was it by chance that not Egypt, nor Syria, nor mainland Greece but western is the title of H. E. Stier's book concerned with the rise and fall of the entire Anatolia produced this most concentrated expression of dynamic colossality and Hellenistic age. 42 Baroque elan, or was there, in the Anatolian population, not all of whom were yet Completed in a relatively short time (between 180-160 B.c.), the altar owed fully Hellenized, something which responded to this particular image of reality something to Eastern Greek-Anatolian tradition, for the Lydian mountain god43 and ideality? as well as the Hellenistic Zeus had his open-air altars on the mountain tops. In the remarks on the altars and their sculptures we pursued a traditional Despite enormous mythological display, its essential meaning was propaganda religious function of Greek sculpture. In the funerary monuments we encounter a for the royal house of Pergamon on whose behalf Athena and Zeus and the type of architecture and sculpture which was clearly rooted in native Anatolian Olympian cohorts battled the giants around the podium; and whose descent from traditions. 48 It is especially the princes and dynasts of Lyda and Caria in south­ the divine hero Herakles via Telephos was described in the more intimate "in­ western Asia Minor who had developed these fascinating monuments. terior" frieze around the altar itself. Known to Greeks since Homeric times, when Prince went to The new intellectual world of literature and libraries joined the world of Xanthos and fought the fire-spitting Chimaira, Lyda paid tribute to Athens until sculpture to create the encyclopaedic iconology of the battle of giants and gods. ca. 440 B.c. From 440 to ca. 370 Persian sovereignty was imposed upon the local Classical Greek art and culture were invoked in the adoption of Phidian motifs princes. From ca. 370 to 360 the remarkable Lycian ruler Perikles sought to create a Fig. 61 and even more of the Phidian scale. But the larger than life colossality was re­ large and unified Lycian state. He joined in a rebellion of Anatolian satraps served in the Parthenon for the highest zone of the pediments. The same scale against the Persian king in 364 B.c. but was then driven into exile. His competitor and the loudest crescendo was "puffed up" and overextended in Pergamon by Maussolus of Caria became the satrap and trusted governor for the Persian king. 49 continuing the display in a frieze of even height only ten feet above the ground I shall now examine the Nereid monument of Xanthos, the Hernon of Limyra, 44 around three and a half sides of the altar. ( One is reminded of Wagner's youth­ the Maussoleum of Halikarnassus, and the Maussoleum of Belevi from two points ful attempt to emulate Beethoven by having the kettledrums beating all through a of view. For our general theme, they represent varying dosages of Anatolian, symphony, Eine Pilgerfahrt zu Beethoven.) Persian, and Greek elements. For the function of sculpture, they place before us a Conversely, the elaborate mythological biography of the Telephos frieze may novel integration with architecture, which in formal effect and meaning is quite Figs. 62, 63 have owed something to the biographic-historic traditions developed on different from the traditional use of sculpture on Greek temples and altars. Figs. 64, 66 Figs. 64, 66 Anatolian dynastic monuments, such as the Nereid monument at Xanthos and Fig, 71 the Heroa of Trysa and Limyra, especially in battle and landing scenes and land- 45Telephos Frieze: M. Bieber, aScHell, pp. 120-21, figs. 48There were, of course, the more traditional, humbler, 477-78, Xanthos, Trysa, and Limyra, cf. below, ns. 49 sepulchral monuments such as the funerary stelae of the (Xanthos); 58 (Limyra); ch, I, n, 69 (Trysa), fourth and third centuries B.c, See E. Pfuhl, "Spatjonische 42A11s der Welt des Perga111onaltars (Berlin: H. Keller, 1932), Platte vom pergamenischen Gigantenfries," Is/Mitt 17 46P, von Blanckenhagen, "The Odyssey Frieze," Plastik," Jdl 50 (1935): 9-48, figs. 1-20, and for their con­ 43John H. Kroll, by letter, June, 1971, citing coins, (1967): 168-72; A. Schober, Die Kunst vo11 Pergamon, pp. Rii111Mitt 70 (1963): 100-46. tinuation in the so-called "Eastern Greek Reliefs" of the 44E. Schmidt, Great Altar of Perga111011; H. Kahler, Der 77-120, 47D. Thimme, "The Masters of the Pergamon Gigan­ Hellenistic and Roman ages, ch, 4, below. grosse Fries van Pergamon; G. Kleiner, "Die Istanbuler tomachy," AJA 50 (1946): 345-57; Bieber, ScHell, p. 114. 49J, Borchhardt, Is/Mitt 17 (1967): 165-67. 34 From Croesus to Constantine Helleniwtion Takes Co1111nand 35

The name of the owner of the Heroon of Xanthos50 is not known but he must enigmatic towers built during Achaemenid times may be compared to its square have ruled around 400 B.c. The location of his tomb in the rocky corner of the form and elevation above ground but it seems that such tower monuments as the Fig. 62 acropolis of Xanthos is superb. The podium, 6.28 meters by 9.60 meters at the Zendan-i-Suleyman in Pasargadae were "foundation houses" to keep the sacred base, rises to a beautiful egg and dart profile imitated from the Erechtheion in Avesta writing, not funerary buildings. 56 Athens, but doubled. Just below are two friezes. The larger, mythical frieze shows There is no question that the top element imitates a classical Greek temple. So Greeks battling Amazons (?). The smaller frieze is historical; it shows the siege close is the architectural decoration to Attic work that the architect and the leading Fig, 64 and surrender of a city. 51 sculptors were surely Greeks-I believe, eastern Greeks who went to Athens to Mesopotamian and Persian iconography, or at least Persian concepts are take part in the great Periklean building program, stayed to work on the Erechte­ Fig. 65 adopted no doubt from the court art of the satraps. 52 These concepts are also ion, then, when Athenian finances collapsed, returned to Asia Minor to find more Figs. 66, 67, 68 found in scenes of tribute bearers and hunters on the top frieze and on a frieze of remunerative employment. And surely they trained and employed a school of the interior. We have already mentioned in the first chapter the Oriental affinities local assistants. of the funerary meal shown in the pediment and also within the shrine. 53 Quite novel, however, is the concept of Nereids or goddesses of the Sea The tall, tower-like podium is now generally believed to be derived from the Breezes (Au rai) flying from the back of a building along two sides toward the sea elevated Lycian pillar monuments surmounted by house-like sarcophagi which to bring the departed ruler (or perhaps the ruler and his wife) to the Isles of the 54 were found on the same citadel of Xanthos. The so-called monument "G" had a Blessed. 57 These fees de la mer, as Picard calls them, "Faeries of the Sea," are placed larger structure on a podium which was topped by a figurative frieze. 55 Several between the columns as if they were real people running within the architecture,

50 Discovered by Charles Fellows in 1828 and trans­ York: Harry N. Abrams, 1964), pl. 204, bottom; Shal­ even though sea waves and dolphins sculpted under their feet show them to be ported in part to the British Museum in 1843, C. Fellows, maneser III seated under umbrella, ibid., pl. 210 center; over the sea at the same time. Thus, there is an ambiguity as to time and space. Tl,e X1111ti,ia,1 Marbles, T!,eir Acq11isitio11 a11d Trn11s111issio11 to standing: pl. 213 bottom; Persian king under umbrella The design achieves a striking optic effect, but breaks down the strict architectural E11gla11d (London: John Murray, 1843). For location cf. P. (walking): E. F. Schmidt, Persepolis I (Chicago, 1953), pp. Demargne, Fo11illes de Xa11tl,os I and P. Demargne and P. 116-17, pis. 75-76; Persian king in audience scene, com­ framework by which the statuesque figures of Greek pediments had been bound. Coupe!, Fo11i/les de Xnntl,os III:1. Reconstructions of the positionally similar to satrap at Xanthos: Persepolis Treas­ Discovered in 1966, the Heroon of Limyra near , has been claimed as Nereid monument: the most recent and reliable for ar­ ury, R. Ghirshman, Jm11 (Harmondsworth: Penguin 58 chitecture: Demargne and Coupe!, Xa11//10s III; F. Kris­ Books, 1954), pl. 196; H. Luschey in Schefold, Propylnem,, the burial monument of the most famous of Lycian princes, the dynast Perikles. Fig. 61 chen, Weltw1111der, pp. 102-3, pl. 31; "Der Aufbau des p. 299, pl. 3536, bib!. Sited below the acropolis, but high above the coastal plain on a rock-cut terrace, Nereidenmonuments von Xanthos," At!,Mitt 48 (1923): 52Persian elements: G. Rodenwaldt, SSBer/i11, pp. 1034, 69-92, pis, 8-14; E. Reisch and G. Niemann, Das Nereide11- 1038, 1040-42, 19 meters long and 18 meters deep, the Limyra monument had virtually the same Fig. 69 11101111111ent von Xa11//10s, For Nereids in intercolumniations: 53Funerary meal: cf. chapter 1, above, p. 19, n. 75; Smith, dimensions as the Nereid Tomb (10.4 by 6.8 meters). The burial chamber was C. Fellows, "The Ionic Trophy Monument at Xanthus," in BMC 2, pp. 27-30, nos. 886, 895; W. H. Schuchhardt, "Die Travels and Resenrcl,es i11 Asia Milwr (London: John Murray, Friese des Nereiden-Monuments von Xanthos," AthMitt accessible from the south. 1852), pp. 467-68 and fig. opp. p. 459, repeated in Smith, 52 (1927), Beil. XV, 885, 886, 893; Picard, Mn1111el 2:2, p. In the front and back of the temple there were "Caryatids" imitated from the BMC 2 (1900), fig. 1 (lower frieze misplaced), Sculptures: 863, fig. 347; Persian tribute bearers: Schmidt, Persepolis I Smith, BMC 2, pp. 12-46, nos, 850-944; W. R. Lethaby, pis. 27-49; on Persian motifs cf. Rodenwaldt, SSBerli11, Erechtheion instead of columns. The Caryatids wear, however, an Anatolian "The Nereid Monument Re-examined," JHS 35 (1915): above, n, 50, 208-24; Picard, Ma1111el 2:2 (1939), pp. 849-73, bib!. 850, n, 54 Pillar monuments: Akurgal, K1111stA111lt, pp. 122-27, 56lranian towers: D. Stronach, "Excavations at Pasar­ Greek Coins (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1966), pp. 2; E. Akurgal, K1111s/Anat, p. 142, fig. 95. figs. 77-80 and color pl. V, "Sarcophagus pillar," and gadae: Architectural Survey of the Zendan," Iran 3 (1965)· 361-62, no. 660,0, pl. 191; Kaeppeli Coll., Basel, from El­ 51 Surrender of city: "Satrap" seated on a throne under a "Harpy Monument." 11-17, fig. 3; E. Porada, The Art of Ancient Irnn (New York: mali hoard, overstruck on stater of Euagoras of Salamis. parasol receives an embassy (either surrendering the city, 55 Monument "G": H. Metzger, P. Coupe!, Xa11thos II, Crown Publishers, 1965), p. 146; A. U. Pope, A Survey of Kraay remarks that one of the most famous Greek die­ or less likely, mediating the surrender): Smith, BMC 2, p. ch, 5, "L'Edifice 'G' ", pp. 49-61, figs. 7-17, It already had Persian Art IV (London, New York: Oxford University cutters, Eukleides, might have fled from Sicily before the 24, no. 879, description; Krischen, A/1,Mitt 48 (1923): 83, an external frieze around the dado course and an internal Press, 1938), pl. 79. Carthaginians to Lyda, and cut this striking portrait head. pl. 14, drawing with the context of frieze; Picard, Manuel frieze as well. Reconstruction: figs. 13, 14, 16, The date is 57Sea Breezes: Pindar Oly111pin 2. 71-72. Oken11ides A11mi Specimen in A. S. Dewing Numismatic Foundation, Fogg 2:2 (1939), p. 870, fig. 353. Neo-Assyrian prototype: As­ ca. 460 B.c. Cf. B. S. Ridgway, The Severe Style in Greek blow in the Isles of the Blessed, Description of "Nereids" Art Museum: Silver Stater of Perikles, 380 B.c., no. 697a. surnasirpal II standing under an umbrella, E. Strom­ Sc11/pt11re (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), pp. BMC 2, pp. 33-38, nos, 909-23. R. P, Austin, "Athens and the Satraps' Revolt," JHS 64 menger, Five T!,011sa11d Years of ti,e Art of Mesopotn111in (New 24-25, figs. 33, 34. 58Dynast Perikles: Coins, C. M. Kraay and M. Hirmer, (1944): 98-100, 36 From Croesus to Constantine Hellenization Takes Command 37

Fig. 70 headgear with veil. The two long sides of the monument were adorned with The elevation of the king is in the spirit of the royal graves of Iran, where the Fig. 71 friezes representing historical battles of King Perikles. We see the cav~lry and king is raised above all subjects in the reliefs on the facade. 63 One might surmise massed infantry going into battle. The discoverer, J. Borchhardt, dates the that there was an Anatolian tradition in the importance of the queen-it may go monument and its sculptures at ca. 380 B.c. 5 9 back to the regard already shown by the Hittites to their queens. On the other The style of the Limyra sculptures is rather heavily tinged with Anatolian hand, compared to the Nereid monument of Xanthos, the Iranian scenes, cus­ linearism and provincialism. The style is wholly Hellenic in the sculptures of the toms, and costumes are less prominent. Only the Iranian hairdo of Maussolus and Fig. 73 Figs. 72-74 ~aussoleum of Halikarnassus. Recent discoveries have enriched the two major the attire of some of his horsemen and servants are Persian traits. 64 Fig. 74 Fig. 72 fnezes of the maussoleum, the one with the Amazons and the other with Some Persian elements make a comeback in the strange and controversial 60 charioteers. The new Amazonomachy fragment, now in the museum at Bod­ Maussoleum of Belevi, seven miles (11 km.) north of Ephesus. 65 If M. Theuer' s Figs. 75, 76 rum, joins ~n A~azon slab in The British Museum; our composite photograph reconstruction is correct, three pairs of lion-griffins, traditional Achaemenid sym­ Fig. 75 shows the pieces m their proper position. bols of regal dignity, were flanking a vase on each of the roof edges. Paired horses Fig. 76 Artemisia, the widow of Maussolus, who died in 353 B.c., wanted nothing stood at each corner. Less certain is the position of the female, over-lifesize statues but. the best. The leading architect of the day, Pytheos, together with Satyros, placed higher up, especially if the roof were really pyramidal. Most of the griffins designed the maussoleum and made the marble chariot on top. Either four or five and the frieze are in the Old Museum in Izmir. Inside the cult room was a painting of the _mo_st f~mous Greek sculptors worked on the decoration. The exact placing of Phaethon, mourned by his sisters; a Greek inscription survives.

and distnbut10n of statuary on the monument is a controversial matter. Thus, ?- The remarkable coffered reliefs of the colonnade ceiling carried on the tradi­ some scholars place the majestic figures of Maussolus and Artemisia in the en­ tional motif of Greeks battling centaurs on three sides. The Greeks are real Hel­ Fig. 77 trance, some at bottom, some in the chariot. 61 lenistic soldiers with swords, not legendary Lapiths who fought with bare hands. There can be no doubt, however, that what one might call "semi-real" func­ On the main (north) side were two wrestlers and an umpire bestowing the palm of tion of statuary was greatly enlarged with the many guardian lions and human victory upon an athlete, with another man, perhaps a trumpeter, standing by. 66 Fig. 79 statues placed all along the platform and along the approaches, the horsemen in These are probably scenes of games given in honor of the deceased. Originally, intercolumniations, and quite possibly with a great number of statues along the these sculptures were placed overhead. This is a departure from Greek art and roof. 62 akin to the skyward projections of figured scenes in Baroque ceilings. 61On all of Maussoleum sculptures cf. Picard, Ma1111el 4:1 59Limyra: J. Borchhardt, Ana/SI 20 (1970): 16-17; M. J. The colonnaded pyramid masked a block of rock into which was cut the grave (1954), pp. 1-108. Late dating: R. Carpenter, Greek sc·111p­ Mellink, AJA 74 (1970): 169-70; Borchhardt, Is/Mitt 17 /11re, p. 214 and Havelock, Hellenistic Art, p. 36, pl. 18 with chamber. The motif of Oriental banquet, traditionally represented in relief, was (1967): 167 with illustrations of friezes, pis. 14-15 and pep­ bib!. The scholars who placed the statues in the inter­ los caryatid, pl. 16. The most extensive account is "Das translated into a huge and imposing three-dimensional statue of the owner of the columniations are enumerated by Picard, Manuel 4:1, p. Heroon von Limyra-Grabmal des lykischen Ki:inigs 80, n. 1-2 (M. Collignon, E. A. Gardner, K. von grave reclining on his couch. An Oriental servant, likewise fashioned in the Fig. 80 Perikles," AA (1970), part 3, pp. 353-90, figs. 2-47. Con­ Stradonitz, more recently, J. van Breen, Picard himself). 67 cerning the reconstruction sketch (AA [1970], fig. 2) round, stood by. Here the realism of presence of the dead reaches a new stage. Fig. 81 On Maussolus and Artemisia, most recently, Havelock, Borchhardt observed (by letter) that instead of a victory St11dies Hanfmann, pp. 55-67, pis. 22-24, whose dating to 63Rock cut graves in Iran with kings on top: Porada, Art 65Maussoleum of Belevi: J. Keil, Fiihrer, pp. 155-60; JOA/ the central acroterion showed a group of with the the second century B.c. does not persuade me. of Ancient Iran, 147, fig. 81; E. F. Schmidt, Persepolis Ill 28 (1933), Beibl. 28-43; JOA! 29 (1935), Beibl. 105-51; JOA! head of : "Limyra Bericht 1971," Dergi 20 (1973): 62 Positioning of statuary: cf. the reconstructions of the (Chicago, 1970), pis. 18, 40, 41, 56, 63, 70; Pope, S11rvey of 30 (1937), Beibl. 173-93; C. Praschniker, "Die Datierung 58, figs. 2-3; "Limyra," AJA 78 (1974): 119, pl. 27:8. I am Maussoleum: Picard, Manuel 4:1 (1944), p. 25, n. 1, fig. 7, Persian Art IV, pl. 80 B. des Mausoleums von Belevi," AnzWien 85 (1948): 271-93. greatly indebted to Dr. J. Borchhardt for some excellent p. 19; H. W. Law, "The Maussoleum," JHS 59 (1939), pl. 9; 64Maussolus, n. 61 above. For earlier portrayal of satraps 66Frieze: Keil, JOA/ 29 (1935), Beibl. 126-28; 30 (1937), photographs and a reconstruction sketch. F. Krischen, Weltw1111der, pl. 26 (only lions in intercolum­ cf. Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, M. Bieber, ScHel/, p. Beibl. 182-89. 60D. Strong and K. Jeppesen, "Discoveries at Halicar­ nia); K. Jeppesen, in addition to general views from ActaA 71, fig. 243-44. "Oriental servant:" H. Mi:ibius, "Zur Bar­ 67Ruler on couch: Keil, JOAI 29 (1935), Beibl. 135-38, nassus," ActaA 35 (1964): 195; Jeppesen, ActaA 38 (1967): 38 (1967): 29-58; Akurgal, Civilizations, p. 232, fig. 866 (east barenstatue von Halikarnass," AthMitt 50 (1925): 45-50, figs. 52-53. Oriental servant: ibid., p. 139, fig. 54; Izmir, 53, fig. 32. B. Ashmole, Architect and Sculptor in Classical front). Cuttings for sculpture along foot of podium and on pl. 13; St11dia Varia (1967): 47-50, pl. 13; Horseman: Picard, Old Museum, Basmane, no. 1084. This statue takes off Greece (New York: New York University Press, 1972), p. roof pyramid steps: K. Jeppesen, "The Site of the Maus­ Man11el 4:2 (1963), pp. 97-98, fig. 47; Havelock, St11dies from Lysippan style, cf. Picard, M111111el 4:2, p. 649, fig. 280. 178, figs. 209-11. soleum at Halicarnassus Reexcavated," AJA 77 (1973): 336. H1111f111111111, p. 61, pl. 25, with mid-Hellenistic dating. 38 From Croesus to Constantine Hellenization Takes Command 39

J. Keil had proposed that the great general of the Persian king Artaxerxes on Maeander)71 were populated with masses of statues. The details of this de­ Ochos (359-338 B.c.), a Rhodian Greek by the name of Memnon, or his brother velopment are not well known but characteristic examples of late Hellenistic Mentor, might have been buried in this striking maussoleum, which was never statuary display occurred in the North Market of Miletus and the Agora of 68 completed because Alexander the Great had taken over Asia in 334 B.c. Keil's Priene. 72 Fig. 82 earlier proposal envisaged a Seleucid king, Antiochus the Second, who died at The task thus set-that of purposeful combination of architecture and Ephesus in 246 B.c. as the tenant. I believe that the very knowing, intentionally statuary-was also taken up for the theater so that we have, for instance, in simple, early Hellenistic style of sculptures and capitals favors this iden­ Priene, plausible reasons for the presence of two honorary statues of distin­ tification-unless the tenant was a local worthy unknown to literary sources. guished citizens in the reconstruction. 73 The Persian lion-griffins and Orientals were no doubt popularized as regal sym­ By the end of the , the literary rhetorical theory of suitability bols by Alexander's court and must have been used often in the Seleucid King­ (to prepon) was applied in a rather simple way to the placing of honorary statuary. dom which reached from India across Iran to the Aegean. The lion-griffins still Statues of lawyers were suitable for the agora, statues of athletes for the gym­ appear on Augustus's Altar of Peace. 69 nasium. Thus the mathematician Licymnius warned the people of Tralles not to Xanthos and Limyra are within or next to parts of citadels; Trysa and Belevi lie acquire a reputation of being fools like the people of , where "in the outside citadels in the country. Clearly, in these Anatolian principalities, the gymnasium the statues were all of lawyers, and in the forum of athletes holding major concentration of sculptured and painted arts was on commemorating and discus or running or playing ball. Thus the unsuitable placing of statues with immortalizing the ruler in his funerary monument, wherever it may have been respect to the proper function of places where they were displayed, gave in public located. a bad name to the city" (Vitruvius 7.5.6). If a creative combination of sculpture, architecture, and landscape was Sculpture thus became a popular adjunct of civic life without completely achieved in the regal Anatolian maussolea, sculpture invaded also the public civic losing its original tie with religious dedication. The height of this penetration of areas of the Greek cities. We have relatively few actual statues preserved to urban life by sculpture occurred in Roman times. illustrate this development, but we have a mass of inscriptions from lost statues. Sociologically, it is, indeed, a remarkable reversal. The Greeks had long insisted that a person must be dead before he could be honored by a statue-unless he The title of this Chapter was adapted from the title of a famous book Mechani­ won in athletic games. However, being honored by a statue during life became a zation Takes Command by the Swiss architectural critic Siegfried Gidieon. By speak­ standard formula reiterated by one honorary inscription after another: virtually ing of Hellenization taking command, I mean to convey that in the overall picture, each benefactor of a city "shall have free meals in the Prytaneion [city club] and his statue of bronze [sometimes even of silver or gold] shall be erected in the agora, and he shall be crowned with a gold wreath .... "70 71Sardis: Buckler and Robinson, Sardis VII.1 no. 8, line were dedications by stephanophoros Kleandros Kallis­ 72. Nysa: Akurgal, Civilizations, pp. 234-36; Ward-Perkins tratou to Zeus Oympios and the people; a third votive We must realize that not only sanctuaries, but agoras, council houses, sen­ in ERA, pp. 311, 395. statue, to Dionysos, patron god of the theater, was given ates, and special halls of honor (like the presbeutikon in Sardis or gerontikon in Nysa 72Schede, R11i11en, p. 57, figs. 68, 69; North Market by Apollonios, son of Apollonios. "Later more honorary Miletus: Kleiner, R11i11en, p. 54. statues for the same two families were placed in the pas­ 73A. von Gerkan, Das Theater 0011 Priene, pp. 73, 79-81, sages for the spectators, and finally in the central part 68Keil, Fiihrer, p. 160. 70Honorific texts: for instance, Buckler and Robinson, pl. 8. The two statues on circular bases in front of the before the proskenion." All statues are imaginary restora­ 69Lion-griffins: Keil, JOA! 29 (1935), Beibl. figs. 43, 50; 30 Sardis VII.1, nos. 8, 27, the typical decrees for Menogenes second and tenth intercolumniations of the proskenion tions; none was preserved. (1937), Beibl. figs. 61, 62. Altar of Peace: G. Moretti, L'Arn and Iollas; the latter received two gilded wreaths, a gilded were honoring Apollodoros, son of Poseidonios, honored Begun around 200 B.c. this build-up of statuary decora­ Pacis A11g11stae (Rome: Ministero della Educazione portrait effigy, a gilded colossal portrait effigy, a gilded by the people for his virtue and good will towards them, tion is a good example of the way in which sculpture Nazionale, 1948), pp. 40-42; E. Nash, Pictorial Dictionary of equestrian portrait effigy, four bronze portrait effigies, ca. 170-150 B.c., and Thrasyboulos, son of Philios, hon­ served both the traditional religious votive and the new Ancient Ro111e I (London: A. Zwemmer, 1961), fig. 71, bib!. three marble portrait images, and four painted portraits. ored by the people and by his wife Megiste, 150-130 B.c. honorary votive functions. p. 63. The two bronze statues on the end piers of parodos walls 40 From Croesus to Constantine

by midsecond century before Christ, the arts of western Asia Minor had become Greek in form and in most essentials of content. I have chosen the altar on the Greek side and the maussoleum on the Anatolian-Iranian side as examples which have particularly rich and complex materials to illustrate the process of Hellenization. We have seen how the Iranian themes which were important ideological components in Xanthos around 400 B.c. III: Ad Claras Asiae Volemus Urbes: became purely traditional, semi-ornamental motifs in Belevi a century later. We have seen how the Anatolian attitude toward life, death, and the ruler became Roman Governors and Urban Renewal completely clothed first in Greek style, and then in Pergamon, in Greek mythol­ ogy. We might say that the Anatolian elements withdrew almost to the level of subconsciousness, to basic emotional predispositions. But on this level, Anatolian emotionalism did influence the Greek tradition. The picturesque, dramatic type of Greek literature and eloquence which the Greeks themselves called" Asianic" had its closest parallel in plastic and visual arts in the so-called Hellenistic Baroque. Both movements arose in western Asia Minor during the period we have consid­ We do not know when the first Roman stepped on the soil of Asia Minor, but we ered, and both were in essence, manifestations of a new Graeco-Anatolian know who brought the Romans into Asia Minor. The same kings of Pergamon Fig. 83 synthesis. who had made Pergamon the leading center of Hellenistic architecture and sculp- ture, made themselves faithful allies of Rome. To help Eumenes II, the ruler who built the altar of Pergamon, against the Seleucid king Antiochus III, the first Roman army arrived in western Asia Minor in 190 B.c. The Romans did much for Pergamon: the size of the kingdom increased tenfold. In return, Eumenes' son Attalus III (ruled 138-133 B.c.) left his kingdom to the Roman people. 1 A century of strife and decline for the cities of Asia Minor followed. King Mithradates VI of Pontos overran the country in the eighties; pirates plundered the coasts. In 75 B.c. pirates captured Julius Caesar just off Miletus; his ransom was paid by a wealthy Milesian named Eukrates. 2 Pompey's success in subduing the pirates (67 B.c.) was probably celebrated by the imposing, so-called "Big Harbor Monument" at Miletus. Pompey was honored by the Milesians in 63 B.c. 3 Showing the beginning Figs. 84, 85 artistic connections of Asia Minor with Rome, the Late Hellenistic Triton frieze of the Harbor Monument resembles another monument set up for the wars against Fig. 85 the pirates-the marine frieze found near the Palazzo Sta. Croce in Rome, proba- Fig. 86 bly a work of Hellenistic sculptors.

1Magie, Ro111a11 Rule, ch. 1, "The Bequest of Attalos," pp. Kleiner, Das rii111ische Mi/et (1970), p. 121; G. Bowersock, 3-33, A11g11st11s, p. 8; Magie, Ro111a11 Rule, ch. 8, pp. 177-98. 2 M. Gelzer, Caesar, Politicia11 a11rl Statesman (Cambridge, 3Harbor Monument: Kleiner, Das Rii111ische Mi/et, p. 9, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 23-24; G. pls. 4-5.

41 42 From Croesus to Constantine Ad Claras Asiae Vo/emus Urbes 43

Under the Late Republic, thousands of Romans came as administrators, busi­ Sokrates Polemaiou Pardalas, high priest of the goddess and a man of ness men, and even tourists to Asia Minor, among them such literary figures as highest standing in Sardis, had built a shrine and given an image of Hera. His , who went in 51 as proconsul for Cilicia, and Catullus. Catullus lived in granddaughter Julia Lydia piously restored both after the earthquake (meta ton Nicaea, probably in 57-56 B.c., as a member of the entourage of the governor of seismon )-the Hera probably stood on this very base. 9 Bithynia, the propraetor Caius Memmius. In the charming spring poem with In addition to earthquakes, the cities suffered from conflagrations comparable which Catullus takes leave from Nicaea, I have found the theme of this to those which swept Constantinople in later ages. The Younger Pliny mentions a chapter-"let us fly to the famous cities of Asia" (46:6). Catullus is here being fire which destroyed the senate, the temple of , and many houses in the city of technical-he is in Bithynia-the great cities are in the Roman province of Asia. 4 Nicomedia, later to become one of the capitals of the empire (Letters 10.33). 10 Such For these splendid cities of the Roman province of Asia, for Ephesus, Sardis, disasters called forth the aid of the emperors, who closely supervised the finances Miletus, and Pergamon, there began with the emperor Augustus an era of recon­ of the cities through governors and special financial officials. For instance, after struction and prosperity5 which continued to gain momentum through the first the earthquake of 17, the emperor Tiberius granted ten million sesterces and five and second centuries A.D. until invasions of the Goths, Sassanian Persians, and years tax exemption to the Sardians, and Emperor Claudius paid for their Palmyrenes, after the middle of the third century broke the golden age of Roman aqueduct. 11 peace. A large part of the great programs of urban expansion and renewal from the (As we shall henceforth be largely speaking of our era, I shall skip the A.D. first through the early third centuries was paid for by the cities, and by the and only refer to B.c. dates when needed.) wealthy upper class families who had become part of Roman officialdom. In The peaceful development was frequently disrupted by natural catastrophes. Ephesus, Tiberius Julius Celsus Polemaeanus, consul suffectus in 92, and his son Disastrous earthquakes, such as the earthquake of 17 which ruined twelve cities or Caius Julius Aquila, consul suffectus in 110, were the two responsible for the build­ that of 178 which laid Smyrna low, 6 created urgent necessity of urban renewal. ing of the famous library of Celsus, while Publius Vedius Antoninus, a friend of Figs. 133, 134 Tacitus (An 11. 2.47) vividly describes the disaster of 17: "In the same year twelve the emperor Antoninus Pius, built a tremendous gymnasium. 12 Perhaps a Figs. 104, 105 famous cities of Asia collapsed by an earthquake which struck at night . . . member of the same family, Claudia Antonia Sabina, femina consularis-wife or immense mountains settled, plains were heaved on high, fires broke out in the daughter of a consul-gave means for the gorgeous marble court of the gym- ruin. The disaster struck hardest at the Sardians .... " A senatorial commissioner, ex-praetor Marcus Ateius, was sent to inspect and rebuild Sardis. 7 The plan of the gs. 87, 106, 117 gymnasium area of Sardis, so thoroughly Roman in its massive symmetry, was probably the result of this mission. 8 In a marble base built into the synagogue we 9IN 63.123. Base with cutting for plinth of statue. Back interesting background. roughly chiselled showing the statue stood against the "Tiberius: Tacitus A1111. 2.47; Claudius Snrdis VII.I, no. hav.e found an eloquent footnote to the destruction and rebuilding. It says that wall. H. 0.435 m.; W. 0.70 m.; Depth: 0.63 m. Fine monu­ 39, p. 57. In general, R. MacMullen, HSCP 64 (1959): mental writing, probably ca. A.D. 20-30. The base was 200-10, 225 n. 28; IGRR 4:1431, from Smyrna for an found built into the late (fourth century A.o.?) wall of the unidentified public work, pavement of the basilica to be synagogue at E 93/N 9, ca. *97.00. On Sokrates Polemaiou done by a private benefactor, other work "for as much 4C. J. Fordyce, C11t11//11s: A Co111111c11t11n1 (Oxford: Claren­ 1923), pp. 93-94. Pardalas cf. Buckler and Robinson, Snrdis VII.I (1932), nos. money as we may obtain from the Lord Emperor Hadrian don Press, 1961), pp. xi, 209. 8 G. E. Bates, Sardis M 1 (1971), maps 3, 4. The planner 22, 91, 122; OGJS, 437-92. Ioulia Lydia thus takes back to through Antonius Po lemon." 5 Bowersock, A11g11st11s, pp. 99-100. may well have come from Rome with the senatorial Tiberian age the impressive series of Sardian lady benefac­ 12Upper class benefactions, Polemaeanus: Bowersock, 6 Cadoux, S111ymn, pp. 279-84; Aristeides, Or. 41. 762-67; emergency commissioner. For the imperial archive in tresses. A11g11s/11s, pp. 120, 142; MacMullen, HSCP 64 (1959): 207-8; 21. 429-30; 22. 439. Rome where plans of all Roman colonies were kept cf. G. 10P!iny pleaded for the creation of a fire brigade of 150 Sardis VIl.1, no. 45. Vedius: Bowersock, Sophists, p. 47. 7 For earthquake of A.D. 17 cf. M. Hammond, "A Statue Carettoni et al., Ln pin11tn 111an11oren di Roma n11ticn. For111a men (fnbri), but Trajan denied his request on the grounds Bowersock's A11g11s/11s gives a comprehensive picture of of Trajan Represented in the Anaglypha Triani," MAAR .21 Urbis Ro111ae (Rome: Libraria dello State, 1960); Th. Momm­ that such associations had proved politically turbulent. R. the moneyed aristocratic friends of the Romans under the (1953): 162-64 on the statue to Tiberius erected by 14 sen in F. Blume, K. Lachrnann, A. Rudorff, Die Schriften MacMullen, "Urban Unrest," in E11e111ies of the Ro111a11 Order late Republic and early principate, and his Sophists depicts beneficiary cities. For the base at Puteoli (now in Naples) der rii111isclze11 Feld111esser 2, p. 405. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966), ch. an influential group of later benefactors. cf. E. Strong, Ln srn/t11m Ro111n11n (Firenze: Fratelli Alinari, 5, has made a general survey of the subject which provides 44 From Croesus to Constantine Ad Claras Asiae Vo/emus Urbes 45

nasium at Sardis. 13 These benefactors had been successful; but even more instruc­ finances of this rich province, he took the province away from senatorial adminis­ tive for the immensely competitive programs of urban aggrandizement-which tration under imperial administration and sent Caius Plinius Caecilius Secundus, were financed partly by municipal, partly by imperial, and partly by private the Younger Pliny, to Bithynia in 110 as the new governor. Pliny's reports and funds-were the causes of real or alleged failure. Trajan's replies show conspiracy to defraud the public in Nicomedia where pro­ Dion Chrysostomus, "The Goldmouth," professor of eloquence, preacher, moters spent over three million sesterces to build an aqueduct, then pulled it down and politician, was a native of , the modern Bursa, the lovely city at the foot and voted 200,000 more to build another, which they did not finish. In Nicaea, of the Bithynian . He had made his fortune in Rome, had become a two architects were fighting with each other about an overambitious plan and friend of the emperors Nerva and Trajan, and after his return to his native city in poor construction materials for a gymnasium. In the same city, the construction of 96, he conceived great plans for it. He planned to make Prusa the head of a the theater allegedly cost the phenomenal sum of ten million sesterces, and Pliny Figs. 88-90 federation of cities, increase its population by compelling other towns to join it, observed that "this theater was sinking into the ground and displaying enormous and, in his own words, he wished "not only to beautify the city and equip it with cracks."16 colonnades and water supply, but also to provide it with city walls, harbors, and It is interesting to observe that this much maligned theater still stands. Unfor­ 14 shipyards ... "anew bath and a library were also part of the program. tunately, it has never been excavated. 17 A view clearly shows the concrete walls Fig. 90 Dion ran into great difficulties in carrying out his plan. Although his scheme around the auditorium, and A. M. Schneider's plan indicates the supporting Fig. 88 was initially approved by the Roman governor who endorsed it to the city council vaults of powerful masonry. Its rubbled masonry parts are sturdily, although Fig. 89 of Prusa, Dion was accused by the anti-renewal party (1) of not keeping proper roughly built in part with reused spoils. Its facing masonry was very nicely accounts; (2) proceeding in an arbitrary and dictatorial fashion; (3) committing finished. Apparently, the builders mended their ways after Pliny's criticism. The treason and lese-majeste crimes against the emperor Trajan by placing a statue of porticus supra caveam, "the colonnade above the auditorium," which according to the emperor in the library of the same precinct in which Dion's wife and son had Pliny, certain private donors had promised to build-but did not build-finally been buried-thus, defiling the sanctity of the emperor as by got built. contact with the dead. We are fortunate in having reflected in the literary sources both the Greek and Trajan answered that he was not worried about the contact of his statue with the Roman attitudes toward the urban renewal program. In the so-called sophists, the dead; he was, however, concerned about the finances. 15 To clean up the that is, writers, orators, lobbyists, and public relations men, Dion of Prusa and

13Claudia Antonia Sabina: C. R. Morey, Sardis V.1 people of Nicomedia passed a resolution to transfer their (1924); BASOR 177 (1965): 25, inscription of the "Marble tombs; Makrinos . . . transferred from market place of Court of the Gymnasium, 211 A.o." Cf. also E. Groag, Prusa the statue and tomb of founder King Prusias," courtyard before the library.... " This is an interesting nation of unfaced mortared rubble). In the last named, the 2 PIR , pp. 1070, 1071, Claudia Antonia Sabina, Claudia An­ (47.18): "Dion was accused of trying to act like a tyrant and parallel and precedent for the Celsus library in Ephesus bath, depresso loco defodiunt "are digging into a depres­ tonia Tatiane. T. R. S. Broughton, "Roman Asia," in T. dig down (kataskaptein) the city and all sacred places (fa where Iulius Celsus was buried under the library (fig. 134). sion," "im111i11ente . .. monte . .. "which is not "at the foot Frank, ed. An Economic Survey of IV (Balti­ hiera pan/a) . ... "Apparently he intended to use the site of Trajan's reply, Pliny Letters 10.82: "You know well my of a hill" as translated by Crosby; I take it to refer to the more: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1938), p. 765. the temple of Zeus which had burned down, "yet I saved purpose not to create fear or terror in people or acquire danger of landslides ... "overhanging mountain." The 14 Dion Discourses 45.12-13, given in A.D. 101-2 outline the statues from the scrap pile and they are now placed in reverence of my nornen by criminibus maiestatis ... Dion two letters are very important for the careful way in which and defense of the program; 47, a speech in the public the most conspicuous place of the city ... " (47.25): he Cocceianus must submit accounts of all public works af­ the Roman government controlled the urban programs. assembly of Prusa, with further defense of his construc­ concedes that he built his house in a luxurious style fected under his care [cum]." Pliny criticizes consecutively siting, planning, and con­ tion program, comparing himself with Herakles, Horner, (polytelos). H. Lamar Crosby, trans. Dion Chrysostom IV 16Pliny Letters 10.37 to Trajan on Nicomedia; 39 on struction (the gymnasium of Nicaea is i11composit11111 et spar­ Pythagoras, and Aristotle (who restored Stageira after de­ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1946), pp. Nicaea and . "The present architectus who it sum, "poorly designed and scattered"). From Trajan's struction by Philip) and citing with approval the ambitious 204-5, 243-45. On Dion in general, J. von Arnirn, Leben und must be owned is a rival to the one first employed on the reply it appears that it was "too overambitious." urban renewal programs of Antioch (especially the thirty­ Werke des von Prusa. theater of Nicaea asserts that the walls, though they are 22 17 A. M. Schneider, Die rii111ische11 1111d byzantinisc/1e11 15 six stade colonnaded street), , Nicaea, Nicomedia, Pliny Letters 10.81, "Your statue is in the library ... the feet (over 6 rn.) thick, are not strong enough to support the Denk111iiler van Iznik-Nicaea, lstFo 16 (1943): 9-10, figs. 2-3, and Kaisareia and commending the removal of sacred and alleged burial place of Dion's son and wife is in an area superstructure because their core is merely rubble and they are plan 1, bib!. cemetery sites to permit building over them (47.17): "The surrounded by colonnades . . . presumably a peristyle not faced with brick ... " (interesting professional condem- 46 From Croesus to Constantine Ad Claras Asiae Vo/emus Urbes 47

Aelius Aristeides of Hadrianoutherai and Smyrna (who lived from 129-189) we hands of Greek architects trained in Hellenistic traditions. 20 This was true even of find enthusiastic local Greek advocates of urban renewal, full of ambition and the most ambitious projects. The architect of the largest temple built under the rhetoric, intolerably long-winded in their historical and mythological allusions to Romans in Asia Minor, the colossal temple to the emperor Hadrian at Kyzikos (on the past greatness of their home towns and of themselves, but unquestionably the Dardanelles) was a Greek architect named Aristainetos, famous enough to generous and devoted to their cities. have his name inscribed on the temple. Unfortunately, the superstructure is Although it covers only the brief span of two years, the correspondence of the known to us only from fifteenth century drawings and scanty fragments. 21 It had Fig. 91 Younger Pliny and the emperor Trajan is immensely revealing for the Roman mythological friezes over the architrave, moulded arches-a novel motif-and attitude-businesslike and to the point. We have learned something of the seventy foot high columns, and a huge pediment with the bust of the emperor in Roman procedure in initiating financing and controlling urban development. The the center. famous legal writer Ulpian wrote early in the third century: "The provincial gov­ These Greek architects were responsible for the decorative splendor of the ernor ought to go round the temples and public works to examine whether they newly formed, so-called Asiatic variety of Roman architecture. They may have are in proper repair ... if any are in course of construction, he ought to see that brought it to Rome. Another anonymous architect of the Hadrianic era, the de­ they are completed as far as the resources of the municipality permit. ... He signer of the much admired temple to Zeus Philios and Trajan in Pergamon, is ought to appoint ... superintendents of the works (curatores operum) ... and if thought to have come to Rome to design for Hadrian the vast classicistic temple of necessary, provide military assistants (i.e., technicians, ministeria quoque militaria) and Roma. It is not known whether the architect of the Traianeum was the to support them" (Digests 1. 6. 7). 18 same man as the architect Aelius Nikon, father of the famous physician Galen, As Pliny's letters show, all major public building projects were subject to who took an active part in the urban renewal of Pergamon and "seems tb have careful hearings by Roman authorities. The presiding governors were no worked on several great new buildings."22 amateurs. Pliny himself had considerable experience in planning and building his When it came to practical execution of projects, the Romans were interested own ambitious villas and he commented critically on such aspects as selection of in fundamentals; efficient shipping and transportation was one. Trajan approved site, design, plan, and construction techniques. He acted very much like an ar­ the canal to the Lake of Nicaea over which-among other products-marble and chitectural critic on a jury today. 19 timber for construction were to be shipped. 23 Furthermore, the Romans gloried in Although Trajan steadfastly rejected Pliny's requests for Roman planners, road engineering. The same emperor, Trajan, wrote in an inscription about the architects, and engineers, Ulpian implies that it was customary to provide techni­ road he built from Miletus to Didyma: "turning his attention to the road necessary cal assistance. It was said of the emperor Hadrian, who did so much for the for the sacred rites of Apollo [of Didyma], he cut down the hills and filled in the valleys provinces, that he travelled around with a suite of "geometers, architects, and and undertook, completed, and dedicated the road through Quintus Iulius Bal- every sort of expert in construction and decoration ... whom he enrolled by cohorts and centuries, on the model of the legions" (Aurelius Victor Epitome 14.5). 20G. Downey, "Byzantine Architects, Their Training Institutes 19 (1956): 179-91, esp. 187-88, the inscription It is, I think, safe to say that at least during the earlier phase of Roman domina­ and Methods," Byza11tio11 18 (1948): 99-118; MacMullen, copied by Cyriacus of Ancona. C. C. Vermeule, lmpArt tion, Roman-trained architects and engineers had direct influence upon the new HSCP 64 (1959): 211, 227. T. R. S. Broughton, Economic (1968): 256; Ward-Perkins, ERA, pp. 392, 573, bib!; F. Eich­ Survey IV (1938): 850 on public architects permanently in ler, "Zurn Partherdenkmal von Ephesos," JOAI 49 type of urbanism in Asia Minor. the service of communities. Nor should we forget that (1968-1971): 133, fig. 32. H.P. Laubscher, Is/Mitt 17 (1967): On the other hand, as Pliny's references to local architects indicate, the initia­ what we call urbanism or urban planning was already a 211, pis. 22-23; F. Eichler, JOAI Beiheft 2 (1970): 133, fig. specialized office in Hellenistic cities with such boards as 32. tive, the overall design, and quite certainly the artistic styling often lay in the the Asty110111oi whose duties are described in a famous law 22Bowersock, Sophists, 60 = PIR 2 G 24. code preserved in Pergamon: A. H. M. Jones, Greek City, 23Canal Project: Pliny Letters 10.41; F. G. Moore, "Three p. 213, and bib!., p. 349, n. 5. Canal Projects, Roman and Byzantine," AJA 54 (1950): 21 18MacMullen, HSCP 64 (1959): 209-10. Becatti, "Plinio ii Giovane," in Arie e gusto negli scrittori B. Ashmole, "Cyriac of Ancona and the Temple of 97-111, fig. 1. 19H. Tanzer, The Villas of Pliny the Yo1111ger (1924); G. Latini (1951), ch. 13. Hadrian at ," Jo11rnal of the Warburg and Courtauld 48 From Croesus to Constantine Ad Claras Asiae Vo/emus Urbes 49

bus, the proconsul with Lucius Passerius , legatus propraetore in and cities, their expansion for a growing population, the raising of the standard of charge."24 This pride in great engineering feats, such as leveling mountains, living through better supply system, utilities, and baths, the development of large echoes the famous inscription on the column of Trajan in Rome: "and to disclose facilities for social, intellectual, and leisure functions, and the expression of this how high a mountain was taken down. " 25 revitalized, Romanized Greek polis in luxurious, nearly Baroque architectural Public utilities were for the Romans a paramount concern. Already under forms-that made the cities of Asia the envy of the empire. 30 Augustus, Ephesus received an aqueduct from Caius Sextius Pollio (4-14), a A highly effective device in reshaping the cities was the colonnaded avenue. Romanized native; the emperor Claudius gave one to Sardis; Trajan approved the These were called "Syrian colonnades" because the earliest great example was measures for water supply of Nicomedia; and Hadrian undertook to provide good built by Herod the Great at Syrian Antioch around 20 B.c., possibly on the occa­ water for Troy. 26 A typical Roman public fountain was built at Miletus around 100 sion of a visit by Emperor Augustus. The earliest example in Asia Minor was Figs. 92, 93 to honor the father of Trajan. Three large vaulted chambers were fed by an perhaps the Main A venue of Sardis, planned after the earthquake of 17. Eighty Figs. 87, 181 aqueduct. Hidden behind a decorative facade, they provided the water for an years later Dion enthusiastically recommended "Syrian colonnaded" streets for open basin some fifty feet long and twenty wide (16.15 meters by 6.39 meters). 27 Prusa. These colonnades were a new synthesis from the Greek stoas and the new Although for political reasons, Trajan denied the formation of a fire fighters Roman viae porticatae. 31 association at Nicaea, he approved purchase of fire fighting equipment and en­ A second compositional device which helped shape the new image of the joined fire prevention upon house owners. cities was the two- and three-storied so-called Asiatic facade. Introducing a verti­ The Greek cities, on the other hand, pushed for gymnasia, baths, and thea­ cal emphasis into the low contours of Greek cities, this new creation could be used ters as major status symbols-along with temples and shrines to emperors and the with particular effect to provide stage-like monumentality to gates and fountains, right of imperial cult. Trajan's amused but tolerant remark: "Our little Greeks as in the Nymphaeum of Miletus and to terminate long vistas, for instance, in the Fig. 93 (Graeculi) love gymnasia ... " concerns that type of urban complex which was a gate of the South Market in Miletus. 32 major creative achievement of Asiatic urbanism, a synthesis of Hellenistic gym­ From general planning we now turn to housing. How big were these cities in nasium and the Roman bath. 28 With its multiple functions as civic center, club terms of population? In the only ancient reference which specifically includes house, leisure area, school, and place of worship of emperors, the gymnasium slaves and women, the famous physician Galen stated that his native city of now replaced the palace and the temple as the major concern of Asiatic cities. Pergamon had 120,000 people in the second century. Other plausible guesses are: When we turn from written evidence to actual remains, it must first be said Ephesus, the largest city of the Roman province in Asia, perhaps had 200,000; that Roman foundations of new cities were rare in western coastlands of Asia Sardis was about the size of Pergamon; Smyrna had about 100,000 people (accord­ Minor and there was little opportunity to use the overall standard Roman colonial ing to Cadoux). 33 plan. 29 A small city like Priene retained a basically Hellenistic appearance until the Byzantine age. It is rather the enlargement and transformation of existing towns 30Ward-Perkins in ERA, pp. 391-406, has a masterly ac­ Mi/et I:5, pl. 63; South Market: H. Knackfuss, Milet I:7 count of architecture in "The Western Coastlands." To the (1924), p. 142, pl. 17, fig. 127 comments (pp. 51-58) on the literary and archaeological evidence for urban renewal combination of Hellenistic and Roman elements in the 24 Kleiner, Ruinen, 29. CIL III 14 19543 plus CIL III 7150 Hi.ilsen, Mi/et I:5 (Berlin and Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, must be added the interesting representations on coins, Roman design for the South Market. from Didyma. I owe the information and new translation 1919), pl. 48. for which examples are given by P. R. Franke, Kleinasien 33H. Rowell, Rome in the Augustan Age (1962), p. 103; to the kindness of T. R. S. Broughton. 28Trajan in Pliny Letters 10.40. "Gy111nasiis indulgent Grae­ zttr Ro111erzeit (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1968), p. 15, figs. 71-84, Galen, De cog11oscendis curandisque ani111i 1norbis (Peri diag- 25 Inscription from Column of Trajan: CIL VI, 960. E. culi . ... Perhaps the Nicaeans were too big-hearted in 102, 201. 110seos kai therapeias ton en tei hekastou psychei idion pathon), Nash, Pictorial Dictionary I, p. 286, fig. 337. tackling its construction .... They must be satisfied with 31Colonnades: Ward-Perkins, ERA, p. 417; Dion Dis­ "On the diagnosis and cure of disturbances of the soul 26C. Sextius Pollio: J. Keil, Fi'ihrer, p. 133; Forschungen in what they can afford .... " On the development of gym- courses 47.16; G. Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria -particular to each person," ed. C. G. Kuhn, (Leipzig, Ephesos 3 (Vienna: Ed. Holze!, 1923), p. 256, A.D. 4-14. nasia, J. Delorme, Gymnasion (Paris, 1960); Boethius and (1961), pp. 169, 173, figs. 6-11; D. Claude, (1969), pp. 1823), vol. 5, ch. 9, p. 49: "If we now have about 40,000 Troy, MacMullen, HSCP 64 (1958): 207-8. In general, Ward-Perkins in ERA, pp. 292, 399-403. 245-46, pl. 4. citizens, and if you now add the women and the slaves, 29 Jones, "The Public Services," Greek City, ch. 16. Jones, Greek City, p. 61, lists the few Roman colonies 32" Asiatic Facade:" Ward-Perkins in ERA, pp. 405-6; you will find twelve times 10,000 [i.e., 120,000] people 27Nymphaeum. Miletus: Kleiner, Ruinen, figs. 85-86; J. and foundations known. Nymphaeum: Kleiner, Ruinen, pp. 144-48, fig. 85; Hi.ilsen, ... ," (literally, "you will find that you are richer than 50 From Croesus to Constantine Ad Claras Asiae Vo/emus Urbes 51

How was the housing problem resulting from this increase of population Inspired by the Roman use of concrete, the builders of Asia Minor developed solved? Only in recent years, when multiple-storied terraced apartment houses a new building system which permitted adaptation-but not complete were found in Ephesus, has it become clear that as in Rome, Ostia, and Antioch, imitation-of Roman vaulted architecture. The new material in Asia was mortared building upward must have prevailed in Asia Minor. Cumulatively, these rubble laid to form very thick walls (six feet are common); a variant with interven­ Fig. 100 Figs. 94, 95 "Houses on the Slope" in Ephesus reached a height of five stories, but the indi­ ing bonding courses of brick was fully developed by the second century, the date Figs. 96, 97 vidual units were grouped in two stories around peristyle courts. No detailed of the central building of the gymnasium of Sardis. (At Sardis, the victory of analysis of the plans is yet available. It is clear, however, that these are real, mortared rubble over traditional Hellenistic masonry seems directly connected continuous urban blocks, which developed from the individual peristyle house. 34 with the Roman-sponsored renewal program after the earthquake of 17.) In the What was remarkable about these houses was the downward diffusion of palatial fully developed Asiatic system, strong masonry piers linked by heavy stretches of luxuries and their imitations in interiors and furnishings. In Ephesus these houses rubble-and-brick walls carried the major loads. According to John Ward-Perkins, had excellent paintings such as the portrait of Sokrates of the first century, and the the Asiatic materials "lacked the strength needed for the creation of vaulting in a Muse Thallia (if it be she with two lambdas) of the third century. 35 Religious art fully developed Roman manner,"39 but quite sizeable spans were achieved with a Fig. 98 appears in charming domestic shrines36 as that of Artemis and of hero reliefs for sophisticated distribution of loads and stresses, as indicated by the 40-foot vaulted Fig. 99 worship;37 mosaics and statuettes of marble, alabaster, and ivory. 38 span over the swimming pool unit of the gymnasium at Ephesus. 40 Fig. 101 All these furnishings reflect the same attempt to raise, if not mass-dwellings It was again Asia Minor that brought to highest pitch the use of marble then at least the middle-class dwellings, to the same make-believe, pseudo­ revetments to cover the brick and rubble walls. Known as skoutlosis, a term de­ palatial splendor as in Rome, Pompeii, and Ostia. What characterizes the entire rived from Latin scutula, "little shield," or "shield-like pattern of cut marble," the process of this urban program was that a genuine synthesis took place between wall was sheathed with brilliant marble slabs hung from iron hooks over a thick the Hellenistic Greek and the Roman elements. This was true of planning; it was layer of red cement grout. 41 Time and again, we read in inscriptions: "He gave the true of compositional units; it was also true of construction. entire skoutlosis," (ten skoutlosin pasan), as in the earliest donor inscription of the Synagogue of Sardis. 42 We have sought to capture something of the coloristic Fig. 102 these 120,000 people"). Galen lived from A.D. 129-99. Cf. area would be insufficient for a population of 200,000. He effect in the actual reconstruction of a bay in the Main Hall of the Synagogue, but Bowersock, "The Prestige of Galen," Sophists 58-75. Other thought the city might have spread into Selenus Valley. for the total impact of such an interior with marble walls and marble floor, we 35Sokrates: AnzWien 101 (1964): 44, pl. 4, first century of population data, Magie, Roman Rule, pp. 2, 144 n. 50; must rely on reconstructions in drawing, such as the view of the Hall for Imperial Cadoux, Smyrna, p. 186. For closely argued estimates of our era; Muse Klio, pl. 3 (with Artemis); paintings from Ostia and Rome with only 27,000 for Ostia, cf. J.E. Packer, Euripides' Orestes and Iphigenein and Menander's Sikyonioi Cult, the Kaisersaal of the Harbor Baths in Ephesus (second century) in figure and Perikeiro111ene, AnzWie11 105 (1968): 86-89, fig. 3, pl. 2. "The Insulae of Imperial Ostia," MAAR 31 (1971): 70. Cf. 139. 43 This is also a splendid example of the use of the niched aedicular Asiatic Fig. 139 R. P. Duncan-Jones, "City Population in Roman Africa," V. M. Strocka, "Theaterbilder aus Ephesos," Gy11111asiu111 ]RS 53 (1963): 85-90 for North Africa. For the Byzantine 80 (1973): 362-80, pis. 16-20. facade to decorate an interior space. 36 period (6th century) see the much lower figures given by Arternis: R. Fleischer, "Spathellenistische Gruppe I alluded to the redistribution of major functions within the cities. Even on Claude (1969), pp. 163-64. vorn Pollionyrnphaeum," JOA! 49 Beiheft 2 (1968-71): 176, 34Slope houses, Ephesus: General: Keil, Ft'ihrer (1964), fig. 14, ca. A.D. 150-200. this small scale plan of Ephesus we can see that the traditional religious and civic Fig. 103 3 pp. 121-22, bib!., fig. 65 and plan of region. R. Meric;: 7Hero Relief: Eichler, AnzWien 107 (1970): 12-13, pl. 2c, political elements, the temples, the theater, and the agora, held their traditional Ephesus Guide (1971), pp. 26-30; F. Eichler, AnzWien 100 Hellenistic, set into a wall of the third century A.D. A room (1963): 51-56, fig. 3; 101 (1964): 42-44; 102 (1965): 98-101; perhaps devoted to the cult of the dead contained three 39Construction: Ward-Perkins, ERA, p. 387. 42Sardis Synagogue: L. Majewski, BASOR 187 (1967): 103 (1966): 13-14; 105 (1968): 84-86, fig. 2, pl. I; H. Vetters, "funerary meals" reliefs, one still in place in its niche, and 4°F. Fasolo, "La Basilica de! Consilio di Efeso," Pa/Indio 47-50; Robert, NIS, pp. 49-54. AnzWien 107 (1970): 7-13, figs. 1 (plan), 3, 4, detailed plan had a painted red snake. Eichler, AnzWien 100 (1963): I-II, N.S., vol. 6 (1956), fig. 18. The subject of "Asiatic" 43Harbor Baths: Miltner, Ephesos, fig. 35; Keil, Fi'ihrer, of Houses 1, 2, and elevation, fig. 7; pis. 3a-b; "Zurn 54-55, pl. 2, construction is treated in greater detail in Fasolo, pp. 80-83, fig. 40; FoEphesos I, pp. 182, 185. Cf. the discus­ 38 Stockwerkbau in Ephesus," Melanges Mansel (Ankara, Mosaics: AnzWien 107 (1970): 13, pl. 5, Nereid (or L'architetlurn ro1111111a di Efeso, p. 21. sion by Fasolo, L'architetlura ro111ana di Efeso, p. 29, fig. 15. 1974), pp. 69-92, pis. 35-50. F. Fasolo, L'nrc/1itet111rn ro111111111 Venus) and Triton. Statuettes and reliefs, ibid., pp. 14-19, 41Skoutlosis: L. Robert, NIS, p. 50; Ward-Perkins, ERA, n Efeso (1962), pp. 15-16, fig. 6, pointed out that the areas pis. 6b-9b. p. 411. Cf. G. Becatti, Scavi di Oslin VI (Rome, Libreria of ca. 100 hectares (ca. 250 acres) in the immediate urban dello Stato, 1969), p. 128. 52 From Croesus to Constantine Ad Claras Asiae Vo/emus Urbes 53

places, but up to eight percent of the city area was occupied by vast gymnasium­ ingly displayed in the head capitals of the colonnaded screen-made the Figs. 108, 10~ bath complexes. 44 It is interesting that even in antiquity, the Ephesians were Sardis "Marble Court" a shining example of that great creation which I have reproved for the luxury of their baths by Apollonius of , who may have alluded to as the "Asiatic Facade."49 Gymnasia, libraries, theaters, nymphaea, blamed these fashions on Roman customs. 45 and aqueducts were the amenities of civilized life looking for comfort and educa­ Fig. 105 In the plan of the Vedius Gymnasium the two component elements of this tion which continued as the preponderant aspect of the cities of Roman Asia. new type of social center may be clearly discerned-the Roman imperial bath on We may now briefly consider the architectural expressions of spiritual and the left was added to the Greek athletic exercise ground, the palaestra, on the religious life which had become recessive or stagnant. Here a great cleavage and right. Opening onto the court was the Hall of Imperial Cult, which also served as a conflict began to be felt as early as the first century. The theater changed from a banquet hall. Roman Numeral VI was dressing rooms, IV was swimming pools, place of ritual performances in honor of the god of wine to a place of VII was a vast hall for general concourse and exercise, V was cold bath, XI was public performances of oratorical kind, such as the great show pieces of speeches tepid bath, and XV-XIX were claimed as hot baths. 46 given by the sophists, and eventually it became a place of popular assembly even To illustrate the artistic effect of these great civic monuments, let us examine for political matters, thus leading to the role assumed by the circus in Byzantine Figs. 87, 106 Sardis where we have been restoring part of a gymnasium covering five times. It was in the theater of Ephesus50 that the great riot took place, when the Fig. 114 acres. The central building of red brick dates before 166. 47 In our plan the rectan­ people of Ephesus "with one voice for a space of two hours cried: Great is Diana gular palaestra is on the right; at the bottom right is the synagogue. Rising of the Ephesians" (Acts 19.18, 34). The outbreak was caused by Saint Paul who proudly between the palaestra and the central building is the so-called Marble had told the silversmith Demetrios that "they be no gods that are made with Fig. 107 Court, originally, perhaps, a Hall for Imperial Cult. We have just completed its hands." partial restoration. Dated between February 211 and February 212, its dedicatory Demetrios had been making little silver temples for Artemis of Ephesus; but inscription celebrated the emperor Caracalla, his mother Julia Domna, and his the time of the Grecian temple was passing. The last great structures of this brother Geta. Caracalla later, however, killed Geta, and Geta's name is erased traditional type, such as the temple of Zeus and Mother of Gods, Meter Steunene, from the dedication. 48 at Aizani in Phrygia were built in the second century. The view of the Hadrianic This is an example of the rich Asiatic decorative style in full bloom. We have temple in Ionic style was taken before it was damaged by earthquake in 1970. The Fig. 110 learned from the inscription that two noble ladies, Claudia Antonia Sabina and bust in the foreground is an acroterion from the top of the temple, probably Flavia Politte helped the city to pay-echryseothe de pan to ergon, "and the entire showing the Mother of Gods. 51 work was gilded." Even if only the capitals and friezes were gilded, this must Already at the same time, the god who had really devout believers, the god of have been a staggering display of gold, quite in the tradition of Croesus. healing Asclepius, was worshipped in an untraditional Pantheon-like rotunda in Fig. 111 The syncopated rhythm of the upper story, refinements, such as thicker and Pergamon. This famous sanctuary was rebuilt by a Romanized local aristocrat, thinner columns alternating in centers of the three sides, prospects through

screen colonnades and the vibrating liveliness of ornament-the latter strik- 49Ward-Perkins, ERA, pp. 405-6, figs. 152-53, pl. 211. already Byzantine. Alzinger has a good discussion, pp. 50Miltner, Ephesos, pp. 30-32 estimates the capacity of 72-80. For discourses of sophists in the theater, cf. the theater at 24,000. According to W. Alzinger, Stadt, p. Cadoux, Smyrna, p. 274, on Aristeides. 44 47Lucius Verus Base: BA C:QR 154 (1959): 14, fig. 4; S. 1 owe the plan and marking to the kindness of A. 81, the earliest phase was Hellenistic, early third century 51Temple of Zeus at Aizani: R. Naumann, "Das Heilig­ Bammer, cf. FoEphesos VII. Johnson, BASOR 158 (196(,J: 7-:0, figs. 2, 3 (inscription). n.c.; change of stage building ca. early second century tum der Meter Steuene," !st Mitt 17 (1967): 218-47. Accord­ 45Philostratus Vitn Apollonii 1.4, 1.13, 1.16.4 cited by C. 48Marble Court: BASOR lu2 (1961): 40-41, BASOR 166 n.c.; great Roman rebuilding, between A.D. 40 and 112. ing to Akurgal, Civilizations, pp. 268-69, Naumann has P. Jones, Plrl/nrch n11d Ro111e, p. 127. In contrast to H. Fuchs, (1962): 46-48; 170 (1963): 37-38; 174 (1964): 25-30; 177 Two-storied stage building finished by A.D. 66 was being proved that Kybele was worshipped in the barrel-vaulted Der geistige Widerstnnd gegen Ro111, p. 49, Jones does not (1965): 21-27; 182 (1966): 32-34; 187 (1967): 52-60; 191 built in A.D. 57 during the riot in the theater against Paul. substructure of the temple. An inscription mentions Zeus believe that an anti-Roman point was intended. (1968): 34-35; 199 (1970): 43-44; 203 (1971): 18-20. Dedica­ Between A.D. 140 and 144 the front seats were removed for and Kybele together as major of Aizani. The central 46 Vedius Gymnasium: Keil, Fiilmr, pp. 56-61, fig. 27, tory inscription, BASOR 162 (1961): 42; 177 (1965): 24-25, better visibility. Midsecond century, third story added to acroterion was male over the pronaos (front porch) while fig. 23. For circulation of bathers compare Fig. 106. bib!. stage. Later repairs, third century A.D. and last rebuildings that over the opisthodomos was a female bust. 54 From Croesus to Constantine Ad Claras Asiae Vo/emus Urbes 55

Lucius Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus, consul in 142. The other circular building papyrus which has preserved his oration has been described by an eminent British seen in the reconstruction was perhaps for the miraculous cures. 52 This was a church historian as "the most important find of patristic literature made in the non-Hellenistic type of structure. We may say that the untraditional cults, which 20th century." In view of the great wealth and power of the Jewish community of were really alive, called for untraditional architecture. This is also true of the Sardis, it is perhaps not surprising that we find Meliton antagonistic, and indeed, remarkable Serapeion of Miletus, a temple for the Egyptian gods. Serapis, a accusing Israel of refusing and killing Christ. 55 The most extraordinary thing Greco-Egyptian agricultural divinity was apparently assimilated to the great about the Sardis Synagogue is made evident in the birdseye view of the gym- Syrian Sun God who was one of the most vigorous competitors of Christ. The nasium complex with the synagogue appearing as the basilican building on the Fig. 117 temple was given to Miletus around 270-280 by Julius Aurelius Menekles. The left. We have here a huge Jewish assembly hall functioning as an integral part of a Fig. 115 plan shows a classical porch with Ionic columns, but the shrine is a basilican hall Roman-Asiatic gymnasium. about 75 feet by 40 feet (22.5 meters by 12.5 meters) with a small shrine on a When in the time of the Maccabees (2.4.14) in the second century B.c., the platform at the back. 53 The front porch, called the "pronaon" in the temple in­ high priest Jason and the liberals petitioned King Antiochus IV for a gymnasium, scription, had ceiling coffers with busts of gods, including the Apollo of Didyma, the truly religious Jews condemned this as "abominable and unheard of wicked­ Figs. 112, 113 Hermes, and the Muses, and a pediment with the Sun God-Sarapis in center. ness." In those days you were either a Jew or you went to the gymnasium, but not Another important basilican hall of religious character, which probably ex­ both. Now, three hundred years later, in the highly assimilated communities of isted in the late second and third centuries is the colossal Synagogue of Sardis, Roman Asia Minor, the synagogue itself had become part of the gymnasium. We some 300 feet long. Like the Serapeion of Miletus it had little shrines at the back of know from inscriptions that three members of the Jewish community were in the the hall, but instead of one, it had two of them, one probably for keeping the Roman imperial administration (of the province) and that at least nine were city igs. 116, 181, 184 Scriptures, the other perhaps for sacred utensils. We shall come back to the councillors. 56 We must not forget, however, that not only the Jewish com­ Synagogue when we speak of Constantinian buildings in chapter 5. Here I want munities, but also the gymnasium had changed. Under the later Roman Empire, Fig. 116 to point out that the hall having started in Phase I as part of the gymnasium was social, educational, and religious pursuits began to overshadow athletics. In Justin either actually used or was about to be used as a civic Roman basilica, a court the Martyr's Dialogue with Tryphon (ca. A.D. 150), the Jew Tryphon and the Chris­ house in Phase II, when, perhaps with approval of the emperor Lucius Verus, it tian Justin dispute about God while walking in the colonnade of a gymnasium at was turned over to the Jewish community. 54 The transfer to the Jews initiated Ephesus. 57 Phase III, which lasted from possibly 166 to ca. 300 or even 350 of our era. Let us again examine our original theme: what is Anatolian, what is Greek, Its enormous size and capacity of at least a thousand people bespeaks a very what is Roman in this urban renewal and grandiose architecture of the Asiatic large and influential Jewish community to whom, indirectly, the important early Baroque of the Roman era? The Anatolian element was by now fused with Hel­ Christian church father Meliton addressed many admonitions in his homily on the lenistic Greek and it had no formal equivalent (in architecture). It lay in the Pascha. Meliton was active as a bishop of Sardis from ca. 140 to ca. 190. The Greek emotional approach to life, in the emergence of violent pagan and Christian sects, in the fragmentary survival of age-old religious beliefs, as witness, for instance,

52Bowersock, Sophists, pp. 60-61, "the Asclepieum was 54Synagogue shrines: BASOR 170 (1963): 41, figs. 26, 31; 55 two since then a Jewish count has a well-known wonder in later antiquity and is several 191 (1968): 31, fig. 25; 203 (1971): 17, fig. 11, after restora­ A. T. Kraabel, "Melito the Bishop and the Synagogue 1111ditores tabularii; (comes) appeared on a mosaic found in 1971. For Jewish members times alluded to as Ro11pllino11 a/sos, 'the grove of Rufinus,' tion; fig. 10, drawing of four phases of synagogue. For at Sardis: Text and Context," in Studies Ha11f111an11, pp. of curia in the time of Justinian, Claude, p. 113, Justinian, in Byzantine epigrams." Ward-Perkins in ERA, pp. Hebrew inscription, possibly to emperor Verus, according 77-85, with refs. For the Homily on the Passion cf. C. 388-89, 393-94, fig. 148 plan; pl. 206 second circular build­ to I. Rabinowitz, BASOR 187 (1967): 25. For description of Bonner, Studies and Documents, ed. K. and S. Lake, p. xii. Novel/ae, p. 45, a.537. 57Justin, Dialogue with Tryp/10. The location is given as ing. Aerial photograph: 0. Ziegenhaus and G. de Luca, synagogue, G. M. A. Hanfmann, "Ancient Synagogue of A Coptic papyrus has since appeared: W. H. Willis, Ninth Ephesus by Eusebius, E.H. 4:18. T. R. Glover, Tile Conflict Perga111011 XI. I, part 1, Das Asklepieio11, pis. 1, 2. Sardis," Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies, Papers International Congress of Papyrology, Oslo, 1958, Proceed­ 53H. Knackfuss, Mile/ I:7, pp. 180-210; Kleiner, Rui11en, 1 (1967): 37-42, figs. 1-15. ings, p. 384. of Religions in tile Early Roman Empire, p. 176. 56 p. 46. BASOR 187 (1967): 32, one procurator (apo epitropon) 56 From Croesus to Constantine

the resurgence of the strange vegetation goddess, perhaps a pre-Greek "Artemis Fig. 118 of the Swamps" on the small, fine temple of Hadrian at Ephesus. 58 One senses a correlation between this emotionalism and the pictorialism which distinguished the architecture and sculpture of Roman Asia Minor-as illustrated in the lux­ Fig. 117 uriant ornamentation of the temple of Hadrian. I have stressed that urbanism and arts of Asia Minor under the Romans IV: The Social Role of Sculpture present a creative synthesis of Greek and Roman tradition. These two elements were held in balance during the Roman imperial age, but eventually, one element in Roman Cities emerged as dominant. When we look at early Byzantine cities, at their public of Western Asia Minor structures, at their synagogues and churches,59 we see that Roman planning of vast symmetrical complexes, Roman composition of vaulted and domed spaces, and Roman-inspired construction technique of mortared rubble and brick had dominated the scene, while Hellenistic masonry construction, columnar facades, and colonnaded peristyle courts became integral but subordinate features. 60 A parallel development had occurred in the general cultural situation. The In this chapter, I should like to attempt to sketch some aspects of the social wealthy educated class of the Greek citizens, as C. P. Jones has shown in his fine distribution and functions of sculpture in that highly prosperous society which 61 book on Plutarch and Rome, sympathized with Rome, preached a lesson to the developed in Asia Minor in Hellenistic and Roman times. These aspects are: the eastern cities which converged with Roman interest, and increasingly integrated social stratification of sculpture; the various functions of sculpture; and sculpture itself not only politically and socially, but also ideologically into the overall as reflection of ideology and social ideas. framework of the Roman Empire. In early Byzantine times, from Constantine to For once, I should like to start not from the top but from the bottom-from Heraklios, the citizens of the cities of western Asia Minor continued to speak the small towns and villages of the countryside. The modest dedication is to a very Fig. 119 62 Greek but they called themselves Rhomaioi-''Romans.'' native god, the Moon God Men Motelleites, by a woman Trophime for her adopted son Ioulianos, her threptos, or alumnus. It is dated to the year A.D. 228 (313 58 Temple of Hadrian: Ward-Perkins in ERA, pp. 393, Hellenistic elements. Sullan era). The classical figure, a distant descendent of late classical goddesses, 408, frontispiece (color). 61C. P. Jones, P/11/arc/i and Rome, pp. 129-30. He con­ 59D. Claude, "Monuments," part 1, ch. 3. cludes that the Greek cities thus became part of "a system has been flattened and has become almost a sign for emphatic gesture of prayer. 60 Ward-Perkins, ERA, pp. 410-11, "The contribution of that preserved what it admired, and stayed alive." The piece comes from Golde in Maeonia, the volcanic region of so-called "Burned Asia Minor" seems to emphasize the element of Hellenis­ 62R. Jenkins, Byza11tiu111 and Byzanlinism, Lectures in tic survival and acknowledges the existence of Syro- Memory of Louise Taft Semple (Cincinnati, 1963), pp. 6-7. Lydia" to the east of Sardis. The donoress was underprivileged. Unlike the great majority she had not become a Roman citizeness in A.D. 212. 1 Here we are close to the native Anatolian undertow of rustic life. The form is Greek but nearly broken down. Socially, the reliefs are private communications from a person to his god, something that could occur on all social levels, but was particularly important and genuine in the lower classes of villages and small towns. The other piece is from the gate jamb of a Roman estate in the plain of Sardis. Fig. 120 It seems to show a snake-legged being and two dancing warriors, perhaps the

'Sardis Expedition, NoEx 62.26; L. Robert, NIS (1964): 35-36, pl. 3:1.

57 58 From Croesus to Constantine The Social Role of Sculpture in Roman Cities of Western Asia Minor 59

Kouretes. 2 The art and subject are perhaps somewhat more sophisticated; we may local artisan. 7 In the face of recent theories which postulate big, factory-like cen­ be moving here among substantial estate owners in the syncretistic circles where tralized sculptors' workshops for Asia Minor, 8 it is well to remember that these Mithraic-Iranian religious tradition survived in attenuated form. 3 small-town or village sculptors were as necessary and as ubiquitous as nineteenth Native Anatolian cults, as J. Keil had once very plausibly shown for Lydia, century village blacksmiths. survived into the Roman age under a thin veneer of Hellenization. 4 Although the We seem to enter a somewhat higher level of attainment, of great interest for Lydian tongue, according to Strabo (13.4.17; C 631) had died out by the time of the survival and transformation of Hellenistic traditions when we examine the Augustus, Phrygian had not; and when Saint Paul healed the cripple at Lystra the so-called Eastern Greek funerary reliefs. 9 One may well consider them manifesta­ people "lifted up their voices in the speech of Lykaonia ... " (Acts 14.11). 5 tions of an expanding urban middle class. It was the country of old and primitive rites and of mendicant priests of the The earlier of these reliefs still follow closely the tall form and simple setting of Great Mother who cut and mutilated themselves. Even at the apogee of Roman classical Attic grave stelae. Such is the stele of Matis found at Sardis. She hailed Fig. 121 power, life in rustic Asia was neither easy nor wholly safe. Although its locale is from Kelainai, the epigram tells us, was the wife of Andromenes, and left her Thessaly, I always thought the vivid descriptions in "The Golden Ass" would husband, three sons, and one daughter when she died. 10 The date is mid-third apply equally to rural life in Roman Asia Minor-villagers turning out at night century B.c. and the social ambient probably that of new Seleucid Greek settlers, against would-be plunderers; robbers attacking travellers; Roman centurions bul­ that is, of veterans and officials who took pride in the trite Greek epigram and the lying villagers; priests of Great Mother wandering about cheating-and there Athens-like type of stele, "just like at home in Greece." would have been rituals, miracles, and witches, though perhaps not as powerful Most of these "Eastern Greek" reliefs can be dated on epigraphic grounds as the famous witches of Thessaly. 6 from ca. 200 B.c. to A.D. 100. The great majority of Eastern Greek reliefs includes We must remember this hard side of native rustic life if we are to appreciate both the continuation of the tall type of stele and the more original wide format both the built-in resistance to Hellenization and the extraordinary degree to which resembling classical votive reliefs. They present a remarkable display of diverse Figs. 122-127 Greek anthropomorphic art did penetrate the countryside under the Roman Em­ elements of landscapes and sanctuaries, such as stelae, herms, statues, trees, pire. From the same small town as the votive of Trophime, from Golde, came an curtains, and even complete architectural backgrounds. In the only compre- unfinished torso of Herakles, a most explicit testimony that such a statue was hensive discussion of these reliefs published back in 1905, Ernst Pfuhl rightly made locally; and, one would have to say from its design, that it was made by a remarked that such reliefs from western and southern Asia Minor as well as adja- cent Greek islands (Lesbos, Samos, Kos) present a vivid picture of actual Hellenis- tic cemeteries, with their gates, funerary monuments, and sepulchral temples. 2Sardis Expedition, NoEx 59.65. A giant seated on a rock Holl that !saurian (Lycaonian) lived on until at least the supports two warriors with shields and helmets, who hold fifth century of our era. 7Herakles Torso: Found in foundation of a house in vil­ early examples of reliefs which he dated from late fourth aloft a third figure. Provenance: Yilmaz Koy. 6Apuleius Tile Golden Ass 1.7-13, 2.1. A lively picture of lage of Golde, 1962. H. 0.83 m. Surface covered with through the third century B.c. The basic publication is still 3 A. Schober, Der Fries des Hekntnio11s van Lngi11a Is/Fa 2 cities and sanctuaries of Roman Asia Minor appears in rough chisel marks. A considerable collection of small­ E. Pfuhl, "Das Beiwerk auf den ostgriechischen Grab­ (1933). Kouretes: F. Cumont, Orie11/nl Religions, pp. 65-66; Philostratus, Life oupollo11ius of Tya11n (for instance, 1.17, scale sculptures from one provincial workshop was found reliefs," Jdl 20 (1905): 47-96, figs. 1-19, I "Die Denkmaler," F. Sax!, Mit/1ms (Berlin: Verlag Heinrich Keller, 1931), pp. riots because of baths [Ephesus]; 4.10, death of an evil at <;:avdarli (Phrygia) and is now in the Museum at Afyon ibid., 123-55, figs. 20-28, II "Die Bezirke und Bauten;" M. 88, 90; A. B. Cook, Zeus: A Study in Ancient Religion II.2, demon masquerading as old man [Ephesus]). For the hard Karahisar. Pending its detailed publication, cf. S. Gon~er, Bieber, ScHell, p. 125, fig. 489, p. 137, figs. 537-39, p. 152, p. 1288 III.2, p. 1233 (Cambridge University Press, 1940). realities of rural life, cf. Magie, Roman Rule, pp. 679-80 on Afyo11 Iii Tari/ii (Izmir, 1971), pp. 196-98, figs. 69-71. figs. 646-47. N. Firatli and L. Robert, Ste/es de Byznnce; H. 4J. Keil, "Die Kulte Lydiens," Ana/St Ramsay (1923), pp. complaints of the villagers of Arague in Asia; and on ­ 8G. Ferrari, Co111111ercio, pp. 90-94; H. Wiegartz, Mobius. "Hellenistische Grabreliefs," AA (1969): 507-10, 239-66. diers, R. MacMullen, Soldier and Civilia11 in tile Later Roman "Lokalisierung der kleinasiatischen Saulensarkophage," figs. 1-6. 10 5K. Holl, "Das Fortleben der Volkssprachen in Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Melanges Mansel (Ankara, 1974), pp. 374-83. G. M. A. Hanfmann and L. Robert, AJA 64 (1960): Kleinasien in nachchristlicher Zeit," Hermes 43 (1908): 1963), ch. 4 "A Mixed Blessing," pp. 76-98, esp. p. 87 on a 9Unfortunately, the material has not been well collected. 49-56, pis. 9, 10:5. Similar in type and style: women and 240-54; A. H. M. Jones, Greek City, pp. 289-90; G. "shake down" (diaseis111os) by statio11arii. He cites "extor­ Ernst Pfuhl's great Corpus of Eastem Greek Reliefs begun servant from Mylasa, H. Mobius, AA (1969): 509, fig. 6, in Neumann, Weiterlebe11, pp. 43, 106 is a comprehensive tion, pillage, attacks, and beatings, theft of plough ­ early in this century is yet to be completed by Hans Izmir. Related examples are discussed by Pfuhl, Jdl 50 study of survival of Anatolian words. On p. 61 he cites a mals." Mobius. In E. Pfuhl, "Spatjonische Plastik," fdl 50 (1935): (1935): 9-48. Lydian word in an inscription of 47 B.C., and agrees with 9-48, Pfuhl discussed a selection of what he considered 60 From Croesus to Constantine The Social Role of Sculpture in Roman Cities of Western Asia Minor 61

They also illustrate a new Hellenistic use of sculpture to create a new "sacral teresting that a horseman hero relief, said to be Hellenistic, was found set into the Fig. 99 landscape," a countryside adorned and hallowed by religious sculptures. wall of a Roman apartment house of the first century A.D. at Ephesus. It may have Fig. 122 In a typical Hellenistic relief from the city of which dates to the early been an heirloom, cherished and worshipped like a house icon. second century B.c., the dead woman is again being handed the jewelry box but We have previously discussed examples of the so-called funerary banquet the woman is now statuesque and large while the servant and the fan-bearing girl from the Persian era in the reliefs from Daskylion, Sardis, and Sidon. The idea Figs. 41, 42 are much smaller. There is sky overhead and a tree on the left. Alluding to the that the dead will go on feasting with their families forever became immensely possible survival of soul, a statue of Psyche is standing on a tall columnar base-a popular in Hellenistic and Roman funerary reliefs. In Byzantium alone, some very interesting example for the way in which sculpture was displayed in Hel­ hundred relief stelae favored this subject. A very interesting relief from Smyrna in lenistic times. The huge serpent spiralling around the column is the embodiment Leiden clearly shows the influence of the votive reliefs. 14 Larger in stature, the Fig. 126 of a dead man who has become a helping hero, a "Dexios," perhaps the lady's Hades-like dead man is surrounded by worshipping survivors, no less than ten of husband. 11 them. He reclines on a couch placed against the kind of wall with open balustrade The style of the Pergamene Altar of Zeus with large bodies and swinging at top that has actually been found in second century B.c. houses in and 15 curves is echoed somewhat distantly in a remarkable relief in Izmir12 perhaps of Herculanum. Shield, horsehead, and worshipping maidens appear between the Fig. 123 the late second century B.c. Two horsemen are shown as two hero snakes appear pilasters. The date may be between 150 and 100 B.c. at both sides of the central tree. Perhaps the dead were brothers who fell in battle. A relief in the Fitzwilliam Museum displays behind curtains the upper parts Fig. 125 Two little grooms lead the horses; one has put on his master's helmet. of three horsemen, quite in the manner of Hellenistic paintings. The two dead are Originally, it was the prerogative of the city to honor the brave men who had quaffing wine out of large cups, one of them pouring a new potion out of a Persian died fighting for their polis, but in Hellenistic times it is usually the family who style rhyton adorned with a goat or ibex protome. 16 regard the man as having become a hero, an immortal being who should be given In a relief from Byzantium, Theodotos, son of Menephron, no longer drinks Fig. 127 offerings and prayed to, and who in turn will help his family. and makes merry. With thought-lined countenance he points to the celestial This private survival of the public ideal of the "polis hero" changed when the globe. A sundial is shown over the sphinx at the left upper corner. 17 As in the Romans took over. In the rustic, linear representation of Marcus Antonios Fron­ so-called third Pompeian style of painting, as in wall paintings of the House of Fig. 124 ton from the cemetery of Byzantium, the would-be hero is more concerned with Livia in Rome, classicistic caryatids and fanciful sphinxes support the entab­ the scholarly scroll in his hand than with the horse which the tiny groom leads lature of the house, indicating a date around the time of Augustus, the turn of our 18 past him. 13 The name of the dead man is Roman, and the relief dates to the early era. Outwardly, this is the same funerary meal, but ideologically a new theme is Roman Empire, probably to the first century of our era. These were funerary reliefs, normally to be seen in the cemeteries. It is in- 14Museum van Oudheden pb 46. Pfuhl, Jdl 20 (1905): AA (1969): 508, figs. 3-4, and by letter (April, 1971) dates 135, fig. 28. Votive reliefs: U. Hausmann, Griechische the relief to the first century B.c. L. Robert in Sti!les de Weihreliefs (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1960), figs. 12, 14, 11Relief from Notion in Izmir, International Fair Park Museum# 701: 0. Walter, "Antikenbericht aus Smyrna," Byzance, p. 165, refers to H. Jongkees, Arc/weologica Tmjec­ 15. Museum# 31, Aziz, Guide, pp. 17-18, from excavations of JOAI 21-22 (1922-24), Beiblatt, p. 238, fig. 135, H. 0.64 m., ti1111 l (Greek Antiquities at Utrecht) (Groningen, 1957) for 15Herculanum: cf. A. Maiuri, Herc11lane11111, ed. 6 (Rome, Istanbul Museums at Notion, 1906. Aziz calls the figure on interprets the youths as dead assimilated to the Dioscuri. I discussion of globe with seven wise men, and his own 1962), pp. 41-42, fig. 40, Samnite House "atrium." Delos: the column Psyche-Nemesis and describes all small owe the photograph to H. Miibius who dates the relief to remarks on the Smyrna monument, Bulletin epigraphique­ P. Brunneau, el al. Exploratio11 arclzeologique de Delos 27: REG 73 (1961): 343. figures as servants. H. Miibius, by letter (January, 1972) 200-150 B.C. L'ilot de la Maison des Comediens (Paris: Editions E. de Boc­ 18 cites Th. Macridy, "Antiquites de Notion, II," JOA/ 15 13N. Firatli and L. Robert, Ste/es de Byzance, pp. 112-13, Caryatids and sphinxes in Third Style, which accord­ card, 1970), p. 34, figs. 29, 30. ing to Vitruvius (7.5.5) was started by the painter (1912): 61-62, fig. 34, H. 1 m. Pfuhl, unpublished Corpus no. 186, pl. 46, late first century A.D. Hellenistic, ibid., no. 16L. Budde and R. Nicholls, Catalogue of Greek and Ro1111111 Apaturius of Alabanda in Asia Minor, Curtius, file, no. 280, dated the relief to mid-second century B.c. 187. Objects in background include wax tablets, inkstand, L. Die Sculpture in the Fitzwilliam Museum (Cambridge, 1964), no. (Cologne, 1929), pp. 130-35, figs. Miibius, 150-125 B.c. For Psyche-Nemesis, cf. W. H. volu111ina. Robert, pp. 141, 188, because of family name, Wand111alerei Pompejis 64, hero relief of ca. first century B.c., pl. 20. 61-62 (House of Livia). Roscher, MythLex III.2 (Leipzig, 1902-9), p. 3250. the relief must date after 41-30 B.c. 17Firatli, Sti!les de Byznnce, p. 54, no. 33, pl. 8; H. Miibius, 12Relief with two heroes, Izmir, International Fair Park 62 From Croesus to Constantine The Social Role of Sculpture in Roman Cities of Western Asia Minor 63

sounded-the idea of intellectual immortality achieved through works of mind, Apollonios. 22 Copying activities in Nicomedia seem to be attested for Menodotos such as philosophy and astronomy. and Diodotus, sons of Boethos of Chalkedon around 100 B.c., and Lippold sub­ This then was the function of sculpture in serving the somewhat vague, stantiates a workshop in Tralles. 23 private ambitions for immortality of the middle class in the cities of Asia Minor. We are singularly fortunate in having for Asia Minor good information about The emphasis was on the family, house, important respectable status (indicated a well-known sculptors' workshop, and indeed, a regular sculptors' city at Aph­ by small servants), and less strongly, on profession. 19 rodisias in Caria, the city of Carian Aphrodite, somewhat south of the Maeander We shall now interrupt our climb on the social ladder to consider briefly valley. 24 another aspect of our subject. Who were the sculptors who worked in western The activity of the School of began in the eighties of the first Anatolian cities in Hellenistic and Roman times? In discussing this matter we shall century B.c. under the patronage of the famous Roman general Sulla, who had also examine something of the functions and patrons for whom the sculptors just defeated King Mithradates of Pontus. A major monument ordered by the city worked. and thus a public monument is a frieze honoring Gaius Julius Zoilos, priest of Figs. 128-131 There is evidence to show that the initial artistic vocabulary of the "Eastern Aphrodite and a man wealthy and important enough to be called a friend by the Greek" reliefs came from the so-called Hellenistic Rococo current of the late third then rulers of the world-the triumvirs Anthony and Octavian. In style, the and second centuries B.c. These workshops seem to have centered in the cities of transition from late Hellenistic to Roman art, the mixing of classicistic (so-called the kingdom of Bithynia, cities such as Nicomedia, Prusias-ad-Hypium, and the Neo-Attic) copying and Asiatic Baroque pictorialism, in content the remarkable geographically allied city of Kyzikos. 20 allegorical mode, paralleled in the Asianic rhetoric, makes this frieze a key The famous "Fighter Borghese" by Agasias, son of Dositheos of Ephesus is monument for understanding art and ideology of Asiatic cities during the transi­ perhaps a copy from the first century B.C. rather than the original design. Inscrip­ tion from the late Hellenistic to Augustan Age. 25 The people are represented by tions record the activity of Menophilos, before 110 B.c., and of Agasias, son of the dignified bearded gentleman Demos who stands next to a Hermes herm of a Menophilos who restored Nikai with Erotes and Anterotes and made many por­ famous classical type; "Honor," Time in Greek, is a semi-nude lady who crowns Fig. 129 traits of distinguished Romans beginning with Gaius Billienus (before 100 B.c.), Zoilos: Aphrodite, very vividly modelled, rushes into the scene to honor her Fig. 130 and Marius (ca. 99 B.c.), and ending with P. Serveillius Isauricus, proconsul of priest; finally "Eternity," Aion looks on with thinker's gesture and prophetic gaze. Fig. 131 Asia in 46 n.c.21 Most of the figures are abstract ideas given human form to celebrate the great Even though these Ephesian sculptors worked abroad in Delos and on the contributions which Zoilos has made to his dty. They are symbolized by the Greek mainlands, they advertised the existence of a school at Ephesus; and they constant accompaniment of honorary wreaths hung up in the background. That already worked for the Roman patrons. There may have been an atelier at Miletus, all figures were inscribed is a clear indication that even the ancient spectator was where inscriptions name Demetrios, son of Glaukos, who made portraits as well not expected to understand this allegorical scene without some help. as statues of Apollo Delphinios and Lamp-Bearers for the Theaters of Miletus and

Didyma; Ammonias and Perigenes, sons of Zopyros; and Lampitos, son of 22G. Lippold, Plastik, p. 372, with refs to Mile/ 1:9, p. 159; ported from ; Richter thinks the original may have Mile/ I:3, p. 409; Perigenes: RE XIX, p. 745; Lampitos: RE been in bronze. Suppl. V, p. 540, Nr. 2; Mile/ I:8, p. 182. Lippold has an 24Bibl. C. C. Vermeule, l111pArl, p. 477; M. Squarciapino, excellent brief introduction to V, "Anfange des Klassiz­ Sc11ola; K. T. Erim, National Geogrnphic 132:2 (August, 19Pfuhl, JdI 20 (1905) 47-96. H. Mi:ibius, AA (1969): 508; 21Marcade, Rece11il 2 (1957), Il.1 (A. Dositheou), Il:11 (A. mus," p. 364, "Kleinasien," pp. 371-75, and VI, "Uber­ 1967): 280-94. N. Firatli, Ste/es de Byza11ce, pp. 30-36. Menophilou). If the statue of a fighting Gaul belongs to gang zur ri:imischen Kunst, 90-30 v. Chr.," pp. 379-80. 25A. Giuliano, Rilrallislicn, pp. 146, 192, 196, figs. 36-37; 20Pfuhl, Jdl 20 (1905): 152-53; A. Schober, "Vom the monument of Marius (for his victories against Cimbers 23Lippold, Plaslik, p. 382, n. 9; G. P. Oikonomos, Arch­ K. T. Erim, National Geographic 132:2 (August, 1967): griechischen zum ri:imischen Relief," JOA! 27 (1932): and Teutons, 101 B.c.), Agasias was still in the tradition of Eph (1923): 59-101. Apollonios and Tauriskos of Tralles 280-94; AJA 71 (1967): 233-43; F. Brommer, "Aion," Mar­ 46-63; Bieber, ScHel/, pp. 136-56, esp. pp. 152-55. Prusias Pergamene Baroque, Marcade, Rece11il, 11.5, pl. XXV, fig. who made one version of the "Farnese Bull" group were burger Wi11ckel111a1111progmm111 (1967): 3, pl. 3. Date: L. ad Hypium: G. M. A. Hanfmann, "A Hellenistic Land­ BrBr pl. 9; Bieber, ScHel/, pp. 162-63. perhaps only copying an earlier bronze work in Tralles. Robert, "Inscriptions d' Aphrodisias," A11/Cl 35 (1966): scape Relief," AJA 70 (1966): 371. The group mentioned by Pliny was in marble and trans- 422-32; E. Rosenbaum-Alfi:ildi, 25 (1971): 180-81. 64 From Croesus to Constantine The Social Role of Sculpture in Roman Cities of Western Asia Minor 65

Another typical public display of sculpture commissioned by the people of created in the so-called Asiatic aedicular facades. In a previous chapter we had Aphrodisias, i.e., by the city, was a frieze nearly a half-mile long dedicated to considered these facades as elements of city planning. Their ultimate effect was the city goddess Aphrodite, to the deified (i.e., dead) emperor Augustus, to achieved only in conjunction with sculpture through the statue niches, which Augustus's wife Livia, and Augustus's successor, Livia's son, the emperor were populated with statues. Architecture thus became much more an­ Tiberius. It was executed between the death of Augustus (A.D. 14) and that of thropomorphic since it served as a framework for human figures. Livia (A.D. 29). In addition to the portraits of the imperial house and major di­ In its original condition, the Library of Celsus at Ephesus was a fine example Figs. 133, 134 vinities, the sculptors made a colossal display of heads copied from many famous of such public statuary display of ca. A.D. 125. Even though most of the statues are Fig. 132 works of art of classical and Hellenistic times, perhaps to show off their knowl­ lost, we can reconstruct a very interesting ideological program from their in­ edge of masterpieces of the past. The style is a rather wild, provincial ex­ scribed bases. In the niches of the lower story stood the statues of "Sophia," pressionism. 26 "Arete," and "Episteme Kelsou": "Wisdom, Valor, and Knowledge of Celsus." In Neronian and Flavian times, better balance and greater stylistic skill was This is, I believe, the first set of representations of Virtues known in ancient art. achieved in presumably private orders such as the portrait statues of Flavian or The fourth statue, "Insight of Philippos," was a later replacement. Two equestrian Trajanic ladies in Istanbul or an athlete's statue, apparently designed as decorative statues (lost except for their bases) were probably portraits of Celsus, consul in sculpture, signed by the sculptor Koblanos and found in Italy at Sorrento, where A.D. 92, and his son Aquila, consul in A.D. 110. A cuirass statue stood in the the sculptor may have gone to make it. 27 central niche of the upper story. Its identification oscillates between Tiberius Subsequently, as attested by signatures, the School of Aphrodisias spread Julius Celsus Polemaeanus, who is buried in a sarcophagus under the library, and Fig. 134 through the Mediterranean, and under Hadrian, it achieved imperial patronage. Tiberius Julius Aquila Polemaeanus, who completed the building for his father. When its output is restudied it will present us with a model of the scope and Having carefully looked at the statue in the Istanbul Museum, I think it is really a activities of a sculptors' center from the first century B.c. through the fifth century statue of the emperor Hadrian. 30 A.D. Its production included city-commissioned monuments in monumental en­ The Library of Celsus presented us with the use of statuary on an external sembles, such as the friezes just discussed, statues of emperors and benefactors, public facade, and the kind of statuary program which glorified the donor. As an architectural decoration, and a remarkable number of decorative sculptures in the example of interior decoration, we may take the statuary found in the Hall of round. 28 I believe that there were similar ateliers in other cities of Asia Minor, Imperial Cult of the gymnasium which the millionaire Publius Vedius Antoninus, Fig. 105 often located near the marble quarries, such as at Dokimeion- in Phrygia according to the dedicatory inscription, dedicated "with all its decoration to Ar­ or the island of Prokonnesos in the Sea of ;29 but they were also located temis of Ephesus and the Emperor Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Pius Augustus." in large cities like Ephesus, Smyrna, Tralles, and Sardis. The statuary display must have been overwhelming. A colossal statue of the When we now turn to the role of sculpture in public buildings, we must recall emperor served as the central cult image. Vedius, celebrated by his fellow citizens that a very important compositional device for public displays of sculpture was as "the Second Founder of Ephesus," had a statue at one end, which was bal­ anced (at the other end?) by a statue of the mythical First Founder of the city, the hero Androklos, shown during the boar hunt which led him to the site of Fig. 135 Menner E11vanteri, MTAE Publication no. 134; useful sur­ 26Vermeule, ImpArt, pp. 53-54, figs. 55; G. Jacopi, Mon­ Ephesus. Some scholars discern in Androklos's handsome, individual counte- Ant 38 (1939): 9-10, 209-10; K. T. Erim, "The School of vey, bib!. in Ferrari, Co111111ercio, ch. 1 "II commercio dei Aphrodisias," Archaeology 20 (1967): 23, fig. 10. marmi in eta imperiale," pp. 17-23. On Dokimeion: J. 21M. Squarciapino, Sc11ola, p. 16, no. 31, pp. 51-54, pis. Roder, Dergi 18 (1969): 111-16; on Prokonnesos: J. B. 16-17; Erim, Archaeology 20 (1967): 18, fig. 2; lnan­ Ward-Perkins, "Four Roman Garland Sarcophagi in 30Library and statues: F. Eichler, FoEph V:l, pp. 57-59, Trajan in his library; he also buried his wife and son in the Rosenbaum, pp. 172-73, nos. 229-30, pis. 124:1-2, 127. America," Archaeology 11 (1958): 98-104. We expect an up­ figs. 95 ff., W. Alzinger, Stadt, pp. 108-21; Keil, Fi'ihrer, pp. library precinct as Aquila buried Celsus. Pliny Letters 28Squarciapino, Scuola. !nan-Rosenbaum, pp. 29-34; to-date treatment of the subject by Ward-Perkins in the 105-8, figs. 57-58; Statue: Istanbul Archaeological 10.81, 82. As H. North points out, statues of "four lifegiv­ Erim, Archaeology 20 (1967): 18-27, figs. 2-17. publication of his Jerome Lectures. Museums# 2453; !nan-Rosenbaum, p. 125, no. 144, pis. ing virtues" were shown in Church of St. Basil in 290n location of Turkish marbles cf. A. Tekvar, Tiirkiye 82:2, 83:2, 84:1, 2. Dion Chrysostomus placed a statue of Caesarea, Ant/10/ogia Palatina I.93. 67 66 From Croesus to Constantine The Social Role of Sculpture in Roman Cities of Westem Asia Minor

nance a portrait of Hadrian's favorite, the Bithynian boy Antinous. 31 The portraits was a classicizing attempt to extol the past glories of the Greek mythical world, of of the emperor and the donor were the only link with the Roman present. The rest the city's history, and of the Greek literary education and culture, paideia, while of the statuary extolled the artistic and cultural past of Greece in general, and of enjoying the benefits of the organizing ability and the comforts of the Roman present. 35 Fig. 136 Ephesus in particular. Famous writers, such as a poetess (who may be Sappho), Fig. 137 famous athletes32 alternated with gods, goddesses, and minor creatures Most of the public works were erected under the patronage of the aristocratic of traditional to evoke a somewhat synthetic vision of and wealthy families who had risen high in the Roman Empire. 36 The private dreams of this highest social class appear not on these buildings but on the very Fig. 138 the "Golden Age" of Greece as it applied to bathing. Satyrs and river gods, after Hellenistic models, often served as glorified faucets. Hermes was tra­ luxurious marble sarcophagi which seem to have been made in Asia Minor around ditionally the patron god of the gymnasia. In the Vedius Gymnasium the the middle of the second century of our era. Although the name attested for entrance to a dressing room was flanked by two copies of the famous Hermes antiquity is "Asianic," the eminent art historian, Charles Rufus Morey gave to Before the Gate, "Propylaios," of which the classic original stood before the en­ these caskets of Roman times the name of "Asiatic" sarcophagi to indicate that trance to the Acropolis of Athens. The Ephesian herms were inscribed in verse: "I they were made in Asia Minor. 37 am not the work of someone who just happened to pass by but Alcamenes gave A comparison of the earliest known Asiatic sarcophagus, now at Melfi in me this shape." If any visitor did not recognize the work of the most famous pupil Italy, and the reconstruction of the Library of Celsus illustrates the resemblances Figs. 140, 141 of Phidias, the poem gracefully instructed him. 33 in architecture and in the placing of sculpture. The overall concept of such a Fig. 133 Fig. 139 The great displays of statuary, on interiors, as in the Harbor Bath, on exteriors sarcophagus was perhaps, as Hans Wiegartz has recently suggested, that of a as in the Nymphaeum of Trajan34 were a perpetual accompaniment to the daily Hernon or Maussoleum similar to the funerary monuments of kings and princes at life of the city. These sermons in stone were no longer religious but rather educa­ Xanthos, Limyra, and Halikarnassos. Thus in death, all these affluent people Figs. 62, 63, 6 tional and aesthetic in content, and they did preach a definite ideology. While became kings. official acknowledgment was made to the ruling power of Rome, the main theme Gods, such as Hermes, epic heroes, such as Meleager, Odysseus, and Diomed-the last two appear on the right end of the sarcophagus in Melfi-are Fig. 141 sometimes depicted as statues, but usually rendered as actual living beings. Muses and literary luminaries, such as Homer, conjured the semi-mythical, semi­ doorway, the monument would have been very impres­ 31Vedius: Miltner, Ephesos, pp. 58-59, figs. 51-56. intellectual immortality which the heroized dead hoped to enjoy. The rare narra­ Statue: !nan-Rosenbaum, pp. 127-28, no. 150, pis. 83:3, sive. J. Keil, JOA/ 24 (1929), Beiblatt, pp. 31-32, fig. 14; C. 87:3, 4, apparently deny the identification. For a Vedius? Praschniker, JOA/ 29 (1935): 23-31, fig. 20; E. B. Harrison, tive themes have to do with attainment of immortality by active virtue, by vita head, ibid., no. 182, p. 144, pl. 106:3, 4. Agom 11 (1965): 123; Picard, Manuel 2:2 (1939), pp. 554-58; activa, as in the deeds of Herakles, shown on an imposing casket found at Androklos = Antinous: W. Hahland, "Ebertiiter J. R. McCredie, AJA 64 (1962): 87, pl. 56. 34Nymphaeum of Trajan: Miltner, Epltesos, pp. 50-51, near ancient Iconium, modern Konya in southern Asia Minor. In the Antinoos-Androklos," JOAI 41 (1956): 54-77, denied by F. Willemsen, "Aktaionbilder," Jdl 71 (1956): 34-35; accepted fig. 39; Alzinger, Stadt, pp. 235-37; Miltner, JOAI 44 (1959), later so-called Sidamaria group of sarcophagi, so termed aft0r the findspot of a ten by !nan-Rosenbaum, pp. 73-74, no. 37, pl. 24, and C. Beiblatt, pp. 326-46, figs. 171-86. Displays even more striking than those of Ephesus are better preserved at Side Clairmont, A11ti11011s (1966), p. 60, no. 66. and Perge: A. M. Mansel, Die R11i11e11 van Side, pp. 24, 32The bronze athlete in figure 137 is illustrated here as a 35Jones, ch. 5-6 and pp. 46, 109, has Asinnic sarcophagus; J. Kubinska, Les mo1111111e11ts f1111emires typical Roman bath athlete's statue; it comes from the 80-81, assigns some of these sculptures to the school of P/11tnrc/1 n11d Rome, dans /es inscriptions grecques de /'Asie Minettre, p. 41. C. R. Harbor Bath, n·ot the Vedius Gymnasium. W. Alzinger, Aphrodisias. The Hall of Imperial cult at Side included excellent discussion of the Greek attitudes. On p. 126 he remarks "Exaltation of Greek culture did not constitute Morey, Sardis 5:1 (1925): 21-28; Ferrari, Commercio, p. 75; Stadt, figs. 105-6. S. Lattimore, "The Bronze Apox­ 's Disk Thrower, Lysippan Sandal Binder (fig. 91), rejection of the Roman present; archaism and anti­ H. Wiegartz, Sii11/e11sarkophage, pp. 48-50 opted for Perge yomenos from Ephesos," AJA 76 (1972): 13-16, pis. 7-8, Ares Borghese (fig. 93), Herakles Farnese (fig. 90), Hermes quarianism were the fashion in both halves of the em­ or Side as the center of production. For the literary evi­ bibl. Dates for the Greek original vary between mid-fourth of Stephanos (fig. 94), Late Classical Hygeia (fig. 95), pire." dence on quarries at Dokimeion cf. L. Robert, "Lettres century and early Hellenistic; most scholars consider the Nemesis (fig. 97), as well as a Hellenistic type? Nike (fig. 36Bowersock, Sophists, pp. 22-25, has much of interest Byzantines," Journal des Savants (Jan.-June, 1962): 23-26, Ephesus bronze a Roman copy. 96) and a cuirassed emperor (fig. 92) in the central niche. on the subject. 45-51, and the survey by J. Roder, Oergi 18 (1969): 111-16. 33Alcamenes herm: Izmir, Basmane Museum no. 675. Cf. Oergi 17 (1968): 93-105, figs. 8-11, 18-20 (Perge 37 2:1, no. 437, speaks of one local and one Shaft rose way above spectator's head. Standing at the statuary). TAM Pntam 68 From Croesus to Constantine The Social Role of Sculpture in Roman Cities of Western Asia Minor 69

foot high sarcophagus now in Istanbul, there appear heroic hunts. This too, was mate friends of the aristocrats buried in these sarcophagi. Pride in the traditional, interpreted as symbolic of virtue combatting vice; it is so explained in the popular especially local mythology, veneration of Greek literature and education, readi­ Stoic essay known as "The Painting of Cebes. " 38 ness to be uplifted and elevated by comparisons with mythical heroes and sages of The key figure for the understanding of the message of these sarcophagi is old, and the belief that immortality can be attained through intellectual culture the seated philosopher often shown with a woman who either listens to him or -that you can sit in a paradise of sages by the side of Homer, Socrates, and inspires him (Muse? Sophia?). A particularly fine example of.this group occurs on Plato-is the upper class ideal of immortality represented by the sarcophagi of Fig. 142 a sarcophagus from Dokimeion-Synnada, now in Ankara. 39 Asia Minor. The inspired philosopher or sage represents the Greek moral-intellectual We have now seen the role of sculpture in the private cemeteries and maus­ tradition of immortality attained through life of mind. Subsequently, the type was solea around the city and in the exteriors and interiors of the great public struc­ adopted for the representation of the Evangelists. It is obvious how much early tures pertaining to daily life of the city, such as the baths and fountain houses. Byzantine art owed to this Romano-Asiatic art when we look at Saint Mark and There was yet another important public use of sculpture which we have briefly the same female figure but signifying here perhaps Sophia, Divine Wisdom. The noted in our discussion of the Hellenistic period: the displays of honorary statues group is found in a miniature from the famous manuscript of the Gospels of the in the open areas of civic centers, the agoras, and along the main avenues of the Rossano Cathedral; it may have been painted in Asia Minor during the sixth city. Very few such statues have survived in place. In a reconstruction of the century. 40 North Market of Miletus, an attempt has been made to show the position of some Fig. 145 Contradictory concepts were sometimes fused in this funerary art. The sar­ honorary statues. 43 There is one statue still left in place along the Kuretes Street in cophagus is not only a regal maussoleum; it is also a couch on which the dead will Ephesus, that of the physician Alexandros. It is from hundreds of inscriptions, Fig. 146 Fig. 140 either slumber eternally, as in Melfi, or enjoy perennial ease of the so-called often found on statue bases, that we can evoke the picture of the staggering funerary meal. We have already encountered Claudia Antonia Sabina, wife or number of honorary sculptures which were produced in Roman times. daughter of a consul, as a benefactress of the Sardians who gave funds for the Franz Miltner has eloquently described this outburst of honorific activity in building of the gymnasium. Here she is with her nameless daughter reclining on Ephesus: "The energies of the community urged eruptively a new shaping of their Fig. 143 her sarcophagus found at Sardis and now in the Museum at Istanbul. On a city. Builders, artisans, and sculptors were busy at every corner. Hundreds and sarcophagus from Ephesus now in Izmir, we see Claudia Antonia Tatiane, from hundreds of honorary statues were put up during the course of the second cen­ a similar noble family of Aphrodisias and Ephesus, reclining next to her tury in the colonnades of the Great Agora and in the Main Street. ... This forest Fig. 144 husband. 41 of statues belongs to the living image of the city; literary figures, orators, Leaders of the "Second Sophistic Movement," literary people and famous philosophers, priests, priestesses, and officials, municipal and Roman, all took orators such as Antonius Polemon and Aelius Aristeides of Smyrna, 42 were inti- part in this creative effort. " 44 To give just one example from inscriptions: in the South Agora of Miletus, in

38Interpretation of Asiatic sarcophagi: H. Wiegartz, 41Claudia Antonia Tatiane, according to inscription, front of the internal columns of the huge East Hall, stood the statues of fifteen Sii11le11sarkoplrnge, pp. 119-20; C. Praechter, ed. Tabula ceded a sarcophagus to her brother Aemilius Aristeides in emperors, ranging from Domitian in the late first century through Septimius Cebetis, pp. 22-23; R. Parsons, ed. Cebes' Tablet, pp. 22-23, A.D. 204. J. Keil, JOAI 25 (1929), Beiblatt, pp. 46-48, fig. 26; Severus in the early third. Ten additional statues honored outstanding citizens. 35. Happiness crowns the virtuous man because he has and 26 (1930), Beiblatt, 11. For her statue cf. K. T. Erim, been victorious in contests with the biggest beasts (la Archaeology 20 (1967): 22-25, fig. 7. Anticipating women's liberation, a remarkable lady of the early third century, 42 megisla theria), Ignorance and Error. Second Sophistic: A. Boulanger, Aeli11s Aristide el la whose name unfortunately is lost, held all major offices in the city and gave all the 39Ankara 10061; Ferrari, Co111111ercio, pl. 6:2. sophistique dans la province de l'Asie; Cadoux, Smyma, pp. 40Evangelists: A. M. Friend, Jr. "The Portraits of the 250-51; Antonius Polemon, friend of Hadrian, pp. 254-61; games. Perhaps most remarkable is the fact that she was Chairman-Gymnasiarch Evangelists in the Greek and Roman Manuscripts," Ari distinguished mathematician and Platonic philosopher Studies 5 (1927): 115-47; 7 (1929): 3-29; C. R. Morey, ECA Theon of Smyrna, pp. 261-62 (Fig. 148). (1942): 108, 214, bib!., fig. 112. Rossanensis, fol. 121. 43Kleiner, R11i11e11, fig. 31; Mile/ I:6, pl. 28. 44Miltner, Ephesos, pp. 58-59. 70 From Croesus to Cons tan tine The Social Role of Sculpture in Roman Cities of Western Asia Minor 71

of all three gymnasia for men; the Gymnasium of Boys, Gymnasium of Fathers, date. 49 There is something Zeus-like about his countenance; the traditional pal­ and the Gymnasium of Senior Citizens. Another celebrated citizen was a contrac­ lium, "cloak," claims for him the dignity of a classical citizen and philosopher. tor who served without fee and built part of the famous Market Gate, now recon­ The full assertiveness and amplitude of these leading citizens in the era of structed in Berlin. 45 Roman prosperity appears impressively in the portrait of the son-in-law of Ve­ The effect of hundreds of these human presences startlingly lifelike in painted dius, the sophist (which means man of letters and orator) Flavius Damianus50 marble and bronze and standing close to, but above the beholder on their pedes­ whose statue was found in the East Gymnasium of Ephesus. It stood in the Hall of Fig. 149 Fig. 146 tals must have been considerable. Their intent was somewhat like that of a gallery the Imperial Cult. Over a laurel wreath he wears a strange crown with little busts, Fig. 150a, b of ancestors-a perennial parade in marble and bronie of citizens who had loved now broken off, which proves that he is shown as a priest of Imperial Cult. The and served their city. wooden chest at his feet with a tablet for inscription may be envisaged as contain- Just as the Dutch group portraits represent the social ideal of Holland in the ing manuscripts of his speeches. The symbolic presence of the emperor-he was seventeenth century, so do these honorary statues of the Roman era tell us how shown with the twelve gods in the little busts of the crown-is the one Roman the leading citizens of western Anatolian cities wanted to be seen. Let us now element in this Greek-centered rendering of Zeus-like citizen philosopher. A examine this self-portrayal of "the living image of a city" in specific examples. Jovian questioner and judge, Damianus is not unworried by thought. In the Fig. 148 One portrait of an intellectual can be identified with certainty, that of the refined interpretation of the individual likeness we see the contribution of the mathematician, astronomer, and philosopher Theon of Smyrna (active ca. A.D. Roman concept of personality. 115-140), whose writings on astronomy and on the use of mathematics in under­ Such then was the ideal of Asia Minor during the Roman peace; a man of standing Plato have been passed down to us. The inscription records that the substance and status, a philosophic citizen in the classical polis tradition, yet also portrait was given by the philosopher's son, a priest, in order "to honor Theon, a loyal Roman citizen, who piously combined the cult of the traditional twelve Platonic philosopher."46 gods with the Thirteenth God, the praesens divus, "the ruling emperor." In sculp­ Derived from late classical sculpture, the bearded philosopher type is given ture, as in literature, "the vitality of the Greek Renaissance of the second and third individual overtones in the care-lined face, strained by intellectual effort. centuries ... owes much to the encouragement ... fortuitous and deliberate ... A document of great importance for self-interpretation of the upper classes, is of Rome."51 a sarcophagus from Aphrodisias. Its reliefs show the bust of Pereitas Kallimedes In the ensuing time of crisis for the empire (ca. 235-285) this calm and self­ and his wife Tatia. Kallimedes held important offices in the city, and is made to assured ideal was invaded by an agony of spirit which could lead to creative Fig. 147 look like a bearded philosopher on the relief. There are inscriptions for them and synthesis of Roman individualism, and Greek intellectualism with the new for their son, likewise a high official, who is described as "magistrate and True spiritual call from the beyond. The bearded head found in the Main Avenue of Fig. 151 Philosopher."47 Obviously, to be considered a philosopher was an integral part of Sardis., is' such a superb "Soul Portrait" initiating the new, spiritualized concept of the social ideal of the urban upper class. 48 personality. 52 The statue found in the Marble Hall of the Vedius Baths has been claimed as a Having thus viewed the expression of the highest social stratum in sculpture, portrait of the millionaire Vedius, friend of Antoninus Pius, but other scholars we should now ascend to the top rung of the social ladder, to the emperor deny the identification because the style of the portrait points to a later, Severan himself. We have seen that traditionally the citizens' protecting gods and goddes-

49Inan-Rosenbaum, no. 150 (Izmir), pis. 83:3, 87:3-4. 52Sardis "Saint": G. M. A. Hanfmann, Ro111a11 Art, p. 45All numbers after A. Rehm, Mile/ I:7, pp. 309-19. 48Bowersock, Sophists, pp. 10-11, on rivalry between 50Inan-Rosenbaum, p. 128, no. 151, pl. 87:1-2; L. 100, pl. 90. !nan-Rosenbaum, pp. 39, 41, 44, no. 220, pl. 46Theon: G. M. A. Richter, Portraits of the Greeks III professional "sophists" and "philosophers" and their Robert, Eludes a1zntolie1111es, p. 129. Bowersock, Sophists, 180:3-4; Hanfmann, "On Late Roman and Early Byzantine (London, 1965), p. 285, fig. 2038. claims to civic importance. pp. 27-28 details after Philostratus Vitae Sophistm'l//11, p. Portraits from Sardis," Ho1n111nges a Marcel Renard, III, Col­ 47 Giuliano, Ritmltistica, p. 196, figs. 36-37, ca. A.D. 605, the great public works undertaken by Damianus. lection La/011111s 103 (1969): 288-95, pl. 113. 211-17. 51Jones, P/11/arch and Rome, p. 109. The Social Role of Sculpture in Roman Cities of Western Asia Minor 73 72 From Croesus to Constantine

ses were the spiritual centers of the western Anatolian cities. Their images con­ If the emperor took over a pre-existing temple, was the previous possessor tinued to be made under the Roman Empire in traditional, often bizarre Anatolian evicted or did the emperor join the traditional divinity? We used to think that at forms and costumes, as in the images of the Aphrodite of Aphrodisias and Ar­ Sardis, for instance, the colossal images of Antoninus Pius and Faustina had Figs. 157, 153 superseded Zeus and Artemis upon the bestowal of the neokorate under An­ Fig. 153 temis of Ephesus. 53 Already, Hellenistic kings had sought to associate themselves with these toninus Pius (ca. A.D. 140). But a renewed examination of all colossal fragments divine protectors of urbanism by becoming their paredroi or synnaoi-literally those indicates that both Zeus and Artemis were still represented by colossi in the who "sit by the side" or "share the dwelling" of the god. These royal statues may temple. Joint protection by the emperor and the local divinity was certainly the have often been colossal. 54 A possible example may be the Hellenistic colossus emotional and ideological assumption expressed in the dedicatory inscriptions of public buildings. Thus in Ephesus the Nymphaeum was given to Artemis and Fig. 155 from the Artemis temple at Sardis, hitherto regarded as that of Zeus assimilated to 55 Trajan and the Baths of Vedius to Artemis and Antoninus Pius. Fig. 154 the ruler Achaeus but possibly intended from the start to represent the king. When Roman emperors became the central power, they also assumed the Here an ideological synthesis of Anatolian Hellenism and Roman imperialism functions of resident divinities of the cities. The resident imperial divinity could took place. By including the Roman emperor in their most cherished emotional receive its own cult temple and this neokorate was an honor much sought by the traditions, the cities adjusted their spiritual focus. There were stern legal, and Greek cities of Asia Minor. The colossal size of the imperial images was derived economic realities behind these sculptures and inscriptions. Saint Paul was a from the tradition of colossal divine images in the temples of great Anatolian citizen of Tarsus; he was also a Roman citizen. It is as a Roman citizen that he 56 could appeal directly to the emperor. Even before 212, increasing numbers of Fig. 156a, b divinities. Thus a huge seated Domitian dwelled in his own temple at Ephesus. urban dwellers were becoming Roman citizens with Roman rights and respon­ Daux, BCH 83 (1959): 625, figs. 13-14, Halicarnassus s3Aphrodite of Aphrodisias: K. T. Erim, National Geo­ sibilities, and many Greek Asiatics became part of the Roman administrative gmphic 132:2 (August, 1967), fig. on p. 285; Artemis of (Ares), Vitruvius 2:8:11. Athena Pergamon: F. Winter, Per­ 57 Ephesus: F. Miltner, "Die neuen Artemisstatuen aus gamon 7:1 (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1908), pp. 33-46, pl. 8, system up to the consulate and thus partners in administering the empire. The Ephesos," A1111toli11 3 (1958): 21-34, pis. 5-12; G. M. A. ca. 160 B.c., 4.5 m. high. Athena Priene: Smith, BMC 2, most cogent visual symbol of the justice, majesty, and authority of the Roman Hanfmann, Clnssicnl Sculpture, p. 338, figs. 304-5; H. 146, 152, no. 1150, ca. 150 B.c. Th. Wiegand and H. 58 Thiersch, Artemis Ephesia, Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften Schrader, Priene, pp. 110-11, ca. 6.5 m. high. Apollo, Ar­ Empire was the statue of the Roman emperor. temis, Leto, K!aros: Apollo 7-8 m. high, Augustan: Akur­ zu Gottingen, Ab/iandlungen 3. Folge, no. 12. L. Lacroix, The last of the great imperial colossi of the middle empire seems to be the gal, Civilizations, p. 137; L. Robert, Les fo11illes de Klaros Les reproductions des statues s11r /es 1110111111ies grecq11es (Liege: 59 Faculte de Philosophie et Lettres, 1949), pp. 176-96, bib!. (Limoges, 1954); cf. AJA 59 (1955): 237; 60 (1956): 381; 62 fierce and threatening head of Caracalla from Pergamon. During the anarchical Fig. 159 P. E. Arias, EAA I (Rome, 1958), s.v. Artemide, p. 694; W. (1958): 99. Dergi 7:1 (1957): 5; 7:2 (1957): 12-14. G. Roux, years when the disastrous defeat of Valerian by the Persians (258) and the Gothic "Qu' est ce que un ko/ossos," REA 62 (1960): 5-40 shows Helbig and H. Speier, Fiihrer durch die offentlichen S11111111- and Palmyrene invasions had shaken Asia Minor to its foundations, the cities lunge11 klassischer Altertiimer in Rom, 4th ed. (Tubingen: E. that the ancient word often does not mean a very large Wasmuth, 1966), vol. 2, pp. 275-76, no. 1452. R. Fleischer, statue. P. Bernard kindly acquainted me with Roux's arti­ could neither afford colossi60 nor did most emperors appear to be colossal to the Artemis vo11 Ephesus u11d verwandte K11itstatue11 aus Anatolien cle. ssH. C. Butler, Sardis I (1922), p. 66, ill. 61. BASOR 166 citizens. Many of them did not last long enough to have authentic portraits reach und Syrien (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973). s4sy11naoi, paredroi: Fundamental,comprehensive treat­ (1962): 34-35, fig. 27. Achaeus coins: E. T. Newall, Wes/em Asia Minor. Only with the reconstruction of the empire by Diocletian and his Seleucid Mints (1941), p. 265, pl. 60:1-2, and a new tetrad­ ment in "Synnaos Theos," A. D. Nock, Essays 011 Religion institution of the Four Rulers, the Tetrarchs (284-285), did a new age begin. 1111d the Ancient World, ed. Z. Stewart. Vol. I, Essay 11, pp. rachm, Sardis Excavations: C 63,21. 6 202-51, esp. p. 219 ff., on Asia Minor, p. 231 f., on W. S lnan-Rosenbaum, no. 27, p. 67, pl. 16:1. For emperors Both Caracalla and Diokles-Diocletian ("Famed of Zeus")-have the Zeus- Fig. 160 Ramsay's view of partial identity of local divinity and em­ and imperial cults on coins of the cities cf. P. R. Franke, peror. Cf. in general, C. Habicht, Gott111e11sc/1e11tu111 und Klei11asie11 z11r Ro111erzeil, pp. 11-13. According to A. Bam­ griechisc/1e Stiidte = Zete11111ta, ed. E. Burck and H. Diller, mer, the colossus is identified as Titus rather than Domi­ s7Jones, P/11t11rch and Rome, p. 46: "Asia Minor had al­ Niemeyer, St11dien, pp. 18-26, bib!. Heft 14, esp. "Tempel, Altar, und Kultbild," pp. 141-44 tian by G. Daltrop, V. Haussmann, and M. Wegner, Die ready advanced in Plutarch's time to produce its first con­ s9caracalla from Pergamon: !nan-Rosenbaum, p. 84, no. and pp. 192-95 on the local city-conditioned character of Flavier-Dns romische Herrsc/1erbild 2:1 (Berlin: Mann, 1966): suls and commanders of Roman armies." 60, pJ. 38:1-2, A.D. 214, the cults. Antioch us III and Laodike as synnaoi of Dionysus pp. 26, 38; similarly, already C. C. Vermeule, I111pArt, p. s8For the legal status of imperial images, including their 6°Cf. Magie, Ro111a11 Rule, pp. 708-9, 714-15 on economic at , ca. 200 B.c., P. Hermann, Anatolia 9 (1965): 43-44. 232. On the basis of his recent field work, Bammer believes role as recipients of loyalty oaths, cf. H. Kruse, Studien zur decline of cities. Colossal statues: P. Bernard, "Fouilles d' Ai Khanoum," the statue stood in the open (oral communication, 1973), offizielen Ge/tung des Kaiserbildes (Bonn, 1934). H. C. CRAI (1969): 338, has collected some examples. Cf. also G. 74 From Croesus to Cons tan tine like formula of glowering glance under contracted eyebrows. There is, however, a striking difference between Caracalla's theatrical anger heightened by heavy fea­ tures and frame of twisting hair and a new, superior, measuring assurance held by simple overall shape and flat, nearly linear work61 in the head of the leading Tetrarch, from his new capital in Nicomedia. Here begins the new, late antique vision of a ruler. V: Instinctu Divinitatis: It may be well to recapitulate our findings: never in the history of humanity was sculpture as abundant and all pervasive as it was in the Greek cities of the The Tetrarchs, Constantine, Roman Empire during the second and early third centuries of our era. Sculpture and Constantinople was spread through the entire life of the citizen from cradle to grave. It pervaded the city from private dwelling to public square, from the humble dedication of a slave to the colossal image of the emperor. Sculpture served not only as art, but as a prime vehicle of communication. Like posters, newspapers, and magazines today, it expressed and communicated private and public, sociaC religious, educa­ tionat and political concerns. In this final chapter, we shall first treat of the time of the Tetrarchs1 and of the This was a unique situation in the history of urbanism and it was made several cities in the western coastlands of Asia Minor which competed for the rank possible by three factors. First, economic prosperity which permitted an enor­ of the world capital. We shall then discuss Constantine's experience with ur­ mous organization of marble trade and marble working. Second, the vast heritage banism and his use of it when he founded, in Constantinople, the first capital of a of Greek sculpture had made available casts, copies, and adaptations, an enor­ Christian empire. 2 mous artistic vocabulary (linguaggio) to evoke the glories of Hellenic past and to Let us recall that under the senior emperor Diocletian and his co-rulers a celebrate the Graeco-Roman present. Finally, in ideology, the emotional appeal of system of an empire ruled by four emperors lasted from 284-305. Born perhaps in the idea of the Greek city was still capable of exciting ardent loyalty in the citizens 283, Constantine succeeded his father, Constantius Chlorus, as one of the rulers of Smyrna, Ephesus, Miletus, and Prusa. It was this vision of an ideal Greek city, in 306. He then proceeded to eliminate the others. His last competitor, his integrated within the framework of the Roman Empire which evoked the great brother-in-law Licinius, was defeated in a battle at Chrysopolis-Skutari across outpouring of sculptures. This outpouring was intended to show that the modern from Byzantium in 324. Constantine promptly began to build Constantinople in Roman cities of Asia Minor were steeped in glorious Hellenic art as much as, and the same year. 3 He officially dedicated the new capital in 330 and died at even more than, the famous Greek cities of old. There was some pretense and Nicomedia in 337 while Constantinople was still abuilding. Constantine's official artificiality in the cultural and artistic Renaissance of the Greek city under the recognition of Christianity as state religion began in 313 but he was baptized only

1 Roman Empire, but it was based on living belief and genuine need. Until a crisis Tetrarchs: CAH 12 (Cambridge: Cambridge University (New York: The Dial Press, 1969); Mango, Art, pp. 3-6; overtook the entire empire, the Greek city lived in its sculpture. Press, 1939), pp. 328-30; W. Seston, Dioc/etia11 el la Tetrar­ "The Age of Constantine: Tradition and Innovation," c/1ie (Paris, 1946); H.P. L'Orange, "The Great Crisis and its D11111b11r/011 Oaks Papers 21 (1967) contains a symposium Solution Under Diocletian," Ari For111s and Civic Life i11 the summarized by A. R. Bellinger, pp. 287-89, with papers 61Diocletian from Nicomedia: Istanbul #4864, Inan­ da Cam11sio a Gi11/ia110 3 (Rome: L'ERMA Bretschneider, Later Ro111a11 Empire, pp. 37-68 (historical, cultural, and ar­ by A. Alfoldi (unpublished), J. A. Straub, J. L. Teal, M. H. Rosenbaum, p. 85, no. 61, pl. 39; 3-4; K. Bittel, AA (1939): 1972), pp. 14-16 (ancient sources) and pp. 89-117, figs. tistic transformations). Shepherd, Jr., E. B. Harrison, I. Lavin, and R. 2 166, figs. 36-39; Vermeule, I111pArl, p. 330, fig. 169. On 6-51. Constantine: H. M. Gwatkin, "Constantine and his Krautheimer, where earlier literature will be found. portraits of Diocletian: R. Calza, Ico11ogrnfia ro111a11a i111periale City," CMH l (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1911), pp. 3 A. Alfoldi, "On the Foundation of Constantinople," 1-23; L. Voelkl, Der Kaiser Ko11sta11ti11; J. Vogt, Ko11sta11/i11 ]RS 37 (1947): 10-16, discusses the background of the der Grosse 1111d sein Jahrh1111derl; J. Vogt, "Constantinus der change. Grosse," RAC 3 (1957): 306-79; R. MacMullen, Co11sta11ti11e

75 76 From Croesus to Constantine Jnstinctu Divinitntis: The Tetmrchs, Constantine, and Co11st1111ti11ople 77

on his deathbed, twenty-five years later. The phrase Instinctu Divinitatis comes Already under Trajan, during the governorship of the Younger Pliny (ca. from the inscription on the Arch of Constantine at Rome. It was Constantine's 110), the city was engaged in a program of ambitious, if not always efficient, urban guiding theme in beginning the transformation of the cities and their arts from a rebuilding. Of the buildings the Nicaeans were then striving to erect, the theater is Fig. 89 Roman to a Christian world. still recognizable. The gymnasium may have been the successor to the one seen by "In Bithynia alone Hellenism went deeper," said that great student of the Strabo. Trajan's aqueduct is attested by inscriptions. 8 Hadrian, celebrated by the Hellenistic Age W.W. Tarn. 4 The kings of Bithynia regarded themselves as rivals Nicaeans as a second Dionysos and second founder gave to Nicaea agoras, colon­ of the Attalids of Pergamon and founded many towns, usually to replace earlier naded streets, and "walls toward Bithynia. " 9 Greek settlements; thus, Nicomedia (named after king Nicomedes I, 278-250 B.c.) Nicaea had an imperial palace. According to Eusebius (Vita Constantini 3.10) replaced Astakos. 5 the First Ecumenical Council met "en mesaitatoi oikoi ton basileion," "in midst of the Four cities of this key region between the Dardanelles and the Bosporus were palace," and this palace was later repaired by Justinian. A possible location is a Figs. 163, 164 to become imperial capitals: Nicomedia for Diocletian, Nicaea from 1204-1261 for hillock named Treasure Hill (Mal Tepe), some 300 meters southwest of the East Figs. 161, 162 the Byzantine Lascarids, Bursa (Prusa) for the early Ottomans, and Byzantium Gate where large unexcavated masonry walls are to be seen. 10 became Constantinople-Istanbul. Earlier, Daskylion had served as capital for the Fortified by the emperor Claudius Gothicus after the invasion of the Goths in Third Satrapy of the Persians. Under Constantine, Nicaea achieved considerable 253, Nicaea, whose defenses were considerably improved by the Byzantines, importance. The First Ecumenical Council at which the orthodox Nicene Creed presented the appearance of a new type of a city-the militarized, castle-like, late was formulated took place there in 325. antique, early medieval town. Nicaeaque ager uber aestuosae, "the fertile land of burning Nicaea," which Catul­ At the East Gate, at the North Gate, and on top of the eastern wall, there are lus (46.5) was anxious to leave, is still hot, richly green and beautiful lying on the preserved several important reliefs from a Roman triumphal monument of the Fig. 161 shore of the blue Ascanian Lake within its amazingly well-preserved, part Roman, time of the Tetrarchs. 11 The slabs now immured on top of the eastern wall display part Byzantine city walls. 6 the submission of a kneeling chieftain in front of a city wall with two towers. Nicaea was an interesting example of a Milesian Hellenistic grid plan with an ALA/MANNIA, "Germany" is inscribed on one of the towers in irregular Latin Fig. 162 axial cross. Strabo (12.4, 7.565) said that its circuit was 16 , 2,893 meters, and letters. The city is perhaps Vindonissa-now Windisch in Switzerland. This slab is rectangular in shape; and that "its streets are cut at right angles, so that the four particularly badly weathered. gates can be seen from the middle of the gymnasium." Four gates can still be seen The reliefs on the East Gate preserve the lucid quality of marble and reveal from the intersection at the ruin of the church (now museum) of Aya Sofya but some sophisticated details such as a sword overlapping a shield arranged in they are not the same gates Strabo saw, and the walled circuit as preserved perspective. Massed infantry formations clash in the relief on the right. Animals measures 4,970 meters. The, outline became irregular when the city was enlarged and other booty are driven off over two superposed strips of ground and a bar- by the Romans. Under the Flavian emperors, two marble gates were built by

Proconsul Plancius Varus A.D. 78-79 (North or "Istanbul" Gate and East or 8Trajan's aqueduct: Schneider and Karnapp, pp. 44, 47, 10K. Bittel, "Das Alamannia Relief in Nicaea "Lefke" or "White" Gate). Then, after the disastrous earthquake of A.D. 123, the nos. 10, 18. Theater: Schneider, pp. 8-9, figs. 2-3 (plan, (Bi//1y11iae)," Festschrift fi'ir Peter Goessler, ed. W. Kimmig, sections); Guide Bleu, T11rq11ie, p. 212. General bib!. on pp. 21-22. Maltepe is described by Schneider, p. 19. 7 emperor Hadrian built the other gates. Nicaea in addition to above: W. Ruge, s.v. "Nikaia," RE 11The reliefs resist photography although they are quite 33:2 (1936), no. 7, pp. 226-43 (esp. history); C. A. Mango, readable in the original. Schneider and Karnapp, p. 44, 4W. W. Tarn, Hellenistic Civilizatio11, 2nd ed., p. 149; RE 5 from that publication. "Iznik (Nicaea)," Archneology 3 (1950): 106-9, and Art, p. no. 9, pis. 51, 52. Curiously, these reproductions, and (1897), s.v. "Bithynia," 507-39. Cf. also n. 12 below, litera­ 7Strabo (63 a.c. to A.D. 23) must have seen the Hellenis­ 11; N. Firatli, G11ide to Iznik (Nicnen). Translated by A. Bittel's article, were unknown to B. Brenk, IstMitt 18 ture on Nicomedia. tic city walls. His visit cannot be closely dated but probably Mill (Istanbul: Istanbul matbasi, 1961). Vermeule, I111pArt, (1968): 241 when he wrote his study of Tetrarchic sculpture 5J. Siilch, "Bithynische Stadte im Altertum," Klio 19 occurred before the beginning of our era, E. Honigmann, pp. 351, 453 (list of monuments, bib!.); Pliny's letters in Asia Minor. The major publication so far is Bittel, (1925): 140-88. For the map compare Oztiire, p. 6. RE 7:2 (1931): 76-155; Varus and Hadrianic gates; 10:39-40. Cf. also above ch. 3, ns. 16, 17. Fesfsc/1rift fi'ir Peter Goessler, pp. 11-22, pis. 1-12, cited by 6Schneider and Karnapp. The panorama, figure 161 is Schneider and Karnapp, pp. 24-27, pis. 14-15. 9Chro11ico11 Pnschnle, p. 475. Vermeule, I111pArt, p. 516, n. 9. 78 From Croesus to Constantine Instinctu Divinitatis: The Tetrarchs, Constantine, and Constantinople 79

barian is being forced to his knees in the relief on the left (as the spectator faces the Diocletian reintroduced that element which had been missing from western gate). Subjects and design of these reliefs are in the imperial Roman, not in the Anatolian urban scene in Roman times, namely the Royal Palace. We hear that he Hellenistic Greek tradition. The style is of the time of the Four Emperors or had a palace of his own and that he also built palaces for his wife and daughter. Tetrarchs (284-305). One of the Tetrarchs, Constantine's father, Constantius He added yet another complex which was to become crucial in Constantinople Chlorus defeated the Alamanni in 298 on the German frontier near Vindonissa. -the Hippodrome (circus). 14 This must be the victory celebrated in the lost triumphal arch, one of the very rare This information comes from literary sources. There have been almost no examples of official Roman historic reliefs in Asia Minor. regular excavations in the city15 and owing to the vigorous expansion of modern Nicomedia, modern Izmit, city of Zeus Stratios, was the chosen capital of Izmit from forty to one hundred thirty thousand inhabitants within the last fifteen Diokles-Diocletian, "famed of Zeus," senior Tetrarch, who had assumed imperial years, building activities for the modern city are demolishing the scattered frag­ dignity near Nicomedia in 284. In our time, Ataturk, too, had considered Izmit for ments of the ancient structures. the capital of Turkey. Diocletian wanted Nicomedia to rival Rome, Romae coaequare Both on the acropolis in the district Orhan Cami Mahallesi and around the Fig. 165 said Lactantius, (250-317), imperial professor and later a violent church father city there are considerable remains of Roman, Byzantine, and possibly Hellenistic whom Diocletian had appointed to teach at Nicomedia. 12 fortress walls. Their circuit has been traced. 16 Discovered recently at half-height The famous pagan orator and professor Libanius, who lived at Nicomedia on a platform against a steep rise of the citadel, the theater has some fine Hellenis­ from 344-348, said that only four cities of the empire were bigger, and none more tic as well as Roman vaulted chambers of limestone masonry supporting the beautiful. 13 From his enthusiastic description we can envisage the busy waterfront auditorium. 17 It opened to sweeping views on the southeastern part of the bay, Fig. 164 Fig. 164 sweeping around the crescent-shaped bay. It still sweeps around the bay and, as a including the site of Nicomedia's Greek predecessor, Astakos, on the san.dspit Turkish friend put it, "all traffic of Asia and Europe still passes down this avenue projecting from what are now Kocaeli Fairgrounds. A nymphaeum of the second ... all honking their horns .... " century of our era, one of the largest in Asia Minor, was on a slight rise (Tepecik), What comes as a surprise is the wonderful calm of the protected bay, where some 200 meters inland from the waterfront. In the west, near the waterfront, little boats can row freely; and the steep rise in two terraces from the waterfront parts of colonnades were discovered during the construction of the huge modern 18 Fig. 163 up to the citadel hill (Orhan Mahalle). In its siting, Nicomedia is a magnificent SEKA paper factory and the equally modern State Supplies Office. They have example of the archaic Eastern Greek type-the harbor with acropolis. been interpreted by N. Firatli as parts of the agora. Very tentative reasons have Fig. 165.6 The first phase of Roman urban renewal in which Pliny and Emperor Hadrian been advanced for seeking the Palace of Diocletian in the western part of the city took part, left Nicomedia an Asiatic-Roman city with several agoras, colonnaded

streets, gymnasia, and a huge bath built by Caracalla early in the third century. 14Bath of Caracalla, Libanius Oralia 61.17; Procopius De sites. The theater is shown on Oztiire's, but not on Firatli's aedificiis 5.3.7. Palaces, Hippodrome: Ruge, RE 33:2 (1931): plan, fig. 165, no. 41. It also appears in C. Bosch's interest­ 12Lactantius De 111ortibus persernton1111 1. 7.8-10, ed. J. Eserleri Rehberi (Istanbul, 1971) with sketch plan of city and 400-91 with ancient references. On its function: Claude, ing attempt to reconstruct a plan of the major buildings of Moreau, Sources Chretie1111es 29 (Paris: Editions du Cerf, essential literature. There are many illustrations of the city p. 77. Nicomedia on the basis of coins. Unfortunately, this 15 1954), p. 86. Nicomedia: W. Ruge, s.v. "Nikomedeia," RE and its antiquities (some otherwise unpublished) and an Apparently some cleaning has been done at the Orhan sketch cannot be usefully applied to the site as it exists. 33 (1936): 468-92; F. K. Dorner, Inschriften u11d De11k111iiler important plan which shows both the modern city and Mahalle and at the theater, but otherwise the finds of Firatli, /2111il, p. 7, fig. 2. a11s Bithynien, Is/Fa 14 (1941): 44-51, sculpture, inscrip­ ruins underneath in Oztiire, see Bibliography. buildings have come in the wake of modern building exca­ 18Firatli, Iz111it, p. 16, figs. 32-33 reports that a three­ tions; Guide Bleu, T11rq11ie, pp. 194-96; R. Duyuran, "Izmit 13Libanius, Ornlio 61:7. Other references, W. Ruge, RE vations. Guide Bleu, T11rq11ie, pp. 194-95. Firatli, Iz111it, p. stepped marble structure going east-west was found in the ve Silivri'de yapilan arkeolojik ara1;,tirmalar, 1947-48," Bel­ 33:2 (1931): 490. On a bronze relief found in Croatia and 23, says that in the excavations by the Istanbul Museum in garden of the Dev/et Malze111e Ofisi. His plan, fig. 165:39, /e/e11 15 (1951): 213-19;' R. Naumann, AA (1939): 156-71 datable after A.D. 350, Nico111edin is equal to Constan­ 1938 some fortress walls were found but no evidence to shows it turning a corner. He reproduces an Ionic column with bib!. J. D. Ward-Perkins in D. Talbot Rice, ed. The tinopolis, both flanking Ro111n; the other two cities shown show that the Orhan Cami was preceded by a Christian and a Corinthian capital. The structure was done away Great Palace of the Byzn11 tine E111perors, Second Report (Edin­ are and Siscia: J. M. C. Toynbee, "Roma and church. Cf. R. Duyuran, Belle/en 15 (1951): 213-19. with by the builders and now only the Corinthian capital burgh: The University Press, 1958), p. 100; Inan­ Constantinopolis in Late Antique Art," ]RS 37 (1947): 142, 16Firatli, Iz111it, pp. 11-12, figs. 13, 13a; cf. plan fig. 165. and column shafts (the latter in the embankment north Rosenbaum, pp. 10-11, 19-20; N. Firatli, Jz111il (Nicomedie) pl. 7. 171 am grateful to K. Kava! of the Izmit Museum for of the State Supplies Office building) are to be seen. Petit Guide. Most up to date is N. Firatli, Jz111il $ehri ve Eski guidance to the theater at Kalemci sokak and other Izmit 80 From Croesus to Constantine Instinctu Divinitatis: The Tetrarchs, Constantine, and Constantinople 81

but farther uphill, inland. 19 An interesting testimony to the Hippodrome, possibly amphitheatre; and he constructed the Circus Maximus which was said to be Fig. 168.6, 16i similar to that of Rome. The gigantic Imperial Baths and the imposing new palace Fig. 168.9, 16~ Fig. 166 already that of Diocletian, is a relief with two charioteers which was found just outside the exit through the eastern city wall in Pai; district. 20 There are vast with the majestic palace audience hall, the Aula Basilica or Aula Regia were con­ Figs. 168.4, 16 cemeteries, mostly Roman, stretching to the east and west. 21 structed by Constantine. 24 Our lack of information is to be regretted even more since Nicomedia must It is to Trier, his father's favorite city and possibly his own that we must look Fig. 171 have been crucial for Constantine's ideas about urbanism. He was sent there as a if we want to know what Constantine's court art was like. What he liked on the young man at the very time when Diocletian was rebuilding the city as a rival to Moselle, was likely to reappear on the Bosporus. Imperial architects and builders Fig. 172 Rome. The three ideological components of the later Byzantine capital, palace moved with the legions, and it was not much more time-consuming to bring them (palatium), temple (of Zeus-sacerdotium), and circus (hippodrome) were already from Trier than from Rome. united in Nicomedia. Only one ideologically important structure was missing. When Constantine decided to found yet another new imperial capital he Diocletian had reserved his maussoleum to his militarily impregnable castle­ faced two major decisions: where to put it, and how to make it the capital of a palace at Spalato in Dalmatia. 22 His successor in Greece, Galerius, had also inte­ totally new phenomenon-of a Christian empire. Byzantium was so clearly the 23 Fig. 167 grated his maussoleum with his palace complex in Thessalonike. key position between Europe and Asia, Mediterranean and Black Sea, that one From 296 to 306, Constantine, when he was in his twenties and early thirties, really has to explain why it was not picked by the Hellenistic kings of Bithynia and was at the court of Galerius. Here again, as at Nicomedia, was an opportunity to by Diocletian. 25 The reason was presumably security; Constantine took the risks observe the rebuilding of a city as an imperial capital at close quarters and to learn of a sudden attack from the Balkans to which Nicomedia, for instance, was less about the administration of urban planning. Here again, as at Nicomedia, was a readily exposed. pool of skilled labor not too far from Constantinople, on which Constantine could As for the capital of a Christian empire, one may doubt how clearly anyone later draw. could foresee its character in 324, immediately after Constantine had defeated Finally there was Trier in Germany, the city that his father Constantius Licinius. 26 When he began building Constantinople, Constantine was not yet a Fig. 168 Chlorus and he himself had built. Chlorus restored the Barbara Baths and the baptized Christian. "The Highest Divinity has committed to my care ... the government of all earthly things ... I shall really and fully be able to feel secure 19! was told that the palace may have been inland at a excavations within the maussoleum. See also J. and T. street where a number of column capitals were allegedly Marasovic, Diocletian Palace, pl. 1 and plan fig. 34. For and always hope for prosperity and happiness from the ready kindness of most found. I do not know the reason for the location of the literature on the maussoleum, cf. S. McNally, "The Frieze of the Mausoleum in Split," Studies Hanfmann, p. 101. H. mighty God, only when I see all venerating the most holy God in the proper cult palace on Ozti.ire's map (fig. 165 no. 5). He locates it at 11 Eski Necatibey Okulu and says that ruins of it were ob­ Kahler, "Domkirche," Melanges Mansel (Ankara, 1974), pp. of the Catholic religion with harmonious brotherhood of worship. This letter to served during the construction of Sosyal Sigortalar 803-20, fig. 99. his African prefect Aelafius states essentially the proposition of "one god, one 23 Kurumu Hospital: Ozti.ire, p. 53, fig. 67, and a capital of Ward-Perkins, ERA, p. 524, fig. 198. E. Dyggve, "La region palatiale de Thessalonique," Acta Congress11s Mad­ emperor, one religion." Yet, as Straub has shown, there was constant improvi­ much later date?, fig. 69. J. vigiani, Proceedings of the Second International Congress 20Firatli, Izmit, pp. 35-36, pl. 7:9, Izmit Museum, no. 53. sation, experimentation, and interchange between the empire and the church, of Classical Studies, I (Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, Firatli dates it to the fourth century and notes that it was 27 found with a small pediment, fig. 14. In. front of the origi­ 1958), pp. 353-65 (also on hippodrome). Deltion 20 (1965): and what each expected from the other. 24Trier: M. Wheeler, pp. 71-76; W. Reusch, nal, the dating seemed acceptable. Part of relief also 407-12; N. Papahadjis, The Mo1111me11/s of Thessalonike, pp. RAA, Au­ V. P. Nevskaya, Vizantiy v klassicheskuyu i el/inislicheskuy11 Ozti.ire, p. 56, fig. 70. Ozti.ire suggests for the Hippodrome 4, 8. B. Brenk, Is/Mitt 18 (1968): 248-49, n. 29, pis. 74:2; gusta Treveromm; W. Reusch, Aus der Schatzka111111er des an­ epokhi. German trans. by H. Bruschwitz, Byzanz in der klas­ a location east of the city, southeast of Hayriseverler Cami 76:2; 80:2; 51:1; 83:1, capitals with sculptures from Galerius liken Trier; Th. K. Kempf and W. Reusch, eds., sischen 1111d hellenistischen Epoche (Leipzig: Kohler and Palace. M. Vickers, 15-16 (1969): 313-14 (hippo­ which is no. 76 on his plan. Annis/ Fn'i/1christliche Zeugnisse im Einzugsgebiet von Rhein und Amelung, 1955), pp. 21-30. Mosel, esp. pp. 144-50 "Die Palastaula (sog. Basilika) in 26 21Diirner, p. 56, sketch plan with cemetery near the drome). L. Voelkl, Der Kaiser Ko11s/m1ti11, pp. 66-67, points A point emphasized by A. Alfiildi, JRS 37 (1947): paper factory and ostotheke of the second century. Firatli out that Constantine continued the building activity at Trier," with bib!. E. M. Wightman, Roman Trier and the 10-16. Thessalonike which Galerius had begun. Cf. also M. Treveri (London: Hart-Davis, 1970), pp. 58-62, 98-123, 27 Straub, 21 (1967): 48; H. von Soden and H. Izmit, pp. 16-17. J. DOPapers 22T. Marasovic et al. Urbs 4 (Split, 1961-62), devoted to Vickers, "Observations on the Octagon at ," figs. 6-12, pis. 1-4, 8, 9. von Campenhausen, Urkunden z11r E11/ste/11111g des Donatis- 25 problems of restoration and actual urban renewal and re­ JRS 63 (1973): 110-20. The outstanding position of Byzantium was recog­ 11111s (Berlin, 1950), no. 14, lines 65 ff. (Appendix to Op­ habilitation, contains also an English summary of recent nized already by Herodotus 4.144 and Polybius 4.18. Cf. tatus Milevitanus III, CSEL 26, for the letter to Aelafius.) 82 From Croesus to Constantine Instinctu Divinitntis: The Tetrarchs, Constantine, and Constantinople 83

We tried to discern in our first chapter the liniaments of Croesus as an urban Before proceeding further with our account of Constantinian Constantinople, planner. Let us now describe Constantine as an urban planner. In seeking to meet it may be well to recall that in modern Istanbul very little from the time of Con­ the novel challenge of building a capital for a Christian empire, Constantine faced stantine is preserved and even less is visible. Sixteen hundred years of overbuild­ a fluid, experimental situation. Here, as in other fields, his actions were distin­ ing have left the early city way below and mostly destroyed. The discussion that guished by grandeur of design and realistic pragmatism of execution. Thus, he did follows is based on literary traditions checked against relatively few valid topo­ not try to found a completely new city or impose a completely new plan as graphical clues. Diocletian had done at Spalato. At Constantinople, as at Trier, Constantine the Turning to the ideological components of the city, what might seem the planner was satisfied to develop a pre-existing city with proven advantages of the hardest problem, the Christianization of the city, was, for Constantine, relatively site. the easiest. 32 Thus the central ideological function, that is the divine protection of Byzantium had been destroyed by the emperor Septimius Severus in A.D. the city, was taken over from the pagan temples by the churches of Holy Wisdom, 196. He subsequently rebuilt it28 and it became a modern city in terms of that Aya Sophia, and Holy Peace, Aya Eirene. They would sound like familiar di­ Romano-Asiatic urbanism which we saw exemplified in Ephesus, Miletus, Sardis, vinities to pagans. We have seen Sophia celebrated on the facade of the Celsus and Nicaea. Library in Ephesus; and Eirene, "Peace," had been worshipped in Athens since Fig. 133 The location of such major features as the ancient colonnaded "Middle Av­ enue" (Mese); of the agora with four colonnades (Tetrastoon) an important public bib!. Antioch, possibly under Diocletian; plan, Claude, pp. pp. 232-35, pis. 64-73. Mamboury, p. 61, accepted space which was used by Constantine for the piazza known as Augusteion; a 245-46, pl. 4; Philippopolis (Shehba) possibly the earliest, Ramazanoglu's identifications for Aphrodite and Apollon major bath known as that of Zeuxippos (i.e., Zeus Hippios, a Thracian divinity)29 under Philippus Arabs, pp. 244-49. Gerasa, C. H. Krael­ temples but Janin (1964), p. 15, put the temple of Aphro­ 30 ing, Gerasa (New Haven: American Schools of Oriental dite near the column of Claudius Gothicus and the temple and the siting of the hippodrome within the city, on its major north-south axis Research, 1938), pp. 105, 115, pis. 19, 20, plan 12, 15; L. of Artemis "a little to the east," again away from the two Fig. 173 were all features which Constantine developed from the Severan plan. Crema, L'Architetlura Romana (Rome, 1959), p. 349, figs. great churches. Ramazanoglu's successor as director of 401-30. M. Wheeler, RAA, p. 62, fig. 42 (fig. 175 below). Aya Sophia Museum, F. Dirimtekin completely re­ On the other hand, in the enlarged Constantinian city, he seems to have On Philoppopolis Bibi. N. Duval, Urbs 4 (1961-1962): 69, n. interpreted the excavations adding the results of addi­ introduced a shift from the Severan plan, which was based on a rectangular 11. Damascus, too, had a circular piazza. tional digging in 1958-60. He considers the eastern part of 32 intersection at the Tetrastoon, to a radial plan in the outer zone. Figure 174 shows The question whether Aya Sophia and Aya Eirene structures excavated south of Aya Eirene as a Byzantine Fig. 174 physically replaced pre-existing temples is unresolved. cistern and the western as a guesthouse (xenodocheion) of a realistic assessment of the circulation pattern as the major emboloi, "colonnaded Ancient writers reported that Septimius Severus built a Samson built before Justinian. Cf. "Les fouilles faites en streets" seem to have followed the major pre-existing lines of traffic. The choice of temple of Apollo on the Acropolis of Byzantium, which 1946-1947 et en 1958-1960 entre Sainte Sophie et Sainte faced temples of Artemis and Aphrodite built by the Irene a Istanbul," CahArc/1 13 (1962): 161-85, pis. 1-2, figs. a circular or oval (kykloeides) shape for his own forum and of the "bent axis" effect legendary Byzas: Chro11ic011 Paschale 1. 494. 1-2. For the xenodocheion of Samson, of which little is for the Mese A venue were more original and possibly individual choices. Both ef­ In 1936, A. M. Schneider held that the temples were not known, cf. Janin (1953), p. 574. Proposed with commend­ under Aya Sophia but much farther north, n. 33,' below. able caution, Dirimtekin's identification has found too fects had occurred in Roman cities in Syria and Jordan, for example, in Antioch and After his excavations of 1945-47 and 1949-50, M. hasty acceptance. Archaic, classical, Hellenistic, and 175, cf. 174, 179 Gerasa. 31 Constantine must have seen both on his early travels in Syria and Egypt. Ramazanoglu claimed that he had found between Aya Roman sherds and other objects were found in the excava­ Sophia and Aya Eirene evidence for a temple of Aphrodite tions (e.g., Dirimtekin, fig. 22, Greek sherds dating from and the Severan temple of Apollo. He also claimed that fifth to third century n.c.) and only a careful review of the 28Janin (1964), p. 16. For pre-Severan and Severan the Tetrastoon coincided in part with the Augusteion but the porch of Theodosian Aya Sophia was partly identical entire evidence can determine whether any earlier struc­ Byzantium cf. Janin, ch. 1 "Des origines a Constantin," occupied a larger area. F. Dirimtekin, "The Augusteum," with the Artemis temple. "Neue Forschungen zur Ar­ tures might have existed within and below the early plans I and II (fig. 173 below), and Mamboury, (1951), pp. "The Milion," Ann. Aya Sofya M11se11111 8 (1969): 24, plan. chitekturgeschichte der Irenenkirche und des Komplexes Byzantine stage. Cf. T. J. Mathews, n. 33, below. 60-62 with plan, p. 64. For a more concrete location of Milion, see below, n. 43. der Sophienkirche," VIe Congres International des etudes For transformation of temples of Poseidon and Zeus into 29Janin (1964), p. 16: Severus transferred a statue of Sol 30Mango, Brazen House, p. 37, with bib!. on the excava­ byzantines, Ac/es 2 (Paris: Ecole des Hautes Etudes a la those of St. Menas and St. Menocius, G. Downey, Con­ from the agora to the temple of Apollo. To compensate the tions 1950-52. Janin (1964), pp. 17, 183, 357. W. L. Mac• Sorbonne, 1951), pp. 347-57, esp. 347, 355; and "Neue stantinople in the Age of J11s/i11ian. Cf. Nevskaya, pp. 148-49 Thracians in the populace, he built the Baths of Zeuxip­ Donald, The Hippodrome al Constantinople (Ph.D. diss., Forschungen zur Architekturgeschichte der Irenenkirche for 29 sanctuaries listed by Dionysius of Byzantium in the pos, southeast of the Tetrastoon. For a recent discussion of Harvard University, 1956). Cf. in general Mango, Ari 3, und des Komplexes der Sophienkirche," VIII Congresso second or third century A.D. along the Bosporus (with Baths of Zeuxippos, Augusteion, and Tetrastoon, cf. C. pp. 1-11, fig. 1. Internazionale di studi bizantini 2 Alli 2 (Roma· sketch of putative locations). Mango, Brazen House, pp. 36-47, fig. 1. He suggests that 31On circular central piazzas, D. Claude, pp. 63-64 with Associazione Nazionale per gli Studi Bizantini, 1953), 84 From Croesus to Constantine Instinctu Divinitatis: The Tetmrchs, Constantine, and Constantinople 85

classical times. 33 They might appeal to pagans inclined to compromise. In a simi­ piazza of the Augusteion. 38 His plan also indicates the path of the formal proces­ lar bid for "neutralism," a shrine of the great goddess Cybele was transformed sions of the emperor to the church, processions symbolic of the new unity of into the shrine of the more abstract and allegorical Tyche-the Fortune of the City emperor and godhead which reached its culmination in the imperial attendance at of Constantinople. 34 the Divine Liturgy. The location of the palace and its relation to the main churches was more of a The new union of king and divinity was advertised in a painting over the new challenge. How closely the church and the palace were linked in architecture entrance to the palace which showed Constantine as Defender of Faith overcom­ at this early stage is difficult to say because both the Constantinian Palace and the ing the dragon of paganism-or so the Christians elected to think (Eusebius Vita Constantinian Santa Sophia with the palace of the Patriarch are very poorly Constantini 3.3). known. Constantine's ecclesiastic advisor, Eusebius, pretended that Constantine Thus was resurrected the old Anatolian conjunction of the king living on the "modelled, as it were, his very palace after the fashion of God's church," and that acropolis under the protection of a god or goddess. Contemporaries were con­ Constantine and his courtiers offered prayers regularly (Vita Constantini 4.17). This scious of reviving a native Anatolian tradition. "It was the custom of the ancients may be wishful thinking but Constantine's notion of the role of the Christian to build palaces on the acropolis," observed a Christian local writer; and they emperor as Koinos Episkopos, a general overseer of the church responsible for unity recalled that the mythical founder of Byzantium, King Byzas, had lived there and and harmony in religious matters, 35 would favor a palace plan with direct access traced the area of his city (Patria 1.50). to the central church of Aya Sophia. Accordingly, all recent reconstructions indi­ In addition to the church and the palace a third urban component loomed 36 cate that church and palace were planned with close reference to each other. large in Constantine's city-the hippodrome. Although its general location was Fig. 176 Fig. 176 C. Vogt' s reconstruction renders a later stage; but the essentials existed under determined by Severus, its inclusion in the palace complex area was due to Con- Constantine-church and palace at equal height, opening as neighbors on the stantine. In those days of increasing social immobility, the hippodrome became a Augusteion piazza, but the church rising skyward, the palace descending down means of communication between the emperor and the urban populace of a city the slope. 37 which eventually grew to 600,000. It was a substitute forum where people could Fig. 177 Cyril Mango's plan of the situation at the time of Justinian shows the relation vent their feelings not only on circus races but on social and political issues as of the palace entrance, the Chalice or Brazen House, to Aya Sophia and the open well. Constantine obviously attributed great importance to this function. 39 Most of 33Aya Sophia and Aya Eirene: Socrates His/aria Ecc/esias­ 35J, Straub, DOPapers 21 (1967): 51-53. lica 2.16: "Constantius built the great church which is 36A. M. Schneider, BZ 36 (1936): 78, 80, Hippodrome, the official forty-day celebration of the founding of Constantinople in 330, called Sophia and joined it to that called Eirene, and now palace, Augusteion, Aya Sophia planned as a unit. For took place in the hippodrome. The ceremonies included a public display of both churches were included within one wall and had one history of research on the Great Palace and partial earlier title." For their early phases cf. A. M. Schneider, BZ 36 plans (A. Labarte, 1861; Antoniades, 1907; J. Ebersolt, Constantine's statue, a ritual which he ordered repeated at subsequent celebra­ (1936): 77-85. T. J. Mathews, The Early Churches of Co11s/a11- 1910; A. Vogt, 1935), cf. Mango, Brazen House. He remarks tions of the city's birthday. 40 ti11ople (University Park, Penn., 1971), pp. 11-19, figs. 1-4, on the Constantinian palace: "The first period of the his­ In the hippodrome, the modern At Meydani, there is still to be seen the pis. 1-2 ("The Old Hagia Sophia"), pp. 76-102, figs. 41, tory of the Great Palace is scarcely known to us, yet it was 48, pis. 60-61 (Hagia Eirene, the later Hagia Sophia), a at that time that many of the principal buildings were con­ turning post (spina) of Constantine's circus around which the chariots turned careful, up-to-date discussion. He notes that according to structed and the basic layout established ...." Janin during the races. An obelisk of masonry originally revetted with bronze, it was Procopius, De aedificiis 1.2, 18-19: the two churches were (1964), pp. 106, 117, discusses the Constantinian parts of 41 dedicated to Christ under the titles of his divine attributes. the palace but gives no plan; cf. 106, n. 1-3 bib!. The most restored in the tenth century. 34Zosimus His/aria Nova 2.31, on the two shrines built by recent publications on the palace are Salvador Miranda, Le 38 Constantine, one for Tyche of Rome, the other for Rhea. Grand Pala is de Cons/an lino pie (Mexico City, 1964) and Au­ Mango, Brazen House, fig. 1. 4 oChronicon Paschale 1.527-30; Patria 2.45; Sherrard, p. 39 Constantine removed the lions which this Rhea-Cybele lour du Grand Palais de Co11s/a11ti11ople (Mexico City, 1968). Cf. n. 30 above, for references; and on Nicomedia, ns. 11. For bib!. on dedication, Janin (1964), p. 24, n. 6; previously held and restored her hands in an attitude of 37 A. Vogt, ed. Co11sta11ti11 VII Porphyrogenete. Le Livre des 14, 20. Claude, pp. 77-78, discusses the development of Mango, Ari, p. 10. prayer as one "who oversees and takes care" of the city. J. cere111011ies (Paris, 1935) reconstruction, plan (fig. 176 imperial prerogatives and duties with respect to the hip­ 41Known as "colossus of Constantine Porphyrogen­ M. C. Toynbee, JRS 37 (1947): 136-37; Janin (1964), pp. below). podrome and points for close connection of palace and netos" from the mention of colossus of Rhodes in the 24-25. Location of shrine: Mango, Brazen House, pp. 44-45. hippodrome to Antioch and Thessalonike. poem about the restoration. Janin (1964), pp. 192-93 cau- 86 From Croesus to Constantine Insti11ctu Divinitatis: The Tetrarchs, Constantine, and Constantinople 87

Prominent in the large-scale monumental planning, the Roman element was Revival of Anatolian traditions and the conscious link with Troy; the heritage strongly advertised in official proclamations of the foundation. Constantinople of Rome; and the new spiritual rule of Christ were the elements synthesized in was to be a "Second Rome," Deutera Rome, where Romans from Old Rome could Constantinople. Yet Hellenic culture was the all pervasive element. Byzantium feel at home. As at Rome, Constantinople had seven hills (originally six) and had been a Greek polis with proud traditions of wealth and valor; and the fourteen regions'(originally thirteen). There was a capitol, a senate, a praetorium, Constantinopolitan legend depicts its new founder Constantine not as a new and several fora. 42 Even the symbolic Golden Milestone of Rome, to which all Romulus drawing city limits with a plough but as a Greek mythical city founder, a Fig. 178 roads of the empire led, was imitated in a structure known as the Milion. It was a ktistes, striding vigorously, lance in hand, along the future boundaries of the city construction with dome and arches, on top of which stood the statues of Constan­ led by the Christian God. 48 tine and Saint Helena holding a cross. Part of this Constantinian Milion, a marble Such was Constantinople, then growing with might and main. This tre­ pillar and a semicircular niche were discovered in 1967 about 200 meters west of mendous effort was draining away talent, means, and materials. We may now Santa Sophia facing the Aya Sophia Square, which corresponds to the ancient glance briefly at the situation of the other cities of the western coastlands of Asia Augusteion, and at the end of the modern Divan Yolu, which follows the direc­ Minor during this crucial period. tion of the ancient Mese Avenue. 43 Roma herself, no longer a goddess but still a In general, the Tetrarchs and Constantine seem to have improved basic city potent symbol of the Roman um, was given a special shrine. 44 matters. Roads were rebuilt and some important public buildings restored. In How did this "Second Rome," a mirror of Roman urbanism relate to Constan­ Ephesus, the great baths were repaired under Constantius (337-361) and hence­ tinopolis Christiana, the city that eventually came to contain 485 churches? Al­ forth called Thermae Co11sta11tia11ae. 49 A nymphaeum of the Marnas aqueduct was though some thirty churches were claimed by later chroniclers as Constantinian, repaired and dedicated by Proconsul Lucius Caelius Montius. Montius also dedi­ the churches did not determine the divisions of the city; the Roman regions did. 45 cated there two re-used cuirassed statues which stood in the structure, one of Of more immediate importance in the picture of a Christian was the Cons tans, the other probably of Constantius. so Ephesus had heavily suffered creation by Constantine of a second focal point of worship, at some distance from from earthquakes in 358 and 363, and large-scale repair work was inevitable. Fig. 179 the palace complex. This was the cruciform church of Holy Apostles in the center Imperial aid was granted in 371-372 by Valens, Valentinian, and Gratian. 51 One Fig. 197 of which the sarcophagus of Constantine was placed. To locate an imperial maus­ has the feeling that similar activities possibly went on at Sardis, also because of soleum within the palace area of an imperial city had the precedents of Diocletian earthquakes. That the urban renewal in western Asia Minor took final shape in Spalato and Galerius in Thessalonike. 46 But to make his maussoleum into a major church was Constantine's imperial contribution to Christian urbanism. The Christians may have considered the building a Martyrium, a memorial church for Original Church of the Apostles at Constantinople," 49General situation: Vermeule, I111pArt, pp. 361-64 and DOPapers 6 (1951): 51-80, and P. Grierson, "Tombs and material in the appendix, pp. 452-54 (milestones) from an emperor who was "Isapostolos," equal to the apostles. Nevertheless, in 356 Obits of Byzantine Emperors," DOPapers 16 (1962): 3-60, restored road. Ephesus, Thermae: Keil, Fz'ihrer, pp. 76-79; they moved Constantine from his central spot to a maussoleum annex, reject the tradition of Vila Co11s/a11ti11i, pp. 58-60, 64-67, FoEph l (Wien, 1906): 181. A statue base of Constans with 70-71 and would make the church a work of Constantius a Latin dedication by Proconsul L. Caelius Montius, Eich­ 47 thus diminishing Constantine's claim to equality with Christ. II. Grierson, however, accepts the maussoleum as a work ler, A11zWie11 100 (1963): 47. of Constantine. 50Nymphaeum: Keil, F1i'hrer, pp. 133-36, fig. 76. Eichler, 48 tiously speaks of the possibility that the co/oss11s may date Christianization of ancient cities, cf. F. W. Deichmann, For the wealth of Byzantium and its courageous resis­ A11zWie11 100 (1963): 47, a new inscription by L. Cde!ius before the fifth century. s. v. "Christianisierung, II," RAC 2 (1954): 1228-41; tance to sieges from that of Philip II in 340 B.c. to that of Montius. Statues: JOA! 15 (1912), Beiblatt, figs. 137-38. 42Janin (1964), p. 22, esp. p. 24. Claude, pp. 85-99. A new fundamental treatment: T. J. Septimius Severus in A.D. 196 cf. Nevskaya, pp. 148-49. According to Vermeule, In1pArt, p. 465 and Bery/us 13 43N. Firatli and T. Ergil, "The Milian Sounding," A1111Ist Mathews, The Early C/1t1rcl1es of Co11sla11ti11ople (University RE 5 (1897), s. v. "Byzantion," pp. 1116-59; Janin (1964), p. (1959): 62, the cuirass statues came from the original nym­ 15-16 (1969): 208-12, figs. 1-6. Park, 1971). 11. For Constantine as ktistes, see Philostorgius His/aria phaeum of ca. A.D. 175. 46 44 Zosimus Hist 2.31. Toynbee, ]RS 37 (1947): 136; Janin Cf. ns. 22, 23, above for references. ecclesiaslica 2.9, in J. Bidez, ed., Kirc/1e11gesc/1ic/1te, G.C.S. 21 51 Keil, Fi'ihrer, 115, inscriptions on the base of the Oc­ 47 (1964), p. 25. Krautheimer, ECBA, 46-47 for an excellent summary. (1931): 21; and Patria 3.10, T. Preger, ed., vol. 2, p. 217. E. tagon Maussoleum. Cf. H. Vetters, JOBG 15 (1966): 273-87 45Janin (1953), pp. 1-6; S. Eyice, Petit G11ide d'Ista11b11/ 11 Janin (1953), pp. 36-55, with earlier bib!. G. Downey, ]HS Gibbon, The Decline a11d Fall of the Ro111m1 Empire l (Modern who enumerates other building activities and statues. /ravers /es 11101111111e11/s; Mango, Ari, pp. 10-11. On the 79 (1959): 27-51, esp. pp. 42-43; id. "The Builder of the Library Edition), ch. 17, 17. From Croesus to Constantine 88 Instinctu Divinitatis: The Tetrarchs, Constantine, and Constantinople 89

around A.D. 400 is attested by the final form of such streets as the Arkadiane in In his article on the Constantinian basilicas, R. Krautheimer has rightly em­ Figs. 180, 181 Ephesus and the Main A venue in Sardis. 52 phasized that there was much latitude and variety in the concept of a basilica. "At· Among the buildings which were restored in provincial cities of Asia Minor the upper end of the social scale the single-naved, apsed hall with marble­ during the fourth century, one has a special bearing on a very famous subject sheathed walls topped by painted plaster [and, as it happens at Sardis, glass -that of the Constantinian basilicas. 53 As rebuilt in the fourth century, the huge mosaics] and with large windows was common in sumptuous public halls but is Synagogue of Sardis had a porch, an atrium with a fountain, and an interior of rarely used ... by Constantine's architects." Disregarding the peculiarly narrowly basilican plan with powerful piers placed close to the long north and south placed piers, this is almost a description of the Sardis Synagogue. On the other 'igs. 116, 117, 183 walls. 54 hand, if we allow that there was an earlier columnar phase of the Sardis basilica, 55 Fig. 182 The resemblance to old Saint Peter's, begun in 333 is plain. A table deco­ then the building shows much resemblance to imperial basilican plans such as rated with Roman eagles stood where the altar stands in Christian churches, and those of the Antonine basilica in Smyrna and the Severan basilica in Lepcis, the three benches for the Elders are the exact counterpart of the Christian which, Krautheimer believes were intentionally revived by Constantinian ar­ Synthronon. 56 A beautiful mosaic in the apse had the "water of life" in a golden chitects to bestow proper imperial dignity upon the new houses of the Heavenly crater and a dedicatory inscription by two Flavian brothers Symphoros and Ruler. 60 Fig. 184 Stratoneikianos. 57 The spatial effect of the interior of the main hall of the Now that we know that the structure which became the Synagogue had gone 58 Fig. 170 synagogue may have been not unlike that of the Constantinian basilica in Trier. through at least three phases prior to the fourth century, 61 it is even more difficult The late Erwin Goodenough greeted the appearance of the "Eagle Table" and to judge whether the Jewish architects at Sardis had revised their interior ar­ the apse as proof of a Hellenized sacramental-mystical Judaism, which, he main­ rangements in the light of such buildings as the new Aya Sophia at Constantino­ tained, had been suppressed by later orthodoxy. 59 Other scholars have raised the ple (begun perhaps in 335). I believe that they imitated not churches but other question whether the arrangement did not reflect the influence of Constantinian large basilican synagogues. 62 basilican churches. One matter is noteworthy: It was under the House of Constantine that the Jewish community of Sardis was permitted to use spoils from pagan temples in 52 1967): 37-42, figs. 1-15. D. G. Mitten, BA 29 (1966): 63-66, Both the Main Avenue (most recently, BASOR 203 63 [Oct., 1971]: 12-14, fig. 9; best plan BASOR 191 [Oct,, The comparable elements are clearest in isometric view, the renovation of the Synagogue. This suggests a tolerant attitude on the part of 1968]: 40, fig. 36) and the colonnaded street which came originally designed by A. M. Shapiro, BASOR 187 (Oct., the Christian authorities. In 330 Constantine did adopt a milder legislation toward from the Pactolus (BASOR 177 [Feb,, 1965]: 14-17; 186 1967): 61-62, fig. 70. Most recent reports: BASOR 191 [April, 1967]: 24-25; 199 [Oct., 1970]: 29-30) were restored (Oct., 1968): 31-32, figs. 18 (plan), 24-26; 199 (Oct.; 1970): the liability of the Jews to serve in curial offices by exempting the presidents of the around A.D. 400. A11a11eosis "renovation" is specifically at­ 47-51, figs. 36, 38, 40, 41; 203 (Oct., 1971): 12-18, figs. 60R. Krautheimer, DOPapers 21 (1967): 130, 135-39. tested by inscriptions both for the synagogue, where it 9-11, Authoritative summary: A. R. Seager, "The Building The Golden Age of J11s/i11ia11 (New York: Odyssey Press, 61lt started as a three-room part of gymnasium complex, may have lasted from mid to late fourth century, and parts History of the Sardis Synagogue," AJA 76 (1972): 425-35. 1967), pp. 57-58, believes that basilican synagogues are 55 of the gymnasium, which were restored by Severus Sim­ Krautheimer, ECBA, pp. 32-35, fig. 14. then became a columnar basilican apsidal hall, possibly derived independently from Hellenistic halls, Cf. also S. 56 intended for a court basilica; and in the late second or early plicius, a prefect of Lydia. BASOR 154 (April, 1959): 17; 166 Eagle table and benches: BASOR 174 (April, 1964): 36, Kraus, Synagognle Alterlii111er (Wien, 1922), pp. 261-62; E. third century (possibly from 166 on) was turned into a (April, 1962): 44 (dating of Main Avenue and Byzantine fig. 19; 199 (Oct., 1970): 50-51, fig. 41. Tentative recon­ Goodenough, Jewish Sy111bols 2, p. 85; R. Wischnitzer, The Shops); Ananeosis inscriptions, synagogue: L. Robert, struction by M. T. Ergene with Eagle Table, lions, synagogue. Detailed explanation by A. R. Seager, AJA 76 Arc/zitec/11re of the E11ropea11 Sy11agog11e (: Jewish (1972): 425-35, NIS, p. 53; BASOR 187 (Oct., 1967): 27, Severus Simplicius: benches, in Hanfmann, Fourth World Congress of Jewish Publication Society of America, 1964), esp, pp. 11-13, 62At present it seems as the renovation of the Sardis BASOR 187 (Oct., 1967): 54, fig, 63. Arkadiane: Keil, Studies, Papers 1 (1967): 41, fig. 16. Other recent illustra­ if synagogue at Eiche, which also had an apse, and also had Synagogue, which certainly included the installation of Fiihrer, pp. 71-73, 83-84 (column monument); fig. FoEph 1, tions: Hanfmann, Letters, figs. 167-68, 199-200, 216-17. Elders (presbyteroi) as did Sardis. The arrangement of 57 the benches and the "Eagle Table," took place between p. 123. Claude, pp. 61-63, cites other colonnaded streets, Mosaic: BASOR 174 (April, 1964): 30-33, fig. 17, benches need not be imitated from Christians; it had prob­ 58 and also gives examples of decline and decay through in­ Trier: W. Reusch, Die Basilika i11 Trier 1856-1956, p. 28, 350 and 400. The existence of large basilican synagogues able precedent in the sanhedrin in Jerusalem, is, however, specifically attested for Alexandria, where the 63 sertion of smaller structures. fig. 5, pl. 2. R. Krautheimer, DOPapers 21 (1967): 117-18, For the spoils cf. D, G. Mitten, BASOR 174 (April, 53 huge synagogue (diplos/0011) was destroyed in A.D. 116. H, R. Krautheimer, "The Constantinian Basilica," fig. 2. 1964): 34-36. Many of them, including inscriptions, seem 59 i11 L. Gordon, "The Basilica and the Stoa in Early Rabbinical DOPapers 21 (1967): 117-40. Cf. Mango, Art, p. 307. E. Goodenough, Jewish Sy111bo/s the Greco-Ro111a11 to come from a sanctuary of Cybele, later known as the 54G. M. A. Hanfmann, "Ancient Synagogue of Sardis," Period 12 (New York, Pantheon Books, 1965), pp. 194-97. Literature," Ari B11/1 13 (1932): 360-61. R. Krautheimer, Metroon. 4th World Congress of Jewish Studies, Papers l (Jerusalem, DOPapers 21 (1967): 123-24 is overly cautious. A. Grabar, From Croesus to Constantine lnstinctu Divinitatis: The Tetrarchs, Constantine, and Constantinople 91 90

synagogues from all public duties and taxes. If this legislation is correctly inter­ As a new sun, the Christian emperor was to unite in his new imperium the 68 preted as a sign that Constantine came to view the Jewish religion as a source and valor of Troy, the might of Rome, and the Old and New Law. forerunner of the lex of Christianity 64 then it would be understandable that pro­ It is very likely that Constantine supervised the manner in which his image vincial imperial authorities under Constantine's sons permitted the Jews of Sardis appeared on coins. Thus, in a gold medallion of 325 and a gold coin of 335 struck Figs. 187, 188 to restore their synagogue with great splendor in the most modern style of the at Nicomedia, where he often stayed, he is portrayed as supramundane ruler with heavenward gaze inspired by divinity. 6 9 religious structures of their day. Constantine had to direct sculptural decoration in yet another capacity. As On sculpture1 Constantine had important decisions to make which deter- mined the role of sculpture in the Second Rome and in the new Christian Empire. "exterior decorator" he imported dozens, if not hundreds of famous works of art 70 By forbidding the worship of pagan images in Constantinople, he abolished a to adorn Constantinople. If Rome had collecte.d thousands of masterpieces, the major incentive for making the statues of Greek gods and goddesses. On the other Second Rome could do no less. The Snake Column from Delphi, an early classical 71 hand, he took no clear stand in the controversy about the images of Christ which work of ca. 470 B.c. which still stands in the hippodrome, and the famous horses of San Marco, probably late classical, which the Venetians brought from Fig. 190 was agitating the Christian church. 72 While cautious in matters of religious imagery, Constantine was determined Constantinople, are the best preserved of the vast number of statues that stood and energetic in using plastic and pictorial arts to project his own image as that of in the public places and buildings of Constantinople. They were living examples the traditional omnipotent Roman emperor and as the new, divinely inspired of Greek artistic tradition and an aspect of Greek paideia. They served occasionally overseer of the Christian church. A highlight of the foundation ceremonies in as points of departure for classic revivals; but they came increasingly to be May, 330, was the raising of a statue of Constantine adorned with the seven-rayed viewed as uncanny magic relics of a distant past rather than as beautiful works 73 crown of the Sun God on the 120 foot tall column, while assembled clerics sang of art. 65 "Kyrie Eleison. " Part of the column still stands in Istanbul in its ancient place in 68A. Alfi:ildi, /RS 37 (1947):11, rightly notes that the de­ fifth century. sire to make Anatolian Troy the ancestor of Constantino­ 71 Fig. 185 the Forum of Constantine. A simplified rendering of the lost statue has survived P. Devambez, Grands Bronzes du Musee de S/a111bo11I, pp. 66 ple stemmed from the wish to appropriate the legendary 9-12, pl. 2. Janin (1964), pp. 191-92, bib!. on history but Fig. 186 in the late Roman map known as Tabula Peutingeriana, dated A.D. 351. ancestor of Rome and thus make Constantinople more an­ without citing Devambez or F. Studniczka, "Zurn Previously, Constantine had presented the Sun God as his companion, as in cient and more eternal than the original Rome. The in­ plataischen Weihgeschenk in Delphi," Feslgabe Wi11ckel- the beautiful gold medallion from northern Italy coined at Ticinum in 313. 67 How­ scription of the "Burned Column" in which Constantine 11w1111sfeier (Leipzig: Archiiologische Seminar University, Fig. 189 dedicates "your servant city and these sceptres and the December 12, 1928). ever, he himself now became the Sun with the rays of his crown containing a nail might of Rome" to Christ is thought to be post­ 72L. von Schli:izer, "Die Rosse von San Marco," Rii111Mill from the True Cross, and part of the Cross concealed within the statue. Hidden in Constantinian by Janin (1964), p. 79. 28 (1913):129-82. D. W. S. Hunt, "An Archaeological Sur­ 69Eusebius Vila Co11s/a11lini 4.9, "He had his image por­ vey of ," BSA 41 (1940-45):46-47, for provenance the foundations and the base was the palladium which brought to Rome trayed on gold coins in such a manner that he appeared to from Chios. Picard, Manuel 4:2 (1963), p. 534, figs. 223-24. from Anatolian Troy, the adze with which Noah had built the Ark, the rock from be gazing fixedly upward, as if praying to God," Mango, One tradition would equate them with a quadriga by Ari, p. 15. E. B. Harrison, DOPapers 21 (1967):90-91, fig. 35 Lysippos which stood on a tower at the hippodrome of which Moses had struck water, and the remains of miraculous loaves with which (gold medallion), p. 37 (gold coin). Constantinople. Nicetas, De Ma1111e/e Co11111e110, p. 156; Pat­ Christ had fed the multitudes. 10Palria 2.73, states that sculptures were brought from a ria 2.87, near the spiral columns of the Neolaia, and above number of cities in Asia Minor including Nicomedia, the carceres from which issued the race horses, Janin who excavated the base in 1929. C. Mango, DOPapers 17 Nicaea, Kyzikos, Tralles, Sardis, and Smyrna. C. A. (1964), p. 194. For the theories that the horses are Constan­ 64Codex Theodosi111111s 16.8.2. 0. Seeck, Reges/ender Kaiser (1963): 57, n. 13, bib!. Janin (1964), pp. 77-80 with refer­ Mango, DOPapers 17 (1963):57-59 with bib!. A. Cutler, tinian originals or Constantinian casts after Lysippan orig­ 1111d 311 476 11. (Stuttgart: J.B. Piipsle fiir die Jaltre bis Chr. "The De Signis of Nicetas Choniates, A Re-Appraisal," inals see F. Magi, "La data

The adoption of Christianity and the founding of Constantinople resulted in competent sculptors. To be sure, Constantine's personal artists produced portraits great shifts of ideology and patronage. How did these changes affect the actual and paintings in a highly sophisticated court style, exemplified at his other resi­ output and character of sculpture under the Tetrarchs and Constantine? In the late dences by the bronze head from Naissus-Nish (his birth place) 79 and by the third century a strikingly abstract and pessimistic style arose at the Tetrarchic colorful paintings from the palace in Trier, the finest of which is the "Lady with Fig. 191 courts in the east. The prime example is the Tetrarchs themselves, the set of Four the White Pearls," possibly the mother or the wife of Constantine. 80 In Constan­ Fig. 194 Rulers made of royal porphyry and now standing at the corner of San Marco, tinople (and Nicomedia as well) side by side with such fine court art, sculptures Venice. The group was at one time in Constantinople, for a foot fragment which were made in local "rustic Bithynian" in fact, in provincial Anatolian folk style.s1 Figs. 198, 199 fits has been recently found there. They do not represent, however, a style prev­ As A. Grabar has pointed out, in the same city quite different plastic tradi­ alent in Asia Minor. 74 tions were being practised at different social levels. 82 For the higher levels of Much more local are some peculiar little friezes inserted into the temple of Constantinian art, the material from western regions is scanty. 83 Still, two impe­ Hadrian at Ephesus. 75 They have been claimed as Tetrarchic because four bronze rial portraits, one of Constantine, the other probably of Constantine's third son, statues of the Tetrarchs were placed in front of the temple between 294 and 302 by Emperor Constantius II, represent an impressive level of competence. The co­ Proconsul Junius Tiberianus; and the suggestion has been made that the friezes lossal head in the Istanbul Museum is just about the only head of Constantine, Figs. 195a, 195b were done during a restoration at that time. 76 Among the subjects are Androklos found so far in Constantinople. 84 Although poorly preserved, it strikes one in the hunting the boar before he founded Ephesus; Amazons fleeing before Herakles original by its massive power and cubistic volume. Fig. 192 and an emperor or general sacrificing while being crowned by Victory; Amazons A colossal head in Izmir, well over twice lifesize, has not been hitherto recog­ Fig. 193 fleeing before Dionysus and his elephant; and a strangely stiff phalanx of gods, nized as a portrait of a ruler. It portrayed the emperor with toga drawn overhead, Fig. 196 which includes the Artemis of Ephesus. After careful inspection I believe that the capite vela to. Locks and large features fit only one ruler-the one we know from the divine assembly is of the late fourth century, the other friezes of late third. These colossal bronze head in Palazzo Conservatori in Rome -Constantius II, third son Tetrarchic reliefs attest the existence in western Asia Minor of a very uneven, of Constantine, Emperor from 337-361, who had started his rule in the east. The partly "vernacular" classicism, with stylistic discrepancies as marked as in the fine marble head came to the Izmir Museum from the suburb of Bornova in 1926, contemporary Tetrarchic work in Rome. 77 but is conjectured to have been brought to Bornova from the sculptors' city of The uneven quality of these friezes, which must have belonged to an official Aphrodisias. 8 5 imperial monument, points to a problem which became acute during the founding become more skilled themselves and to teach their sons," "Constantinus Magnus and His Successors," pp. 328-69 years of Constantinople. In edicts of 334 and 337, Constantine had complained Mango, Art, pp. 14-15. as well as in Appendices "Imperial Portraits," and "Works 79 about lack of competent architects. 78 It can hardly have been different with truly E. B. Harrison, DOPnpers 21 (1967):81, figs. 1, 2 mis­ of Art and Inscriptions by Site," pp. 452-500. For portraits judges the piece as provincial. G. M.A. Hanfmann, Ro1111111 see !nan-Rosenbaum, "The Principal Centres of Portrai­ 74E. B. Harrison, DOPapers 21 (1967):84, figs. 20-21; for Diocletian, Constantius, Galerius. Maximian was re­ Art (Greenwich, Conn.: New York Graphic Society, 1964), ture in Asia Minor," pp. 19-38. Brinkerhoff, Collectio11, p. 22, on "Syro-Egyptian Tetrar­ placed by Theodosius. Date: B. Maicus, "Die Proconsuln p. 102, fig. 94. 84Istanbul Archaeological Museums no. 5296. Vermeule, 8 chic style," figs. 26-27. The new fragment in R. Naumann, von Asien von Diokletian bis Theodosius II," Op11sArcl1 7 °Kempf and Reusch, Friihchrist/icl1e Ze11g11isse, p. 241, lmpArt, pp. 354, 516, fig. 177 with bib!. A rather crabbed A1111Ist 13-14 (1966):138-39. (1967):94, 119. no. 40 a, Bild 8, color plate; pp. 244-46, identifications as female head from Nicomedia may represent a lady of the 75 77 F. Miltner, JOAI 44 (1959), Beiblatt, pp. 264-66; Keil, Very striking on the Decennalia basis of A.D. 305. H. Helena Sr. (Flavia Helena), Maxima Fausta, and Helena Constantinian house. !nan-Rosenbaum, pp. 99-100, no. Ft'iilrer, pp. 118-19, fig. 64. N. Saporiti, "A Frieze from the Kahler, Dns Fii11fsii11/e11de11k111al fiir die Tetmrcile11 nuf dem Junior, bride of Crispus. According to E. R. Alfoldi, the 91, pl. 56 would date her to the late fourth century. Temple of Hadrian in Ephesus," Essays i11 Me111ory of Karl For11111 Ro111111111m (Cologne: Dumont Schauberg, 1964), p. 8, date is 320-321. 85Izmir (Old Archaeological Museum at Basmane) no. 81 Le/1111m111, Marsyns, Suppl. 1 (1964), pp. 269-79, figs. 2, 5, 7, pis. 2-7. Brenk, n. 76 above, brings new interesting Tetrar­ Izmit Museum, corner of sarcophagus lid from 173. For probable provenance from Aphrodisias see K. T. 9, with wrong (Severan) dating. R. Fleischer, "Der Fries chic material from Thessalonike. For Split cf. S. McNally in <;:avdan. F. K. Dorner, pl. 22, no. 36. Cf. A. Grabar, Sc11/p­ Erim, "De Aphrodisiade," AJA 71 (1967):240. It is not men­ des Hadrianstempels in Ephesos," Festscl1rift Eic/1/er, pp. Studies H1111f111n1111, pp. 101-12. ti1res byz1111ti11es, pp. 37-39 on "rusticity." Cf. n. 87, 88, tioned by !nan-Rosenbaum, nor by Vermeule, Imp 78 23 ff., B. Brenk, Is/Mitt 18 (1968):239-58, pis. 79:1, 80:1. Codex Tileodosi111111s 13.4.1 (334), 13.4 (337). Gibbon, De­ below. Art, pp. 418-19 in his list of Roman "imperial" pieces in 82 The reliefs are now in the Museum of Efes-Sel~uk. cline and Fall 1, p. 514 (Modern Library ed.). A. H. M. Grabar, Sc11/pt11res byz1111ti11es, p. 37. the Museum. Large-grained, fine (Parian?) marble. H. 0.68 76By B. Brenk, 18 (1968):250. For the pedestals 83 Is/Mitt cf. Jones, The Later Ro1111111 Empire 284-602 2, pp. 1013-14, n. Imperial monuments and inscriptions have been col­ m. W. 0.74 m. Back part unfinished, hence displayed Vermeule, ImpArt, p. 333, fig. 141. Preserved are the bases 65. In the law of 337 Constantine encouraged sculptors "to lected by Vermeule, I111pArt, ch. 15 "The Tetrarchs" and 16 against architectural background. Top of hand trimmed by 94 From Croesus to Constantine Instinctu Divinitatis: The Tetrarchs, Constantine, and Constantinople 95

These two portraits were surely made by members of traditional, established Church of the Gentiles. 90 The busts of Eutyches and his wife are seen in the ateliers. A guaranteed reflection of Constantine's own taste has been found in a acroteria. The date might be around the middle of the fourth century. fragment which had most immediate association with Constantine. This is the Within the next two generations, the social and stylistic cleavages were partly Fig. 197 fragment of a porphyry sarcophagus in the Istanbul Museum, which J. overcome to create the first recognizable Constantinopolitan style, that of the Strzygowski, G. Mendel, A. Vassiliev and others have identified as part of the so-called Theodosian Renaissance. It was reflected in workshops outside the sarcophagus in whic-h Constantine was buried. It exhibits the "neutral" imagery capital. A fragment seen in 1971 at the church of Aya Sophia, Nicaea perhaps Fig. 201 of garlands peopled with amorini, much in the manner of the school of Aph­ represents the Virgin rather than a youthful evangelist. 91 It goes considerably rodisias. The style is different, however, and the actual carving may have been beyond the sarcophagus front of Eutyches in achieving a well-rounded plastic done at the porphyry quarries in the Sinai, in Alexandrian ambient, rather than in quality. The apogee of this very consciously classical style is the sarcophagus of a 92 Constantinople. 86 It makes a striking contrast with the fragment of a sarcophagus child found in Constantinople. Classic and Christian aspects are programmati­ Figs. 202, 203 Fig. 198 front in linear" Anatolian folk art" style; yet, the two may well be contemporary. 87 cally conjoined as the front and back are adorned with angels or victories inspired Early Christian subjects now appear among the reliefs found at Constantino­ by Roman triumphal arches, while on the ends apostles proclaim the victory of the Fig. 199 ple, such as the charmingly nai:ve marble plaque with the prophet Jonah who first Cross. prays and then is swallowed up by a most amazing whale with shark-like head We cannot survey here in detail the other sculptural centers of western Asia and lions paws. 88 Most of these Christian reliefs89 are on folk art level-an indica­ Minor. Unquestionably, there was a drastic reduction of sculptural output. Re-use tion that no specialized Christian sculptural workshops of high stylistic attain­ and re-cutting of portrait statues became common practice: thus the two tetrarchic ment had yet been formed. heads from Ephesus are said to be re-cut. 93 Still, portrait heads and portrait A step higher socially and stylistically is the limestone "false" sarcophagus statues, such as that of a Consul Stephanos, 94 continued to be made for officials at Fig. 204 Fig. 200 front of Flavios Eutyches, a kind of facade for a tomb otherwise built of masonry. Nicomedia, Nicaea, Ephesus, Aphrodisias, Sardis, and Smyrna95 and displayed Fig. 205 The elaborate structure to which the relief belonged and the ambitious inscription in public spaces well into the sixth century. Cf. Fig. 146

in metal letters argue higher social aspirations. In a simplified but not incompe­ 9 °Firatli, CahArch 11 (1960):77, fig. 4; Grabar, Sc11/ptures bib!, J. Beckwith, The Art of Constantinople, pp. 20-22, figs. tent classicizing style, Christ is shown between Peter and Paul. According to byzantines, p. 36, pl. 9:1. 23-26, The style is very close to that of the "classicisme 91No number. Found in 1968 built into the mihrab of the A. Grabar, the female figures symbolize the Church of the Circumcised and the massive" of the Theodosius column base, even though the mosque which had succeeded the church. Marble, H. 0.55 subject there was Roman-historical, Grabar, ibid., pp. m., Th. 0.09 m. Seated figure to right. R. arm veiled, bent, 25-29, pl. 5, later hand. Nose and lips broken off. Damage to veil and stantine II, after the Church of the Holy Apostles was hand held something now broken off; left lowered, hand 93Inan-Rosenbaum, pp. 144-45, nos. 182-83, pis. 106-7, front locks. A cleavage line goes through mid-face. The completed, rests just above the knee. The folding chair stands on a the re-cut fragment from Sardis, Lato11111s 103 (1969):290, head was originally very carefully smoothed. It has power­ 87Relief from <;:apa. Istanbul no. 4536. A. Grabar, Sculp­ "base line" of which the lower part is decorated with a pl. 104:3-4. fully cut eyes with deep pupils placed very high under the tures byzantines, pp. 41, 45, 128, pl. 13:3. pattern. The background is done with fine claw chisel, The 94Stephanos: F. Miltner, JOA! 44 (1959):281, fig. 137; lids and surrounded by three pendant rings. The right eye 88Grabar, Sc11/pt11res bywnth1es, pp. 45-46, pl. 11:1, con­ rough-hewn but original edge is preserved on the left; it is Ephesos, pp. 108-109, fig. 94; H. Vetters, JOBG 15 also has drilled dots on either side of the pupil. Three soft siders its "thoughtful iconography" the sign of "un atelier treated for insertion into another piece. All other sides are (1966):274, n. 3; F. Keil, FoEph 5:1, pp. 79-80, speak of the folds of toga lie over the forehead. Bronze head of Con­ superieur" in touch with classical tradition. N. Firatli, broken but the piece was apparently a frieze, not a sar­ statue of Stephanos as found near its base. If this stantius: F. Volbach and M. Hirmer, Early Christian Art, p. CahArc/1 11 (1960):82-83, 86, fig. 15, Something of cophagus, unless it was a "false sarcophagus front" like Stephanos was active in the late fourth century, when he 316, pis. 18-19. R. Delbrueck, Spiitantike Kaiserportriits, p. fishermen's life on the Bosporus has carried over into the the Eutyches relief, fig. 200. The head is broken except for transformed the Celsus library into a nymphaeum, either the very charming right part of youthful face with one eye. 139, pis. 52-54. Hanfmann, Roman Art, p. 102, fig. 95. unusual scene. the statue or the head does not belong, for the style is of 86 89 There seems to be a bit of veil on the neck in which case J, Strzygowski, Orient oder Rome. Beitriige z11r Gesc/1ichte Such reliefs in the Istanbul Museum have now been the sixth century, as W. Oberleitner, "Fragment eines the representation might be that of a female figure. While der spiit1111tiken 1111d frlihc/1rist/iche11 K11nst (Leipzig: J.C. Hin­ collected by A Grabar, SC11lpt11res byz1111ti11es, pp. 16-19, 41, spatantiken Portratkopfes aus Ephesos," JOA! 44 the other garment is treated with flat linearism, the under­ richs, 1901), p. 79. A A Vassiliev, "Imperial Porphyry 45, esp. pis, 10:2; 11:2; 13:3; 12-14; 15; 16-17. The work of (1959):86-89, figs. 60-62, has recognized. It is treated as an garment has finer detail and the figure is well modelled. Sarcophagi," DOPapers 4 (1948):14-15, 21-22, fig. 15, with describing and collecting is yet to be done for other re­ anonymous magistrate by !nan-Rosenbaum, pp. 157-58, 92 bibl. Mendel, 2, pp. 447-48. Vassiliev also points out that gions. Grabar, p. 41, rightly points to western Anatolian The so-called "Prince's Sarcophagus," Istanbul Ar­ no. 203, pis. 178:4, 186:4-5. according to one tradition, the empress Helena and pagan antecedents in reliefs at Bursa and elsewhere. chaeological Museums; A Grabar, Srnlptures byzantines, 95Inan-Rosenbaum, "Early Byzantine Portraits," pp. Constantine were buried in the same sarcophagus by Con- pp. 30-32, pl. 7. Hanfmann, Roman Art, p. 125, fig. 143, 19-20, 26-29, 38-44, pis. 175-86, show that active work- 96 From Croesus to Constantine Instinctu Divinitatis: The Te,trarchs, Constantine, and Co11sta11ti11ople 97

A second branch of sculpture which continued to flourish was architectural Ages and immediately thereafter. Its rivals were no longer the cities of the decoration. The busts of divinities from the porch ceiling of the Serapeion in Greek East or European West but Damascus, Baghdad, and Cairo of the new Miletus, dating in the late third century, 96 are perhaps among the last pagan Islamic world. anthropomorphic sets of such busts. The fine lion c,1.pital found in the Sardis For the imperial court, ideology and iconography were a mixture of Roman synagogue probably belongs to the fourth century renovation. 97 Increasingly, and Greek elements, but something in the underlying psychological attitude to­ human figures were eliminated while craters, doves, and animals remained. Em­ ward power and toward its use and abuse seems to go back to Anatolian disposi­ phasizing animals and plants, decorative sculpture was gradually transformed tions. There was a similar magnificent but somber coloration to the general tenor toward the semi-abstract beauty of early Byzantine ornamentation. 98 and to the particular intrigues and cruelties committed at the palace of the Lydian In conclusion, taking a wide view, one might say that in the emergent Byzan­ kings at Sardis and at the Great Palace of Constantinople. tine civilization and in early Byzantine urbanism, Greek tradition provided the I have put Croesus at the beginning and Constantine at the end and to them general language of architectural decoration, Rome, the monumental organization we now briefly return. The "portrait" of Croesus was made by an Athenian Fig. 35 and principles of construction, while Anatolian elements experienced a revival, painter some fifty years after Croesus's death; the portrait of Constantine made at both on the folk art level and in the social-psychological realm. 99 In a sense, the the height of his power, ca. 330, is from the great colossus in his basilica. 101 Figs. 206, 207 intensive veneration of images and the formation of monasteries were revivals of Both had little time as art patrons. Croesus ruled only 15 years. Constantine forms of religious life which had been practised at the great archaic sanctuaries of had only 13 years to build Constantinople. As persons and art patrons they had western Anatolia. At Ephesus, Artemis was succeeded by Virgin Mary. Many something fundamental in common. They both strove to discover and to serve the urban settlements declined, as did Ephesus, but others transformed themselves true god. Croesus trusted oracles and prophecies. Constantine trusted dreams into "sacred fortresses," and many, like Nicaea remained sizeable and prosperous and had a horoscope for Constantinople taken by an astrologer. Croesus sent out into the Middle Byzantine era. 100 embassies to find out which god was truly inspired. He selected Apollo, who let As a teeming megalopolis containing the court of King of Kings and the him lose an empire. Constantine was told in a dream: "In this sign you will be Patriarchate-the old Anatolian duality of basileus and archiereus-Con­ victorious," and protected by Christ, he won an empire. stantinople, the "Czar-City," Tsargrad to the Slavs, was unique during the Dark Croesus invented the gold standard and completed the economic revolution which gave the western coastlands of Asia Minor imperial leadership for two shops existed in Nicomedia, Nicaea, Ephesus, and Aph­ fifth. D. G. Mitten, BASOR 182 (April, 1966):34-40, figs. generations. Constantine founded Constantinople and through the new Christian rodisias; to these must be added Sardis, and probably 28-30. N. L. Hirschland, "The Head Capitals of Sardis," Smyrna. G. M. A. Hanfmann, "Late Roman and Early BSR 35 (1967):12-22. synthesis of Anatolian, Greek, and Roman traditions, western Anatolia became Byzantine Portraits from Sardis," La/011111s 103 (1969):288, 99For architecture, cf. the assessment of Ward-Perkins, the pivot of the medieval world and the center of the Byzantine Empire which pis. 113-17. For Aphrodisias, K. T. Erim, "Two New Early ERA, pp. 410-11. The interplay of traditional polis ele­ Byzantine Statues from Aphrodisias," DOPapers 21 ments and the "East Roman" imperial legislation is lasted a thousand years. (1967):285-86, one of them (headless) Oikoumenios, analysed by Claude, ch. 2. "Die Verfassung der

Praeses (prefect) of Caria. Aziz, Guide, Izmir Museum no. fri.ihbyzantinischen Stadt." His book, though aimed at the 101 H. S. Jones, Cat. Palazzo Conservatori, pp. 5, 11-12, pl. Hanfmann, Roma11 Art, pp. 102-3, fig. 96. E. B. Harrison, 4, p. 76, ill. from Ephesus. Literary references: Mango, situation under Justinian, constitutes a most valuable 2. A. Minoprio, "A Restoration of the Basilica of Constan­ DOPapers 21 (1967):92-95, figs. 3-4, 41-44 thinks an earlier Art, pp. 46-49, 118-19. synthesis and contains materials for a developmental tine, Rome." BSR 12 (1932):10-13, pl. 11 (reconstruction). imperial statue was re-used. 96Serapeion: H. Knackfuss, Mile/ I:7, 180, Kleiner, study from ca. A.D. 300 to 600. R11i11e11, p. 46, and ch. 3, above. 10°Cf. Claude, pp. 106 and 195-229, presents a careful 97BASOR 170 (April, 1963):44, fig. 34. analysis of different types of cities and sees "Christianiza­ 98Grabar, Sculptures byza11ti11es, includes quite properly tion" and "militarization" as the two most clearly ascer­ architectural and decorative sculpture of Constantinople tainable factors: ibid., pp. 208-19 on "Holy" cities. The in the second part of his work. At Sardis, the resulting expression "sacred fortress" was coined by 0. von Simson contrast is very strikingly illustrated in the juxtaposition of for Ravenna, Sacred Fortress: Byzm1ti11e Art a11d Statecraft in anthropomorphic head capitals of the third century and Ravenna (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948). beautiful early Byzantine Ionic "impost" capitals of the Bibliography 99

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18 Old Smyrna. Reconstruction by R. V. Nicholls. After J. M. Cook, The Greeks in Ionia and The East, p. 70, fig. 19. 19 Plan of Assos. 3: Archaic precinct and temple of Athena and citadel. All other urban features (city wall, 1,2; agora and temples, 4-9; gymnasium, 10; cemeteries, 14) are late classical and Hellenistic in origin. After E. Akurgal, Civilizations, p. 66, fig. 20. 20 Ephesus. Reconstruction of archaic Artemision. After F. Krischen, Die griechische Stadt, pl. 33. Illustrations 21 a-c Fragments of Greek dedicatory inscription of Croesus from Artemision at Ephesus. (a) BS KR; (b) SN; (c) EN. Courtesy Trustees of The British Museum. 22 Lydian inscription of Croesus on column of Artemision at Ephesus. Courtesy Trustees of The British Museum. 23 Monument to a goddess in form of a shrine from Sardis. Manisa Museum. Courtesy Ar­ chaeological Exploration of Sardis. 24 Detail of monument (Fig. 23), priestess. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. 25 Drawing of back of monument (Fig. 23), mythological representations. Courtesy Archaeologi­ cal Exploration of Sardis. 26 Monument (Fig. 23), spectator's left side. Priestesses, komasts, dancers. Courtesy Ar­ 1 Map of the Eastern Mediterranean. After C. Roebuck, Ionian Trade and Colonization, map le. chaeological Exploration of Sardis. Copyright 1959, Archaeological Institute of America. 27 Tray with bulls' heads and hand of priestess, from column of Croesus, Artemision, Ephesus. 2 View of Lydian Mounds 50-51; Durasalli group looking south. Courtesy N. and A. Ramage. Courtesy Trustees of The British Museum. 3 Distribution map of Lydian Mounds. Courtesy N. and A. Ramage. 28 God or hero with feline skin (Herakles?), from Artemision, Ephesus. Courtesy Trustees of 4 View of modern houses at Sart Mustafa village (Sardis). Courtesy Archaeological Exploration The British Museum. 29 Female head with crown, from Artemision, Ephesus. Courtesy Trustees of The British of Sardis. Museum. 5 Plan of <;:eltikci village street pattern by F. K. Yegiil. 30 Bearded Lydian. Fragment of terracotta frieze from Sardis. Courtesy Archaeological Explora­ 6 <;:eltikci village. Large and small house unit plans by F. K. Yegiil. tion of Sardis. 7 Restored plan of Phrygian level at Gordian. After R. S. Young, AJA 72 (1968), pl. 72:9. 31 Limestone lioness from southeast corner of altar in sector PN, Sardis. Manisa Museum. 8 Ephesus. Hypothetical plan of ancient city. After A. Bammer. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. 9 Sardis. Lydian City. Hypothetical plans according to A. Ramage and G. M. A. Hanfmann. 32 Sardis. Altar with lions at corners. Reconstruction. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. Sardis. 10 Sardis. View of sector PN with altar in center. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. 33 Achilles and Troilus. Wall painting. Tomba dei Tori, Tarquinia. Alinari. 11 Pitted flake of gold foil from sector PN, Sardis. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. 34 Proposed reconstruction of the lion of Croesus in Delphi. After G. W. Elderkin, Archaeological 12 Large gold stater of Croesus. Dewing Greek Numismatic Foundation No. 646 Ga. Courtesy Papers 2 (1941), fig. 1. Dewing Numismatic Foundation. 35 Croesus on the Pyre. Attic red-figure amphora by Myson. . Hirmer Fotoarchiv 13 Sardis. Sector PN. Plan of Lydian level. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. Miinchen. 14 Fragment of terracotta sima with Pegasus from Sardis. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration 36 Map of the Persian Empire. After E. Schmidt, Persepolis I, map. opp. p. 8. Courtesy the of Sardis. Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. 15 Reconstruction of a sima from Sardis. After A. Akerstrom, Die architektonischen Terrakotten 37 Sardis. Pyramid Tomb. Detail of steps. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. Kleinasiens, p. 95, fig. 29. 38 Pasargadae. The "B" staircase of the Takht. After D. Stronach, Iran I, pl. Illa. 16 Sardis. Archaic altar of Artemis. Restored perspective by K. J. Frazer. Courtesy Archaeologi- 39 ~:;~nstruction of the palace facade, Larisa. After K. Schefold, Propyliien Kunstgeschichte I, fig. cal Exploration of Sardis. 17 Sardis. North slope, Acropolis. Palace terraces(?) Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of 40 Stele of Elnap from Daskylion. Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Courtesy N. Dolunay. Sardis.

110 112 Illustrations Illustrations 113

41 Stele with funerary meal from Daskylion. Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Courtesy 66 Xanthos, Nereid monument. Small frieze. Tribute bearers. Courtesy Trustees of The British Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. Museum. 42 Pediment with funerary meal from Sardis. Manisa Museum. Courtesy Archaeological Explo­ 67 Persepolis, Palace of Darius, western flight of southern stairway. File of servants on inner ration of Sardis. face of parapet. Courtesy the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. 43 Pyramidal seal with Lydian inscription and griffin. Paris. Bibliotheque Nationale. Photo Cour­ 68 Per~epolis, ':pad~na, eastern stairway. Cappadocian tribute bearers. Courtesy the Oriental tesy John Boardman. Institute, University of Chicago. 44 Pyramidal seal with Lydian inscription and two royal sphinxes. Leningrad. Hermitage. Photo 69 Limyra, Heroon. Preliminary reconstruction sketch by J. Borchhardt. Courtesy John Boardman. 70 Limyra, Heroon. Caryatid. Courtesy Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. 45 Wall painting. Kizilbel Tomb. Detail of south wall with Pegasus and Chrysaor. Courtesy M. J. Mellink. 71 Limyra, Heroon. Frieze of horsemen. Courtesy Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. 46 Amazon from Villa of Hadrian, Tivoli. Photo Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Rome. 72 Maussoleum of Halicarnassus, Amazon frieze. Block recomposed of parts in The British Museum (left) and Bodrum (right). Courtesy K. Jeppesen. 47 Wounded Amazon. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Gift of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. 1932. 73 a, b Maussoleum of Halicarnassus. Statues of Maussolus (a) and Artemisia (b). Courtesy 48 Amazon in Museo Capitolino, Rome. Photo Anderson. Trustees of The British Museum. 49 New foundations of Hellenistic cities. After C. B. Welles, Die hellenistische Welt, Propylaen 74 Maussoleum of Halicarnassus. Squatting Oriental. Izmir, Fuari Museum. Weltgeschichte map opp. p. 512. 75 Maussoleum of Belevi. Reconstructed by M. Theuer. After J. Keil, Fiihrer, fig. 89. 50 Miletus. Plan after G. Kleiner, Ruinen, fig. 14. 76 Maussoleum of Belevi. Lion-griffins flanking crater. Izmir, Fuari Museum. 51 Bird's-eye view of ancient Miletus looking southwest. By Charles A. Blessing. On the right, the Lion Harbor with Theater Hill above. The city center includes on the left; Delphinion, 77 Maussoleum of Belevi. Coffer frieze. Centauromachy. Izmir, Fuari Museum. North Market, and South Market. On the right, Stadium and West Market. In upper center, 78 Maussoleum of Belevi. Coffer frieze. Centauromachy. Izmir, Fuari Museum. Sacred Road leading to Didyma. Courtesy Charles A. Blessing. 79 Maussoleum of Belevi. Coffer frieze. Wrestlers and umpire. Athlete crowned. Izmir, Fuari 52 Priene. Central part of city. Model by H. Schleif. Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum. Antiken-Sammlung. 80 Maussoleum of Belevi. Ruler reclining on couch. Taken in situ. Courtesy Osterreichisches 53 Priene. House XXXIII. Reconstruction of original state. After M. Schede, Ruinen, fig. 118. Archaologisches Institut, Wien. 54 View of Halicarnassus with site of Maussoleum. Photo copyright Niels Hannestad. 81 Maussoleum of Belevi. Statue of Oriental servant. Izmir, Fuari Museum. 55 Halicarnassus. View from the sea. After Krischen, Griechische Stadt, pl. I. 82 Priene. Hypothetical reconstruction of statues in the agora. After Krischen, Griechische Stadt, 56 Pergamon. West side of upper city. Model by H. Schleif. Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu pl. 22. Berlin, Antiken-Sammlung. 83 Map of Roman Asia Minor. After C. C. Vermeule, ImpArt, end paper. 57 Ephesus. Altar of Artemis. Reconstruction by A. Bammer. 84 Miletus. Great Harbor Monument. Reconstruction after Kleiner, Ruinen, fig. 34. 58 Pergamon. View of Altar of Zeus looking west. 85 Miletus. Great Harbor Monument. Relief with Triton and dolphins. Courtesy G. Kleiner. 59 Pergamon. Altar of Zeus, gigantomachy frieze: Nyx, new fragment of giant, Moira. Courtesy 86 Relie! from Palazzo Santa Croce, Rome, in Munich, Antikensammlung-Glyptothek. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Antiken-Sammlung. Poseidon, Amphitrite, and Marine Thiasus. 60 Lyda. Sketch map of ancient sites. After F. Eichler, Die Reliefs des Heroons von Gjolbaschi Trysa, 87 Sardis. Plan of Roman Gymnasium-Bath complex. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of fig. 19. Sardis. 61 Silver stater of Perikles of Lyda. Dewing Numismatic Foundation No. 697 a. 88 Theater of Nicaea. Sketch plan. After A. M. Schneider, JstFo 16 (1943), fig. 2. 62 Xanthos, Nereid monument. Reconstruction by Krischen, Weltwunder, pl. 31. 89 Theater of Nicaea. View of substructures. Courtesy Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Is­ 63 Xanthos, Nereid monument. Reconstruction of facade. After Coupel and Demargne, Xanthos tanbul. 3, pl. 98. 90 Theater of Nicaea. Southeast pier. Detail of masonry and cemented rubble construction. 64 Xanthos, Nereid monument. Ruler accepts surrender of a city. Courtesy Trustees of The 91 ~emple of Hadri~n at Kyzikos. Drawings by Cyriacus of Ancona. Courtesy Stiftung Preus­ British Museum. SIScher Kulturbesitz: Staatliche Museen Berlin, Kunstbibliothek. 65 Assyrian relief, Nineveh. Surrender of Lachish to Sennacherib. Courtesy Trustees of The 92 Miletus. Plan of Nymphaeum. After Kleiner, Ruinen, fig. 86. British Museum. 93 Miletus. Reconstruction of Nymphaeum by C. R. Hiilsen. After Kleiner, Ruinen, fig. 85. 115 114 Illustrations Illus tra tio n s

94 Ephesus. Slope Houses. Plan of first and second phases. Courtesy Osterreichisches Archaolo-• 117 Sardis. Synagogue and gymnasium. Bird's-eye view toward southwest. Courtesy Ar­ gisches Institut, Wien. chaeological Exploration of Sardis. 95 Ephesus. Slope Houses. Looking south. Courtesy R. Meri~. 118 Ephesus. Temple of Hadrian. Detail of facade and inner pediment with parts of frieze at 96 Ephesus. Slope House. Peristyle SR 22-23 looking west. Note mosaic (left), marble floor, lower right. Courtesy Osterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, Wien. marble revetments, and frescoes (upper right). Courtesy R. Meri~. 119 Stele of Trophime from Golde. Manisa Museum. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of 97 Ephesus. Slope House. Peristyle SR 22-23, east, south, west elevations. Courtesy Oster­ Sardis. reichisches Archaologisches Institut, Wien. 120 Door jamb from Yilmaz Koy near Sardis with relief of Zeus and Kouretes(?) Manisa Museum. 98 Ephesus. Slope House. View of Artemis Shrine in situ. Courtesy 6sterreichisches Archaolo­ Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. gisches Institut, Wien. 121 Stele of Matis from Sardis. Detail. Manisa Museum. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of 99 Ephesus. Hellenistic hero relief found in Slope House. Courtesy Osterreichisches Ar­ Sardis. chaologisches Institut, Wien. 122 Stele from Notion. Izmir, Fuari Museum. Courtesy H. Mobius. 100 Sardis. Central unit (BC Hall) of gymnasium building. West wall showing construction of 123 Horsemen relief in Izmir, Fuari Museum. Courtesy H. Mobius. cemented rubble and brick bonded masonry (looking south). Courtesy Archaeological Explo­ 124 Stele of Marcus Antonios Fronton, Byzantium. Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Courtesy ration of Sardis. N. Dolunay. 101 Ephesus. Baths of Vedius Gymnasium. Reconstruction of structural system. After F. Fasolo, 125 Hero relief. Trinity College Collection on permanent loan to the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cam­ Palladio 1-2 (1956), fig. 18. bridge. Photo courtesy The Fitzwilliam Museum. 102 Sardis. Synagogue main hall with skoutlosis (right). Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of 126 Relief with funerary meal from Smyrna. Leiden, Museum van Oudheden. Courtesy Museum Sardis. van Oudheden. 103 Ephesus. Plan showing locations of baths and gymnasia. Courtesy A. Bammer. 127 Funerary stele of Theodotos from Byzantium. Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Courtesy 104 Ephesus. Vedius Gymnasium. Reconstruction. Courtesy Osterreichisches Archaologisches Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Institut, Wien. 128 Aphrodisias. Preliminary drawing of Zoilos frieze by Simonetti. After A. Giuliano, ASAtene 105 Ephesus. Vedius Gymnasium. Plan. Courtesy 6sterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, 37-38 (1959-60), fig. 12. Wien. 129 Aphrodisias. Zoilos frieze. Demos and Herm. Courtesy K. T. Erim. 106 Sardis. Gymnasium-Bath complex. Tentative plan of circulation by F. K. Yegiil. Courtesy 130 Aphrodisias. Zoilos frieze. Head of Zoilos with new fragment. After AJA 74 (1970), pl. 46:30. Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. 131 Aphrodisias. Zoilos frieze. Aion. After Akurgal, Civilizations, fig. 63. 107 Sardis. Gymnasium. "Marble Court." Looking northwest. Courtesy Archaeological Explora­ 132 Aphrodisias. Frieze from Ionic dedicated to Tiberius and Livia. Detail. Bearded head. tion of Sardis. After K. T. Erim, Archaeology 20 (1967), fig. 10. 108 Sardis. Gymnasium. Detail of head capital from screen colonnade of Marble Court. Courtesy 133 Ephesus. Library of Celsus. Restored facade with statues. After W. Wilberg, FoEph V:1, pl. 1. Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. 134 Ephesus. Library of Celsus. Cross section. After W. Wilberg, FoEph V:1, fig. 78. 109 Sardis. Gymnasium. North side of Marble Court. Detail of ornamentation of entablature with 135 Ephesus. Antinoos as Androklos from Vedius Gymnasium. Izmir, Fuari Museum. Courtesy part of dedicatory inscription. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. 110 Temple at Aezani. View of west side with acroterion depicting Meter Steunene. Courtesy 136 Ephesus. Vedius Gymnasium. Sappho(?) Izmir. Courtesy Osterreichisches Archaologisches Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. Institut, Wien. 111 Pergamon. Model of Sanctuary of Asclepius by H. Schleif. Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu 137 Ephesus. Bronze athlete from Harbor Baths. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Courtesy Berlin, Antiken-Sammlung. Osterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, Wien. 112 Miletus. Temple of Serapis. Reconstructed view of front porch. After Milet I:7, fig. 218. 138 Ephesus. Rivergod Maeander from Vedius Gymnasium. Izmir, Fuari Museum. Courtesy 113 Miletus. Temple of Serapis. View of pediment. Courtesy G. Kleiner. Osterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, Wien. 114 Ephesus. View of theater, city and bay. Looking northeast. Courtesy R. Meri~. 139 Ephesus. Harbor Baths. Restoration of the Hall of Imperial Cult. Courtesy Osterreichisches 115 Miletus. Plan and Section of Temple of Serapis. After Milet I:7, fig. 193. Archaologisches Institut, Wien. 116 Sardis. Synagogue. Conjectural building history. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of 140 "Asiatic" sarcophagus in Melfi. Front view. Courtesy Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Sardis. Rome. 116 Illustrations Illustrations 117

141 Sarcophagus in Melfi. Lateral face. Odysseus and Diomed. Courtesy Deutsches Archao­ 163 Nicomedia-Izmit. View of citadel from the bay. Courtesy Turkish Tourism and Information logisches Institut, Rome. Office, New York City. 142 Sarcophagus from Dokimeion-Synnada in Ankara. Woman and sage. Courtesy Deutsches 164 Nicomedia-Izmit. View from the theater toward eastern part of the bay. Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. 165 Nicomedia-Izmit. Plan. After A. Oztiire. Nicomedia: Izmit Tarihi (1969), map. 143 Sarcophagus lid from Sardis. Claudia Antonia Sabina and daughter. Istanbul Archaeological 166 Circus relief from the Pai; region, Nicomedia. Izmit Museum. Museums. Courtesy Princeton University Department of Art and Archaeology, Sardis 167 Thessalonike. Mausoleum of Galerius and entrance to palace. Hypothetical sketch. After Archives. Ward-Perkins, ERA, fig. 198. 144 Sarcophagus lid from Ephesus. Claudia Antonia Tatiane and her husband. Izmir, Basmane 168 Roman Trier, city plan. After H. Eiden, "Ausgrabungen im spatantiken Trier," in Neue Museum. Courtesy Osterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, Wien. Ausgrabungen in Deutsch/and (Berlin, 1958), fig. 1. 145 Miletus. North Market. Reconstruction of second century A.D. state. After Kleiner, Ruinen, 169 Trier. Restoration of palace hall (Basilica). Photo Landesmuseum Trier. Courtesy W. Reusch. fig. 31. 170 Trier. Interior of palace hall (Basilica). After W. Reusch, Die Basilika in Trier (1956), fig. 5. 146 Ephesus. Kuretes Street with statue of physician Alexandros (right). Courtesy R. Merii;:. 171 Trier. Aerial view. Photo Landesmuseum, Trier. Courtesy W. Reusch. 147 Aphrodisias. Sarcophagus of Marcus Aurelius Diodorus Kallimedes. Detail: Busts of Kal­ 172 Istanbul. Aerial view looking across Golden Horn toward Beyoglu-Galata. Courtesy Turkish limedes and his wife Tatia. Courtesy A. Giuliano. Tourism and Information Office, New York City. 148 Bust of Theon from Smyrna. Museo Capitolino, Rome. After G. M. A. Richter, Portraits, fig. 173 Plan of Pre-Constantinian Byzantium. After Janin, (1964) plan II. 2038. 174 Constantinople. Public spaces and major roads. After Janin, (1964), plan V. 149 Statue of Flavius Darnianus from Ephesus. Izmir, Fuari Museum. Courtesy E. Rosen­ 175 Gerasa. Oval piazza. Courtesy Yale University. baum-Alfoldi and the Warburg Institute. 176 The Great Palace at Constantinople. Reconstruction by C. Vogt from A. Vogt, ed., Constantin 150 a, b Head of Flavius Damianus, Ephesus. Details. Courtesy E. Rosenbaum-Alfoldi and the VII Porphyrogenete. Le Livre des ceremonies (Paris, 1935). Warburg Institute. 177 Constantinople. Great Palace. Conjectural reconstruction of approach. After C. Mango, Bra- 151 Head of bearded man from Sardis. Manisa Museum. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of zen House, fig. 1. Sardis. 178 Istanbul. The Milian. Courtesy N. Firatli. 152 Statue of Aphrodite of Aphrodisias. Roman Copy. Courtesy K. T. Erim. 179 Plan of Constantinople with monuments and churches. Courtesy C. Mango. 153 Aphrodisias. Aphrodite from the Zoilos frieze. © 1967 National Geographic Society. 180 Ephesus. Arkadiane Avenue. Reconstruction. After Miltner, Ephesos, fig. 91. Courtesy 154 Coin of Achaeus from Sardis. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. Osterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, Wien. 155 Fragment of colossal head of Zeus from Artemis Temple, Sardis. Courtesy Archaeological 181 Sardis. Synagogue and surroundings. Restored plan. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Exploration of Sardis. Sardis. 156 a, b Ephesus. (a) Colossal head of Domitian(?) from his temple. Courtesy E. Rosenbaum­ 182 Rome. Old St. Peter's. After Krautheimer, ECBA, fig. 14. Alfoldi and the Warburg Institute. (b) Colossal arm of Domitian(?). Izmir, Fuari Museum. 183 Sardis. Synagogue. Isometric reconstruction by A. R. Seager. Courtesy Archaeological Explo­ Courtesy Osterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, Wien. ration of Sardis. 157 Colossal head of Antoninus Pius from the Artemis Temple, Sardis. Courtesy Archaeological 184 Sardis. Synagogue. Interior of main hall looking north. Tentative restoration by A. M. Sha­ Exploration of Sardis. piro. Courtesy Archaeological Exploration of Sardis. 158 Colossal head of Faustina from the Artemis Temple, Sardis. Courtesy Trustees of The British 185 Istanbul. Column of Constantine. Photo G. M. A. Hanfmann. Museum. 186 Constantinopolis from Tabula Peutingeriana, Vienna, Staatsbibliothek. After J. M. C. Toynbee, 159 Colossal head of Caracalla from Pergamon. Museum. Courtesy Deutsches /RS 37 (1947), pl. 9. Courtesy Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna. Bildarchiv und Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. Portratsammlung. 160 Head of Diocletian from Nicomedia. Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Courtesy Deutsches 187 Gold medallion of Constantine from Nicomedia, A.D. 325. Dumbarton Oaks. Courtesy Dum­ Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. barton Oaks Collection. 161 Nicaea-Iznik panorama. Courtesy Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. 188 Gold coin of Constantine from Nicomedia, A.D. 335. Dumbarton Oaks. Courtesy Dumbarton 162 Nicaea-Iznik. Plan of ancient city. After A. M. Schneider, IstFo 9 (1938), map. Oaks Collection. 118 Illustrations

189 Gold medallion. Constantine and Sol. Mint of Ticinum, A.D. 313. Paris. Cabinet de Medailles. Photo Hirmer Fotoarchiv Miinchen. 190 Venice. Horses of San Marco. Alinari. 191 Venice. Corner of Basilica of San Marco. Tetrarchs. Anderson. 192 Ephesus. Tetrarchic(?) frieze from Temple of Hadrian. General sacrificing, Herakles and Amazons. Original relief in Seli;:uk (Efes) Museum. Courtesy Osterreichisches Index Archaologisches Institut, Wien. 193 Ephesus. Temple of Hadrian. Prawing of Tetrarchic(?) frieze. Dionysus; emperor and gods. Courtesy Osterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, Wien. 194 Trier. Painted ceiling from Constantinian Palace under the cathedral. Bischofliches Museum, Trier. Woman with veil and crown of pearls. After W. Reusch, Friihchristliche Zeugnisse, pl. 40 A. Courtesy T. K. Kempf, Bischofliches Museum, Trier. 195 a, b. Head of Constantine from Constantinople, front and profile. Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Courtesy N. Dolunay. 196 Head of Constantius II(?) from Aphrodisias. Izmir, Basmane Museum. 197 Fragment of porphyry sarcophagus of Constantine(?) Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Courtesy Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. Achaemenian elements, 20, 35 Hellenization, 23; horses, 3; mind, 2 n. 2; Achaeus, 23, 72, Fig. 154 palaces, 4, 85; queens, 37; sacred precincts, 198 Relief from C::apa. Istanbul Arc4aeological Museums. After N. Firatli, Cahiers archeologiques 11 Acropolis (citadel) towns, 4, 6, 10, 78, 85 4-5; style, 18, 36; towns, 4; traits, 11; (1960), p. 82, fig. 13. Courtesy N. Dolunay. Acts: on Ephesus, 53; on Lykaonia, 4, 58 villages, 3 199 Jonah relief from Constantinople. Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Courtesy N. Dolunay. Adramyttium, 9 Androklos, 65-66, 92 200 Relief of Flavius Eutyches from Constantinople (Ta~ Kasap). Istanbul Archaeological Aelafius, letter to, 81 Andromenes; see Matis Museums. Courtesy N. Dolunay. Aelius Aristeides, 46, 68 Animal space, 3 Aelius Nikon, architect, 47 Ankara, orthostate reliefs, 11 201 Relief with seated figure found in church of Aya Sophia, Nicaea. Photo G. M. A. Hanfmann. Aeneas and palladium, 90 Antioch, 49, 82 202 "Prince's Sarcophagus" from Constantinople. Lateral face. Apostles flanking cross. Istanbul Agasias, son of Dositheos, 62 Antiochus I, 26; II, 37-38; III, 23; IV, 55 Archaeological Museums. Courtesy Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Istanbul. Agasias, son of Menophilos, 62 Antonia; see Claudia 203 "Prince's Sarcophagus." Front. Angel-victories. Courtesy Deutsches Archaologisches In­ Aiakos, 8 Antoninus Pius, 65, 73, Fig. 157 stitut, Istanbul. Aion, 63, Fig. 131 Antonius Polemon, 43 n. 11, 68-69; see also 204 Ephesus. Kuretes Street. Consul Stephanos(?) as found. Courtesy 6sterreichisches Aizani, temple, 53, 53 n. 51, Fig. 110 Marcus Archaologisches Institut, Wien. Alabanda, 39, 61 n. 18 Apasas (Ephesus), 4 Alamannia, inscription, 77 Apaturius, painter, 61 n. 18 205 Ephesus. Early Byzantine official. Izmir, Basmane Museum. Alcamenes, 66 Aphrodisias, 63-64, 93, 95 n. 95; Aphrodite of, 206 Rome. Basilica of Constantine with restored colossus of Constantine. After A. Minoprio, BSR Alexander the Great, 24 63, 72, Figs. 152-153 12 (1932), pl. 9. Alexandrian ambient, 94, cf. 92 n. 74 Apollo: in Byzantium, 82 n. 29; and Croesus, 207 Head of colossus of Constantine from his basilica. Rome, Palazzo dei Conservatori. Alinari. Alexandros, physician, 69, Fig. 146 14, 97; at Delphi, 14; Delphinios, 26, 62; Di­ Altars, 6, 30-33 dyma, 26, 62; Troy, 8 Alyattes, 9 Apollonius of Tyana, 52, 58 n. 6; of Tralles, Amazons: in Ephesus, 22-23, 31, 91-92, Figs. sculptor, 63 n. 23 46-48, 192-193; in Halicarnassus, 36, Fig. 72; Aquila, Caius Julius, 43, 65 in Xanthos, 34 Aramaeans, 21 Ammonios, sculptor, 62-63 Aramaic inscription, 18, Fig. 40; sculpture, Anahita; see Artemis 18-19; speakers, 19 Anatolia(n): cultural elements, 1-2, 33, 40, 56, Architects, Greek and Roman in Asia, 46-47; 85, 87, 96-97; folk art, 94; gods, 4, 71-72; lack of, 92

119 120 Index Index 121

Aristainetos, 47 Billienus, Caius, 62 Colonnaded ("Syrian") avenues, 49, 82, 88 n. Constantius Chlorus, 78, 80 Aristeides; see Aelius Bishapur, 16 52 Construction, Roman-" Asiatic," 51, 56 Aristophanes, on Ephesus, 11 Bithynia, 62, 76 Colophon, refounding, 25-26 Croesus, 2, 5, 10-11, 13, 82, 97, Fig. 35; and Arrian, on Sardis palace, 8 n. 25 Bithynian folk style, 93 Colossal, colossus: of Constantine, 97, Figs. Apollo, 14, 97; and Artemis, 10; at Adramyt­ Artaxerxes Ochos, 38 Bossekis, house at, 3 206-207; Ephesus, 31, 65, 72-73, Fig. 156; and Assos, 9-10; as builder, 11; coin­ Artemis Anahita: at Hypaepa and Sardis, 17; of Bryaxis, 22 Sardis, 23, 72, Figs. 157-158 age, 5; columns at Ephesus, 11; compared the Swamps, 56; sanctuaries, 4, 7, 10, 17; see Burial mounds (Lydia), 2 Colossus (pseudo), 85 n. 41 with Constantine, 97; lion at Delphi, 14; also Ephesus; Magnesia; Sardis Bursa, 76; see also Prusa Column bases, 11-12, 12 n. 44 mint, 5; palace(s), 8-9; procession, 13; on Artemisia, 36, Fig. 73 b Busts, of divinities, 96 Commagene, 23 the pyre, 14 n. 56, Fig. 35; Sardis, at time of, 5; 11 11 Asianic", 1-2, 40, 47, 63; sarcophagi, 67 Byzantine: civilization and urbanism, 96; or­ Concrete, 45, 51 and Thales, 10-11 11 Asiatic" facade, 49, 51, 53, 65; sarcophagi, 59 namentation," 96, 96 n. 98 Constans, statue, 87 Cross, the True, 90 n. 8, 67, Figs. 140-144 Byzantium, 81-82, 87 n. 48, Fig. 173; funerary Constantine, 3, 75-76, 80; and Christianity, 81, Cybele: altar, Sardis, 6, 14, Figs. 10, 32; archaic Asclepius, 53-54 reliefs, 60-61, Figs. 124, 127; see also 84-85; compared with Croesus, 97; basilica shrine, Sardis, 12, Figs. 23-26; at Constan­ Assos, 10, Fig. 19 Constantinople of, Rome, 97, Fig. 206; builds Constantino­ tinople, 84; lion as symbol of, 8; Metroon Assyrian; see Reliefs Byzas, king, 83 n. 32, 85 ple, 75-76, 81-82; collects statuary, 91; co­ (sanctuary), Sardis, 89 n. 63 Astakos (town), 76, 79 lossus, Rome, 97 Figs. 206-207; complains of Cyrus: the First, 7 n. 18, 14-15 & n. 57, 28 n. Asur-Banipal, relief, 19 Calabria, huts, 3 n. 5 lack of architects, 91, 91 n. 69; constructions 25; the Younger, 16-17 & n. 63 Ateius, Marcus, 42 C::apa (Istanbul), relief from, 94, Fig. 198 in Trier, 80-81; decisions on sculpture, 90; Athena: Assos, 10; Miletus, 26; Pergamon, 29; Cappadocia, 23 "Defender of Faith," painting, 85; head of, Damianus; see Flavius Priene, 30; Smyrna, 9 Caracalla, 52, 73-74, 78, Fig. 159 93, Fig. 195; and Jews, 89-90; as ktistes Darius the Great, edict, 17 Attalos I, 29; III, 41 Caria, 2 (founder), 87; maussoleum of, 86; on coins Daskylion, 16, 76, palace, 16; stelae, 18-19, Augustan Age, 63 Carian and "Caroid" inscriptions, 10 and medallions, 91, Figs. 187-189; sar­ Figs. 40-41 Augusteion; see Constantinople Caryatids, 35, 61, 61 n. 18 cophagus of, 94, Fig. 197; sculpture, 90; Delphi: lion, 14; snake column, 91 Augustus, 42; frieze dedicated to, 64; house Catullus, 42, 76 statue as Sun God, 90, Fig. 186; as urban Demos, personified, 63, Fig. 129 of, 61 <:=avdarli, sculptor's workshop, 59 n. 7 planner, 82-87 Demetrios, silversmith, 53 Aurai, 35 Cebes, "The Painting of," 68 Constantinian basilicas, 88 Demetrios, son of Glaukos, sculptor, 62 Aurelius; see Julius Menekles Celsus, Library of, 43, 45 n. 15, 65, Figs. Constantine's sons, 90 Diana, 5, 53; see also Artemis Aya Eirene; see Constantinople 133-134; see also Julius Polemaeanus Constantinople, 75-76, 81-97, Figs. 174, Didyma, 26, 62; road to, 47-48 Aya Sophia; see Constantinople C::eltikci, village, 3, Figs. 5-6 176-179; Augusteion, 82, 82 n. 29, 84; choice Diocletian (Diokles), 73, 75, 78-80, Fig. 160 Aya Sofya, Nicaea, 76 Centaurs, Belevi, 37 of site, 81; Christianization, 83-84, 90; Diodotos, son of Boethos, sculptor, 63 Charioteer relief, 80, Fig. 166 churches, 86: Aya Eirene, 83, 83 n. 32, 84 n. Diomed, 67 Babylon: Ishtar gate, 12; Persian palace, 18; Chersiphron, architect, 11 33, Aya Sophia, 83-84, 84 n. 33, 84 n. 36, Dion Chrysostomus, 44-46 wall, 8 Christ, 90, 91 n. 68, 94, 97, Fig. 200 89, Holy Apostles, 86; city plan, 82; column Dionysus, 92, Fig. 193 Babylonian gods, 19 Christian capital (Constantinople), 75, 81, 86, and statue, 90, Figs. 185-186; Great Palace, Dokimeion-Synnada, quarries, 64; workshop, Bacchylides on Croesus, 14 96-97; sculpture workshops, 94 84-85, 84 n. 36, 97, Figs. 176-177; Hippo­ 64; sarcophagus from, 68, Fig. 142 Balbus, Quintus Julius, 47-48 Chrysopolis (Skutari), battle at, 75 drome, 82, 85; Lysippos' quadriga, 91 n. 72; Domitian, 69, 72 Banks, temples as, 4, 4 n. 10 Cicero, 42 Maussoleum of Constantine, 86; Mese Banquet, 18-19, 37, 61; see also Funerary meal Circus; see Hippodrome Avenue, 82, 86; Milian, 82 n. 30, 86, Fig. "Eagle Table," Sardis, 88, 89 n. 62 Basilica: Antonine, 88-89; Constantinian, 81, City (and town): Anatolian Bronze Age, 4; 178; roads, 87; Roma shrine, 86; Samson, Earthquakes, 42, 87 88-89; Lepcis, 89; Sardis, 54; Smyrna, 43 n. Greek, colonial, 9; "Milesian," 25-26; Hel­ xenodocheion of, 83 n. 32; "Second Rome," "Eastern Greek" reliefs, 59-62, Figs. 121-127 11, 89; Trier, 81 lenistic, 27-29, 76; Roman, 42-56; Tetrarchic, 86, 90-91; snake column, 91; Sol, Sungod, Economic development, Anatolia, 4-6 Bayrakli; see Smyrna 78-81; see also Constantinople; Ephesus; 82 n. 29; temples: twenty-nine on Bos­ Ecumenical Council, First, 76 Bel, 19 Gordian; Miletus; Nicaea; Nicomedia; Urban phorus, 83 n. 32, Aphrodite, 82 n. 29, Elmali; see Kizilbel Belevi: Maussoleum of, 33, 37, Figs. 75-81; planning Apollo, 82 n. 29, Artemis, 83 n. 32, 84 n. 33, Elnap, stele of, 19, 21, Fig. 40 quarries (graffiti), 11 Claudia: Antonia Sabina, 43-44, 52, 68, Fig. Poseidon, Zeus, 83 n. 32; Tetrarchs, statues, Emperors and cities, 71-74 Bellerophon, 33 143; Antonia Tatiane, 68, Fig. 144 92, Fig. 191, Tetrastoon, 82 n. 29; Tyche, 84 Ephesus, 10, 27, 69; archaic grid, 10, 27; Ar­ Benefactors, of cities, 43-44 Claudius, emperor, 43, 48 n. 34; Zeuxippos, 82 kadiane, 88, Fig. 180; Artemis: altar, 30-31; Beyce Sultan, 4 Claudius Gothicus, emperor, 77 Constantius, son of Constantine, 87, 93, Fig. 196 column drums, 11; craftsmen, 5, 13; hoard, 122 Index Index 123

Ephesus (cont.) Gyges, 5, 8 n.22 Istanbul, 76, 83, Fig. 172; see also mean, 12; of rock crystal, 6; as symbol, 8, 13; house shrine, 50, Fig. 98; image, 72; Gymnasium, 48-49, 51-53, 55, 70; see also Constantinople Fig. 12; in Tarquinia, 14, Fig. 33 temple, 4 n. 10, 10; Artemision, 4-5, 30; Ephesus; Miletus; Nicaea; Sardis Ivory, 13, 27, 50 Lion capital, 96 Byzantine official, 95, Fig. 205; Croesan city, Izmir; see Smyrna Lion-griffin, 38, 96, Fig. 76 10; Domitian or Titus, image, 72, Fig. 156; Hadrian, 43 n. 11, 46, 48, 76-78; statue of, 65 Izmit; see Nicomedia Livia (empress), 61 n. 18, 64 Iznik; see Nicaea Gymnasia, 51-52; Harbor Baths, 51, 66, Fig. Halicarnassus, 22, 28, 33, 36, Figs. 54-55, 72-74; Lucius Caelius Montius, proconsul, 87 n. 139; Hadrian, temple of, 92, Fig. 193; Library peninsula of, 2 n. 4; see also Maussoleum 49-50 of Celsus, 43, Figs. 133-134; Nymphaeum: Jason, high priest, 55 Halys, battle on, 11 Jewelers, 6 Lucius Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus, consul, Mamas, 87, of Trajan, 66; sculptors' school, 54 Harbor (port), 5 n. 10, 7, 9, 27, 41 Jewish community at Sardis, 54-55, 89-90 62; "Slope Houses," 50, Figs. 94-97; Lyda, 20, 33 Hekatomnid dynasty, 20, 28 Jonah, 94, Fig. 199 Theatre, 53, 53 n. 50; "Theocratic" state, 4; Helena, 86, 93 n. 80, 94 n. 86 Judaism, 88 Lycian art, 21 Thermae Constantianae, 87; urban renewal, Hellenistic cities, 24, Fig. 49; see also Ephesus; Lydia, burial mounds, 2 87; see also Vedius Julia Lydia, dedication, 43 Miletus; Pergamon; Priene; Sardis; Urban Julius; see Aquila, Balbus; Aurelius Menekles, Lydian: architects at Pasargadae, 15, 18; con­ Epigram, on Matis, 59 planning quests, 7 n. 21, 8 n. 22; fort, Gordian, 7 n. Erechtheion, 35 54; Caesar, 41; Tiberius Celsus Hellenistic Rococo, 62 21; inscriptions, 11, 23 n. 5, Figs. 22, 43; Etruscans, 14; see also Tarquinia Polemaeanus, 43, 65 Hera, image at Sardis, 43 priestesses, 11; seals, 19; tongue, 23, 58 & n. Eukrates, 41 Junius Tiberianus, proconsul, 92 Heraion of Samos, 8 Justin the Martyr, 55 5; urbanism, 5 n. 11 II, Eumenes 29, 41 Herakleidai, dynasty, 13 Lykaonian language, 4, 58 Eusebius on Constantine, 84 Herakles, 12, 23, 67, 92, Figs. 25, 192; torso of, Kalabaktepe; see Miletus Lysander, 17 n. 63 Eutyches; see Flavios 58-59 & n. 7 Kallimachos, 23 Lystra, 4 n. 7, 58 Evangelists, 68 Herm; see Hermes Kallimedes, Marcus Aurelius, 70, Fig. 147 Faustina (Sr.), 73, Fig. 158 Hermes, 4, 63, 66-67, Fig. 129 Kelainai, 15-16, 59, Fig. 121 Maeander, river (god), 16, cf. 66, Fig. 138 Fire brigade, 43 n. 10 Hermogenes, architect, 30-31 Kimmerians, 7 Magnesia ad Sipylum, 6 Flavia Politte, 52 Hermus Valley, mounds in, 2 King(s), 6, 9, 29, 85 Magnesia on the Maeander, Artemis Leuko­ Flavian(s) Symphoros and Stratoneikianos, 88 "Hero reliefs," 50 n. 37, 60-61, Fig. 125 Kizilbel, paintings, 20, Fig. 45 phryene, temple, 17, 30, 31; altar, 31 Flavios Eutyches, 94-95, Fi~. 200 Herodotus, on Meles, 8; on Ephesus, 10-13, Koblanos, sculptor, 64 Maneli (Lydian), 19, Fig. 43 Flavius Damianus, 71, Figs. 149, 150 on Thales, 11 Kouretes, 58, Fig. 120 Marble: furnishings, 27, Prokonnessos, 28, 64; Funerary art, 18; meal, 18-19, 50 n. 37, 59-62, Heroon, 32, 67; see also Belevi; Gjolbasi; Li­ Kresilas, 22 revetments, 51; see also Dokimeion, quarries 68, Figs. 41-42, 125-126, 143-144; reliefs, Kyzikos, 47, 62, Fig. 91 Marcus: Antonius Fronton, 60, Fig. 124; Eastern Greek, 59-62, Figs. 121-127 Hippodamus, city-planner, 10-11, 24-25 Ateius, sent to Sardis, 42 Labranda, 28 Hippodrome, 79-80, 82, 85; (circus), 80-81 Marius, 62 Gadatas, 16-17 Lachish, surrender of, 34 n. 51, Fig. 65 Mark, St., 68; see also Venice Gaius Julius Zoilos; see Zoilos Lactantius, on Nicomedia, 78 Market, free, 5 Galen, 49 Images, attitude toward, 90 Lampitos, sculptor, 62-63 Marsyas River, 16 Galerius, 80 Immortality, intellectual, 62, 67 Lapiths, 37 Martial on Maussoleum, 28 Gerasa, 82, Fig. 175 Imperial cult, 71-73; Hall, 52, 71, Figs. Larisa, Aeolic, 7-8, 18 Masonry: bichrome, 8-9; rubble-concrete, 45 Gold: bull's head, 13 n. 48; gilding, 52; 106-109, 139; priest, 71 "Late Hittite," decoration, 11 & n. 42; see also n. 16, 51, Fig. 100 refineries, 5-6 Ionians, 6, 15, 18; cities, 10 Hittite Matis, 59, Fig. 121 Goldsmiths, 13 Ionic frieze, 30; order, 12, 17 Leleges, 2 n. 4 Maussoleum, 38, 67-68; of Constantine, 86; of Golde, sculpture from, 57-58 Ioulianos, threptos, 57 Leochares, 22 Diocletian, Galerius, 80; in Halicarnassus, Gfolbasi-Trysa, 18 Inscriptions: ananeosis in, 88 n. 52; Aramaic, Leukophryene; see Magnesia 28, 33, 36-37, Figs. 54-55, 72-74; at Sardis, Gordian, 4, 7-8 19, Fig. 40; of Caracalla, 52; Carian, 11; of Libanius, on Nicomedia 78 19 Greek cities, 9-12, 24-25, 38, 48-49; and sculp- Constantine, 76; of Croesus, 11, Figs. 21-22; Library, 29, 43, 44 n. 15; 65 Maussolus, 28, 33, 36, Fig. 73 ture, 60, 69, 74 at Ephesus, 66, 87 n. 50-51; Greek, honor­ Licinius, emperor, 75 Megaron, 8-9, 27 Greek language, 23, cf. 56 ary, 38; Hebrew, 54 n. 54; of Kallimedes, 65; Licymnius, mathematician, 39 Meleager, 67 Grid plan, 9-10, 27, 76 Lydian, 11, 19, 23 n. 5, Figs. 22, 43-44; at Limyra, Heroon, 33, 35-36, Figs. 69-71 Meles, king, 8 Griffins, 19, 37, Figs. 43, 76; see also Nicaea, 77; at Sardis, 51, 87 & n. 51; of Lion: on altar of Cybele, 6, Figs. 10, 31-32; Melfi, sarcophagus in, 67-68, Figs. 140-141 Lion-griffins Theon, 70; of Trajan, 47-48; of Vedius, 65 Delphi, 14, Fig. 34; on Maussoleum, 36; Ne- Meliton, bishop, 54-55 124 Index Index 125

Memnon, general, 38 Noah's adze, 90 Pharnabazus, 17 Rock crystal, 6, 19 Men, moon god, 57 Notion, stele from, 60, Fig. 122 Phidian motifs, 32 Roman, 78 n. 13, 86 Menodotos, sculptor, 63 Nymphaeum, 48-49, 66, 79, 87, Figs. 92-93 Phidias, 22 Roman: eagles, 88; elements in Constantino­ Menophilos, sculptor, 62 Philemon and Baucis, 3 ple, 86; map, 90 Mentor, brother of Memnon, 38 Odysseus, 67, Fig. 141 Philippos, "Insight of" (statue), 65 Romans in Asia Minor, 41-42, 56 Mermnadai, 13 Omphale, 13 Philostratus: on Ephesian baths, 52; on Roman Rome, 78; Basilica of St. Peter, 88, Fig. 182; Metagenes, architect, 11 Old Smyrna (Bayrakli); see Smyrna Asia Minor, 58 n. 6 Column of Trajan, 48; frieze from Palazzo Meter Steunene, 53, Fig. 110 Oriental servant, Belevi, 37, 38, Fig. 81 Phrygia(n), 4, 7 n. 21, 11 Santa Croce, 41, Fig. 86; House of Augus­ Milawatas (Miletus), 4 Orthostates, Hittite, 11-12 & n. 42 Plancius Varus, proconsul, 76 tus, 61 & n. 18; Temple of Venus and Roma, Milesian layout, 26, 76 Ovid, on Philemon and Baucis, 3 Pliny the Elder, on Amazons, 22 n. 1 47; Tetrarchic work in, 92 Milesians, deported, 18 n. 69 Pliny the Younger, in Bithynia, 46-47, 48 n. Rossano Gospels, 68 Miletus, 5, 7, 10, 24-26, Figs. 50-51; "Big Har­ Pactolus, 6; see also Sardis 28, 78 Royal Road, Persian, 15 bor Monument," 41, Figs. 84-85; fountain Pactumeius; see Lucius Polemor,; see Antonius Rufinus: see Lucius (Nymphaeum), 48-49, Figs. 92-93; North Painting: of Constantine, 85; Ephesus, 50; Polemaeanus; see Julius Market, 26, 39, Fig. 145; sculptors' work­ Etruscan, 13, Fig. 33; Lycian, 20-21, Fig. 45; Politte; see Flavia Sabina; see Claudia shop, 62; Serapeion, 54, 96, Figs. 112-113, Priene, 27; Trier, 93, Fig. 194 Pollio, Gaius Sextius, 48 Samos, Heraion of, 4, 12 115; South Agora, 26, 49, 69; statues, 69 Palaces: Anatolian Bronze Age and Iron Age, Polyaenus, on walls of Sardis, 7 n. 18 Sarcophagus: from Aphrodisias, 70, Fig. 147; Milian; see Constantinople 4; Babylon, 18; Constantinople, 84-85, Figs. Polykleitos, 22 "Asiatic," 67-69, Figs. 140-144; of Constan­ Mithradates VI of Pontos, 41, 63 176-177; of Croesus, 8-9; Daskylion, 16; Pompey, 41 tine, 86, Fig. 197; "false" front, 94, Fig. 200; Mithraic-Iranian tradition, 58 Gordian, 4, 8; Kelainai, 16; Larisa, 8, 9, Fontus, mixed Greek-Iranian arts, 23 "Prince's,;' 95, Figs. 202-203; Prokonnesos, Mitmtas, name, 19 17-18; Lycian, 18; Nicaea, 77; Nicomedia, 79; Population (sizes): archaic, 5; classical, 25; 64 n. 29; "Satrap," 19 Military architecture, 7 n. 21 Pasargadae, 14-15, 18; Pergamon, 29, Fig. Constantinople, 85; Pergamon, 49; Roman, Sardis, 5-9, 42-43, 87-90, 97, Figs. 9-17, 106, Model of shrine, 12, Figs. 23-26 56; Spalato, 80, 86; Susa, 18 & n. 69; Thes­ 49 117; Artemis, altar, images, temple, 7, 23, Montius; see Lucius salonike, 80; Trier, 81 Porphyry, 92, 94, Figs. 191, 197 73, Fig. 16; Artemis Anahita, 17; citadel, 8-9, Mosaic, 50, 88 Pamdeisos (park), 16-17 Portraits, 33, 36, 50, 65, 70-74, 92-95 Fig. 17; city plan, 5, 26, Fig. 9; city walls, Moses, rock of, 90 Paredroi, kings as, 72 Praxiteles, at Ephesus, 22, 30 7-8; Cybele, 6, 12, 14; earthquake at, 42-43; Mounds, Lydian, 2, Figs. 2-3 Parthenon, procession, 13 Priene, 26-27, Figs. 52-53; agora, 39; Athena: gerousia, 8 n. 25; gymnasium, 42, 52, 54, Mud brick (pise), 3, 9 Pasargadae, 14-15, 18; tomb of Cyrus, 15 n. altar, 31; temple, 30; theatre, 39 n. 73 Figs. 87, 106, 117; Hera image, 43; Museum, Pergamon, 29-30 57, 28 n. 25; Zendan, 35 Priestesses, Lydian, 11, 30 Herodotus describes, 6-8; houses, 7; Jewish Patria, on Byzas, 85; on sculptures, 91 n. 70 Procession, 12-13, 84-85 community, 54-55, 89-90; Main Avenue, 88; Nabu, 19 Paul, St., 4, 73, 94 Prusias~ad-Hypium, 62 "Marble Court," 53, Figs. 107-109; Matis Naissus (Nish), 92 Pelops, 12 Prusa ( Bursa), 44, 76 stele, 59, Fig. 121; Maussoleum pediment, 19, Nannas, 23 n. 5 Pergamene, urbanism, 6, 10, 28-29 Psyche, 60 n. 11, Fig. 122 Fig. 42; Pactolus, 6, 88 n. 52; palaces, 8, 17; Neandria, 7 Pergamon, 28-29, 32-33, Fig. 56; altar of Zeus, Pyrgoi (Caria), 2 park, royal, 17; presbeutikon, 38; Pyramid Neokorate, 72-73 29, 31-32, Figs. 58-59; Asclepius sanctuary, Pytheos, architect, 30, 36 Tomb, 15, Fig. 37; renewal, 88 & n. 52; re­ Nereids, 35 53-54, Fig. 111; library, 29; museum, 29; peopling by Antiochus III, 23; sculpture, Nicaea (Iznik), 42, 76-78, 96, Figs. 161-162; palaces, 29; Romans inherit, 24, 41; Queens, Anatolian, 37 late, 91 n. 70, 95; terracotta friezes, 8-9, Aya Sofya, relief at, 95, Fig. 201; canal to Traianeum, 47 Quintus Julius Balbus, 47-48 Figs. 14-15; tunnel, 8; water supply, 7, 20, Lake of, 47; gymnasium, 45, 76-77; palace, Perigenes, sculptor, 62 cf. 43; Zeus, 23, 72, Fig. 155; see also 77; reliefs at, 77-78; theatre, 45, 77, Figs. Perikles, of Lycia, 33, 35, 36, Fig. 61 Reliefs: archaic, 11-12; Assyrian, 12 n. 42, 34 Synagogue 88-90 Persepolis, reliefs, 34, Figs. 67-68 n. 51, Fig. 65; Babylonian, 12; Belevi, 37; Satrapal capital, 15-19 Nicomedia (Izmit), 78-80, Figs. 163-165; coins Perseus, 36 n. 59 Christian, 94; circus, Fig. 166; on column "Satrap" sarcophagus, 19 of, 91, Figs. 187-188; conflagration at, 43; Persian(s), 15-21, 33-34; adornment, 15; cos­ necks, 30; Eastern Greek, funerary, 59; Ly­ Satraps, 33-34 & n. 51, 37 n. 64 Constantine at, 75; Diocletian, head tumes, 14; belvedere, Tmolus, 12; funerary dian painted, 12; at Nicaea, 77-78; Persian, Satyros, architect, 36 from, 73-74, Fig. 160; nymphaeum, 79; art, 18; glass, 15 n. 58; griffins, 19, 37; 34, Figs. 67-68; Tetrarchic, 78, 92 Scopas, 22, 30 palace, 79-80; relief from, 80, Fig. 166; sculp­ iconography, 34; luxury, 15, 19; satrapal cap­ Rhodes, 63 n. 23 Sculptors' workshops, 59, 62-64, 94, 96 tors' workshops, 62-63; theatre, 79; water itals, 15-20; seals, 15 n. 58, 19 Rhodians, 33 Sculpture, 20, 30-33, 35-39, 74, 90-95; architec- supply, 48 Peter, St., relief, 94; see also Rome Rhomaioi, 56 tural, 96; funerary, 33-38, 59-62, 67-68; 126 Index Index 127

Sculpture (cont.) Tak-i-Bostan, 16 Milesian, 24-27; Pergamene, 10, 29; Persian, 32-35, Figs. 62-64, 66; Monument "G," 34; honorary, 39, 69-72; see also Aphrodisias; Tarquinia, tomb painting, 14, Fig. 33 16-17; Roman in Asia Minor, 48-49 56 82· pillar monuments, 34 Colossal Tatia, 70 and sculpture, 74 ' ' ' Xenophon: on towns, 4; on Daskylion, 16; on Scutula; see Skoutlosis Tauriskos, sculptor, 63 n. 23 Kelainai, 16; on Sardis, 17 n. 63 Second Sophistic Movement, 68 Telephos frieze, Pergamon, 32-33 Valens, Valentinian, 87 Septimius Severus, 82 Temple: economy, 4 n. 10; as town compo­ Vedius, Publius Antoninus: gymnasium of, 43, Serapeion of Miletus, 54, 96, Figs. 112-113, 115 nent, 4-5, cf. 26, 29 52, 65-66, Figs. 104-105; statue, 70-71 Zeleia, Lydian huntirig ground, 16 n. 61 Serveillius Isauricus, 62 Terracotta: Cypriot, 9; Lydian, 9, 13, Figs. Venice, San Marco: horses, 91, Fig. 190; Te- Zendan-i-Suleyman at Pasargadae, 35 Severus Simplicius, 87 n. 52 14-15, 30; tub, 9 trarchs, 92, Fig. 191 Zernaki Tepe, 11 n. 38 Seals, pyramidal, 19, Figs. 43-44 Tetrarchic reliefs, 77-78, 92, Figs. 192-193 Vindonissa (Windisch), 77 Zeus, 32; and Achaeus, 23; Aizani, 53; Byzan­ Semites, 19 Tetrarchs, 74, 78, 87, 92, Fig. 191 Virgin (Mary), 95-96, Fig. 201 tium, 83 n. 32; Lydian, 32; Nicomedia, 80; "Sidamaria" group of sarcophagi, 67-68 Thales, work for Croesus, 10 Virtues, representation of, 65 Pergamon, altar, 29, 32; Philios, 47; Sar­ Side, sculptures, 66 n. 34 Theodoros of Samos, 12 Vitruvius: on palace of Croesus, 8 n. 25, 28; dis, 23, 72-73, Fig. 155; Stratios, 78 Skou tlosis, 51 Theodosian Renaissance, 95 & n. 91 on sculpture, 39 Zeuxis, viceregent, 27 n. 17 Smyrna: basilica, 43 n. 11, 89; Bayrakli, 7, 9, Theodosius II, 90 n. 64 Zeuxippos, 82 27, Fig. 18; change of location, 26-27; earth­ Theodotos, son of Menephron, 61, Fig. 127 Xanthos, Heroon (Nereid Monument), 18, 20, Zoilos, Caius Jilius, 63, Figs. 128-131 quake, 42; relief from, 61, Fig. 126; sculptors' Theon of Smyrna, 68 n. 42, 70, Fig. 148 workshop, 64; statues, 95; Theon, from, 70 Theseus and Amazons, 23 Sokrates, philosopher, 50 Thessalonike: Maussoleum, palace, 80 n. 23, Sokrates Polemaiou Pardalas, 43 Fig. 167; sculpture, 92 n. 77 Sol, 82 n. 29; see also Sun God Tiberius, emperor, 43, 64 Sophia (Wisdom), 65, 68, 83 Timotheos, sculptor, 22 Sorrento, statue found at, 64 Titus, emperor, 72 n. 56 Spalato, 80, 86 Tmolus, mountain, 17; village house, 3, Fig. 4 Sphinxes, 61 n. 18 Trajan: and cities of Asia, 43 n. 10, 44-48, 77; Spoils, built into synagogue, 89 Nymphaeum in Ephesus, 48, 73; and Pliny, Stephanos, consul, 95 & n. 94, Fig. 204 44-45; road to Didyma, 47-48; temple in Strabo: on Ephesus, 10, 30; on Lydians in Pergamon, 47 Troad, 8 n. 22; on Nicaea, 76; on Pergamon, Tralles (Aydin), 39; sculptors' workshop, 63; 29; on Persian belvedere, 17 sculpture to Constantinople, 91 n. 70 Stratoneikianos; see Symphoros Trier, 80--82, Figs. 168-171; basilica, 81, 88, Sulla, 63 Figs. 169-170; circus, 80-81; painting, 93, Sun God: and Constantine, 90, Figs. 186, 189; Fig. 194; palace, 81 equated with Serapis, 54 Triton frieze, 41, Figs. 85-86 Susa, 15, 18 & n. 69 Troad, 7 n. 22, 9; see also Troy Synagogue: Alexandria, Elche, 89 & n. 62; Trophime, votive of, 57-58, Fig. 119 Sardis, 51, 54-55, 87-90, Figs. 102, 116-117, Troy, 4, 8; linked with Constantinople, 87, 183-184 90-91 & n. 68 Synnaoi, Hellenistic kings as, 72 Tryphon, 55 Synoikismos at Sardis, 23 Trysa; see Gjolbasi Symphoros and Stratoneikianos, Flavians, Tyche, of Constantinople, 84 & n. 34 mosaic donors, 88 Synthronon, 88 Ulpian, on inspection of buildings, 46 "Syrian" colonnades, 49 & n. 14 Urartian, 11 n. 38 Urban planning, urbanism: Constantinian, Tabula Peutingeriana, 90, Fig. 186 80-87; Early Byzantine, 96; Hellenistic, 24, Tacitus, on earthquake, 42 27, 76, Fig. 49; Ionian, 10-11; Miletus, Plates ------~------

DISTRIBUTION MAP

,o• •o• OF LYDIAN MOUNDS

Town, and Villages Mounds e Prob,1bly Mounds Mounds Plotted by Philippson lJ Contour Line at 1000 leet a.s.l. l( Roads followed by the Authors

Pllos1s COLCHIS

Tropnos

URA RTU Soma

CAPPADOCI

•Tyona A

Ulubey ll::

M E D T E R R A N E A N w z en f- w Ascolo .J THE EASTERN Fig. 2. View of Lydian mounds at Durasalli Go,o <{ Fig. 3. Distribution map of Lydian mounds Cl. MEDITERRANEAN

L 100 50 O 50 100 150 200 2~0 KILOMETER

B E 4 40' Fig. 1. Map of the Eastern Mediterranean

Fig. 4. View of modern houses at Sart Mustafa village Hypolhese von PLAN of CELTiKc' ~:----,~-J{~.~~-,~:-;::=------A V'II -. . I (Lower) To ·Motor Rood 0 1 age m wes t ern Anatolia 71 Population= 600 property of one family

HIils S Meadows Fields

flocks Fields STREET PATTERN Scale. 1/2000 500 2000 3000m ,,\ Fi g. 5 • Plan of c; lt'k.l ct village s tre· et pattern F'ig. 8. Ephesus, city plan

A dwelling unit B stable c barn D manure yard E storage F cart house G chicken house H open courtyard

2I stairssheep for El u pper storey 3. cows goats 4, w.c. 5. bread oven 6. water-purn 7. horses P 8, main entrance

260rn--- LARGE UNIT PLAN of SMALL UNIT

Total Area- 475 Total Area - 195 Dwelling Unit - 7;q.m. Dwelling Unit·- S-:q.msq.m. R - I/ 5 6 sq,m. R = 1/ 2.8 S ca l e 1/100 - ,

Fig. 6. c;eltikci village , l10use plans

· · teW Fig 10 v· 0f sector PN ··with . "-·· altar , 5 ar d'1s Fig. 15. Reconstruction of a sima from Sardis

Fig. 14. Terracotta sima with Pegasus from Sardis Fig. 11. Pitted flake of gold foil from sector PN, Sardis Fig. 12. Large gold stater of Croesus

W300 lw~------i,,-295,i __ _ w 200 wza, Ii '"'-. ti '--.____

esfB ------conau:o FLOOR------

Fig. 16. Altar of Artemis, Sardis

....

"""°

.....

0'""" I """"10 PACTOLUS NORTH rts:J"''•" LVD!Ni LEVEL : ALTAR Al:'0 SLC GOLD REFINltiO AREA AUOIJST 1970 ------~ - ~------'-'------.'- Fig. 13. Sector PN at Sardis, plan

Fig. 17. North slope, Acropolis at Sardis , ., ·-

a

,1, ' ~ri} 7 }

Fig. 18. Old Smyrna

b C --0 Fig. 21a-c. Fragments of Greek dedicatory inscription of Croesus r \

Fig. 19. Plan of Assos Fig. 20. Ephesus, Archaic Artemision Fig. 22. Lydian inscription of Croesus Fig. 27. Tray with bulls' heads and hand of priestess from Ephesus

Fig. 24. Detail of monument (Fig. 23), priestess

Fig. 23. Monument to a goddess from Sardis

Fig. 28. God or hero Fig. 29. Female head Fig. 30. Bearded Lydian with feline skin from Ephesus with crown from Ephesus from Sardis

Fig. 25. Drawing of back of monument (Fig. 23) Fig. 26. Monument (Fig. 23), spectator's left side Fig. 31. Limestone lioness from Sardis Fig. 32. Altar with lions at corner, Sardis THE ACHAEMENIO EMPIRE

. ___ ,__,~ - ~·-~ -~

~--~i .. ··~

Fig. 36. Map of the Persian Empire

Fig. 33. Achilles and Troilus, painting, Tarquinia

Fig. 34. Proposed reconstruction of the lion of Croesus Fig. 35. Croesus on the Pyre Fig. 37. Pyramid Tomb, Sardis Fig. 38. The "B" staircase of the Takht, Pasargadae '

Fig. 42. Pediment with funerary meal from Sardis

Fig. 39. Reconstruction of the palace facade, Larisa

Fig. 43. Pyramidal seal Fig. 44. Pyramidal seal with Lydian inscription and griffin with Lydian inscription and two royal sphinxes

Fig. 40. Stele of Elnap from Daskylion Fig. 41. Stele with funerary meal from Daskylion Fig. 45. Kizilbel Tomb, Pegasus and Chrysaor C D

I:. U X e

40

2 2

35 Fig. 47. Wounded Amazon, New York

3 3

s y ISCH E

30 -.S,_7 E ,,

ABBREVIATIONS: An. Antiocheia Be. Beren Ike-Pella P. Peltai A.H. Antlocheia - Hippos B. Blayndos Ph. Philadelpheia Dark Print: Hellenized Cities A.N. Antiocheia Nysa D. Dionysopolis Phi. Philoterla Light Print: New Hellenistic Foundations Ap. H. A.-A. Antiocheia-Alabanda Scale 1: 12 500 000 A.T. Apollonia- L. Lysias? Ap. Apameia - Kelainai A. A pol Ion is N. Nakrasa Sa. Samareia Iii G

Fig. 46. Amazon from Villa of Hadrian Fig. 49. New foundations of Hellenistic cities

Fig. 48. Amazon, Capitolino, Rome ..

Fig. 53. House XXXIII at Priene

Fig. 50. Miletus, city plan

Fig. 51. Bird's-eye view of Miletus

Fig. 54. Halicarnassus with site of mausso/eum

Fig. 52. Priene, central part

Fig. 55. Halicarnassus from the sea Fig. 56. Pergamon, upper city Fig. 59. Altar of Zeus, Nyx, Giant, Moira

Fig. 57. Altar of Artemis, Ephesus Fig. 58. View of Altar of Zeus, Pergamon Fig. 61. Silver stater of Perik/es of Lycia ¥"

Fig. 67. Palace of Darius, Persepolis, servants

Fig. 62. Nereid monument, Xanthos Fig. 63. Nereid monument, Xant/ws

Fig. 68. Apadana, eastern stairway, Persepolis, tribute bearers Fig. 69. Heroon at Limyra

Fig. 64. Ruler accepts surrender of a city, Nereid monument

Fig. 65. Assyrian relief, Nineveh, surrender of Lachish to Sennacherib

Fig. 66. Tribute bearers, Nereid monument Fig. 70. Caryatid, Limyra Fig. 71. Frieze of horsemen, Limyra ¥

Fig. 76. Lion-griffins flanking crater, Belevi Fig. 77. Centauromachy, Belevi

Fig. 72. Maussoleum of Halicarnassus, Amazon frieze

Fig. 78. Centauromachy, Belevi Fig. 79. Wrestlers and umpire, Belevi

Fig. 74. Squatting Oriental from Halicar;1assus

a b

Fig. 73 a, b. Statues of Maussolus (a) and Artemisia (b)

Fig. 80. Ruler reclining on couch, Belevi Fig. 81. Statue of Oriental servant, Belevi

Fig. 75. Mausso/eum of Belevi Fig. 85. Great Harbor Monument, Triton and dolphins

Fig. 86. Poseidon, Amphitrite, and Marine Thiasus, Munich

r -----­ EIOO E 120 wio --, -- E20 jE40 E60 E80 'VIGO EIW 0 Fig. 82. Statues in the Agora, Priene Fig. 84. Great Harbor Monument, Miletus .N12_0

ill ll' LNH 3 !! LNH 2 Ji,•· G 38" A 26' B H

a ,,oo) ,, !\; :1 b ~-41,, 1~

I' ' ~ T_j\ 1°: , 1----i: ! 1 e~w ii IN60 , 1 -+'t-1---- !! :::J fB1zii i i~ ' ~· : ·,,r· r-~A

IN40 ~ 1: q I il jsfili _ :· --+-~~--~-

msV-~aNAXOS .

w. N/S 0 g Y CI UM ~~i;w, CLASSICAL,, ASIA MINOR. JOO STA TUT£. MtLC.S Roman R.OMAN MILES --Roads h ,, '" F )6' A 26° B is" C ,o• D Fig. 83. Map of Roman Asia Minor 10 15 20 meters SCALE 1/200 Fi:;;. 87. Pinn of Ro111an gy111nasiu111-bath co111p/ex, Sardis T!

Fig. 88. Theater of Nicaea, plan

Fig. 93. Reconstruction of Nymphaeum Fig. 92. Plan of Nymphaeum, Miletus

I, IPHAlllll!t WOHNEINHEIT 1 WOtlNEINHEIT 2

Fig. 89. Theater of Nicaea, view of substructures

Q. PH.Al!lllil WOHNElNHEIT 1 W.OHN.ElN:HEIT 2

Fig. 90. Theater of Nicaea, Southeast pier

Fig. 95. Slope Houses, looking south Fig. 91. Temple of Hadrian at Kyzikos Fig. 94. Slope Houses, Ephesus, plan T

Fig. 99. Hellenistic hero relief found in Slope House

Fig. 100. Central unit of gymnasium, Sardis

Fig. 96. Slope House, Peristyle

WEST WANO OST WAND sUowAND r

Fig. 97. Slope House, Peristyle

Fig. 101. Baths of Vedius Gymnasium, Ephesus

Fig. 98. View of Artemis Shrine in situ ¥"I l r-1:u ,-, -:..r-1· XIX XVIII"".., XVII ..."" XVI X

. I I ~ Fig. 102. Synagogue main hall with skoutlosis, Sardis '11l...... Fig. 105. Vedius Gymnasium, Ephesus, plan

1 !W40 lw20 IE/WO iE20 !E40 I fE60 El20 1

N60

O.~, ._._:.I0;::_0.::..-.___:3:..:0c...:0'--__6~00 m. Fig. 103. Plan showing locations of baths and gymnasia, Ephesus N40

N20 = = ==

• Iii Iii Iii I

1111 Ell IP 1!11 1111 1111 111 p III m Ifill El Pl llll 11111 11111 1!11 Ill i!1 Ill st 1111 lllf 1111 Ill M Bl Ill Ill rl Ila El Ill Ell ffl ffl llll Ill II 19 lllil ffll Iii ffi ill II llllll ffl Iii ill iili ljli --1ill_---11!LJIL.__J{_Jil. JiL Jill .JL_JIJ_ Jiil Jll J!l .11!1. Jill Fig. 106. Gymnasium-bath complex, Sardis. Tentative Plan of Circulation by F. K. Yegiil. 1. Court for O 5 10 15 20 melers exercise (palaestra); 2. changing room; 3. changing room (apodyteria); 4. hall; 5. heated units; 6. hot scale - 1/200 bath (caldarium); 7. warm bath (tepidarium); 8. central hall; 9. swimming pool (frigidarium, natatio); Fig. 104. Vedius Gymnasium, Ephesus 10. "Marble Court" (originally Hall of Imperial Cult, then entrance hall). ¥

Fig. 107. Gymnasium, "Marble Court," Sardis

Fig. 108. Gy11111asium, head capital from Fig. 111. Model of Sanctuary of Asclepius, Pergamon Marble Court, Sardis

Fig. 112. Temple of Sernpis, Miletus Fig. 109. Gymnasium, north side of Marble Court, Sardis

Fig. 113. Temple of Sernpis, Miletus, pediment Fig. 110. Temple at Aiznni, west side ---,------

-n,b,

Fig. 115. Plan and section of Temple of Serapis, Miletus

Fig. 114. View of theater, city, and bay, Ephesus

o 10 to 30 40 60 m. ,I ,I ___ 1: 1, 4---,--- .•J'~.-.-. I _,,_I I 11 l ==~i--,j i i i 11 11 __ ...JI 11 1 I 1 I ==Ji-- I I I STAGE I I I Fig. 117. Synagogue and gymnasium, Sardis ------i I I

Fig. 120. Door jamb with relief of - t.. I!: • • • • • • • • • .a e • • Zeus and Kouretes(? ), Manisa I I ii( STAGE 2 -v-•••o•••••••••·--.··

1111111111111111 ll I Ill II I STAGE 3 I I III Ill Ill 111 1111 Ill

111 Iii Ill Ill I I D □ STAGE 4 Fig. 118. Temple of Hadrian, Ephesus ll!J.lil 11111111111

o 5 10 15 20 25 M ~MAG. N Fig. 116. Synagogue, Sardis, plans -

Fig. 119. Stele of Trophime from Golde Fig. 122. Stele from Notion Fig. 121. Stele of Matis from Sardis

Fig. 126. Relief with funerary meal from Smyrna

Fig. 123. Horsemen relief, Izmir

Fig. 124. Stele of Marcus Antonius Fronton, Istanbul Fig. 127. Funerary stele of Theodotos, Istanbul ------,------,=-;i

! ' ! : 0

I' : : :' ~~~h_::::;:::2=::t\'5,:~----·-i ------______,! Fig. 128. Aphrodisias, preliminary drawing of Zoi/os frieze

Fig. 125. Hero relief, Fitzwilliam Museum Fig. 130. Zoilos frieze, head of Zoilos with new fragment

Fig. 134. Library of Celsus, cross section

Fig. 129. Zoilos frieze, Demos and Henn

Fig. 131. Zoilos frieze, Aion

Fig. 132. Frieze from Ionic portico, Aphrodisias

Fig. 135. Antinoos ns Androk/os from Vedius Gym1111siu111, Ephesus Fig. 136. Snppho(?) from Vedius Gymnasium Fig. 133. Library of Celsus, Ephesus "il!(ij

Fig. 138. Rivergod Maeander fro111 Vedius Gy11111asi11111

Fig. 142. Sarcophagus, woman and sage, Ankara Fig. 141. Sarcophagus, Odysseus and Diomed, Melfi

Fig. 137. Bronze athlete from Harbor Baths, Ephesus

Fig. 139. Harbor Baths, Hall of Imperial Cult, Ephesus

Fig. 143. Claudia Antonia Sabina and daughter, from Sardis

Fig. 140. "Asiatic" sarcophagus, Melfi Fig. 144. Claudia Antonia Tatiane and husband, from Ephesus Fig. 145. North Market, Miletus

a

Fig. 146. Kuretes Street with statue of Alexandros, Ephesus

Fig. 149. Flavius Damianus from Ephesus

b

Fig. 150 a, b. Flavius Damianus

Fig. 147. Sarcophagus of Marcus Aurelius Diodorus Kallimedes Fig. 148. Theon from Smyrna

Fig. 151. Bearded man from Sardis ft Q 1!11!11\1

Fig. 157. Colossal head of Antoninus Pius, Sardis

Fig. 156 a, b. (a) Colossal head of Do111itian(?) (b) Colossal arm of Domitian(?)

Fig. 152. Aphrodite of Aphrodisias

Fig. 154. Coin of Achaeus

Fig. 159. Colossal head of Caracalla, Pergamon

Fig. 158. Colossal head of Faustina from Sardis

Fig. 153. Aphrodite from the Zoilos frieze, Fig. 155. Fragment of colossal head Fig. 160. Head of Diocletian Aph rodisias of Zeus, Sardis from Nicomedia Fig. 161. Nicaea-Iznik panorama

MiCAE;;A-IZMiK - g • - - ... .;.. .. 1

iZHiK OOLO

Fig. 163. Nicomedia-Izmit, view of citadel from the bay Fig. 164. Nicomedia-Izmit, view from the theater toward eastern part of the bay

BELEDi'iE pA,llKI

············:::::::::::: =Ancient Ruins; 5. Palace of Diocletian(?); 6. Agora; 15. Orhan Mosque; 17-19. Citadel; 41. Theater. Fig. 166. Circus relief from the Pa( region, Izmit

Fig. 170. Interior of palace hall

1: Porta Nigra. 2: Horrea. 3: Cathedral. 4: Palace Hall (Basilica). 5: Circus. 6: Amphitheatre. 7: Temple. 8: Temple precinct on the Altbach. 9: Imperial Baths. 1 O: Forum. 11: Palace of Victorinus. 12: Palace. 13: Barbara Baths. Fig. 171. Trier, aerial view Fig. 168. Roman Trier, city plan

Fig. 167. Maussoleum of Galerius and entrance to palace, Thessalonike

Fig. 169. Trier, restoration of palace hall Fig. 172. Istanbul, aerial view looking across Golden Horn toward Beyoglu-Galata ----

-

ROSPORIOS AKRA ~ ,'1>0 / ~-,.,,t AVT!L II ; 0~10; ; O'ATH£N£ (KBASIA : ',,_"ORT OOSPORION/~IADC o?J~tE~~oN= : '--- ...... ,..,. ,/ KYNCGION --- : '/' O'A~~mfrr \ t : ,..,.., 0 TOUR O'H[iculE ===== 1 \"y TEMPLE ! '7' O'APOLlON : ," ACROPOLE ~: l STRATCGION •W: ! ,w> ', -1 PORTE OE THRACE v, ', ARC O'URBICIUS , : BAIN O ACHILLE w,,., '' ~: : CHA~~Q~~~f!~A______1 1 w I PORT o ' FORU¥ v, '------•-~~..°!-', :M,yio11J ayopa; w r-sfrr-s"r--·, : STATUE_OU SOLEIL o, rv RE , 1Tcrpaotoo, ~ Tctpao,oov t::- : ', l------'------J:=:. a: I '--., .,.,..,.. C)\ 1-- i: '---;:.:-~·-,;,::cq ' , / I / '- / PRE- \ ______,,/ CONST ANTI NIAN, BYZANTIUM Fig. 176. The Great Palace at Constantinople

R R t D 0 0 N T . Fig. 173. Plan of pre-Constantinian Byzantium

CONJECTURAL RECONSTRUCT/ON Of THE APPROACH mTHE 6/lf.AT fllLIC£ (If CONSTANTINOPLE

CONST ANTI NOP LE Public Spaces and Major Roads

OIIPPION

PORTE p R 0 p 0 N. -~

Fig. 174. Constantinople, public spaces and major roads Fig. 175. Gerasa, oval piazza Fig. 177. Great Palace, approach Fig. 178. T/1e Mi/ion, Co11stanti11ople Fig. 183. Synagogue, Sardis, proposed restoration

Fig. 184. Synagogue, Sardis, interior of main hall

Fig. 179. Plan of Constantinople

Fig. 185. Column of Fig. 186. Constantinopolis from Constantine, Istanbul Tabula Peutingeriana

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O 85 10 I'S 20 'J.'i, - met':='!> oo•••••••o• eoo••• Fig. 187. Gold medallion of Constantine Fig. 188. Gold coin of Constantine

Fig. 180. Arkadiane Avenue, Ephesus Fig. 181. Synagogue and surroundings, Sardis Fig. 189. Gold medallion, Constantine and Sol Fig. 196. Head of Fig. 190. Horses of San Marco, Venice Constantius II(?), Izmir

a b

Fig. 191. Tetrarchs at corner of Fig. 195 a, b. Head of Constantine, front and profile, Istanbul San Marco, Venice

Fig. 192. Frieze from Temple of Hadrian, Ephesus: General sacrificing, Hera/des and Amazons

Fig. 193. Temple of Hadrian: Dionysus, emperor and gods

Fig. 197. Fragment of porphyry sarcophagus of Constantine(?), Istanbul

Fig. 194. Painted ceiling, Trier, woman with veil and crown of pearls Fig. 198. Relief from (apa, Fig. 201. Relief with seated figure Fig. 202. "Prince's Sarcophagus," apostles flanking cross, Istanbul found in church of Aya Sophia, Nicaea Istanbul

Fig. 199. Jonah relief from Constantinople, Istanbul

Fig. 203. "Prince's Sarcophagus," angel victories, Istanbul

Fig. 200. Relief of Flavius Eutyches, Istanbul 7

Fig. 204. Kuretes Street, Ephesus

Fig. 206. Basilica of Constantine, Rome

207. Fig. 205. Early Byzantine official from Fig. Head of colossus of Constantine, Conservatori, Rome Ephesus