Department of Geography

DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY

UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON

THE CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF TUNISIAN WETLANDS A CASE STUDY OF GRAZING AT ICHKEUL

FETHI AYACHE

Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University of London ProQuest Number: 10610826

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ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT

This thesis is about the conservation of wetlands in Tunisia in line with the new thinking about sustainable development for renewable natural resource conservation. A review of development concepts revealed that the proposed sustainable development and "wise use" of wetlands have several lim itations pertaining to their definition and means of application. It has also been shown that environmental degradation has been continuous throughout the history of Tunisia.

Policies based on conventional economic development have further exacerbated this degradation after independence in 1956. A survey of the functions and values of Tunisian wetlands highlights their socio-econom ic and e c o lo g ic a l im portance, and gaps in knowledge. The functions and values of Ichkeul are taken as an illustration of wetland development and conservation in Tunisia. This case study highlights the low priority of conservation of wetlands in Tunisia and the significance of national development in the conservation of this wetland which has received national and international protection. The core of the thesis concentrates on the sustainable utilization of grazing on the marshes at the Ichkeul National Park.

Exclosures were constructed to examine vegetation growth. A questionnaire and participant observation were used to describe the grazing cycle, evaluate the socio-economic importance of pastoral ism and asess the reactions of the local people to the changes induced by development in the area. The evolution of the vegetation growth through the Net Above Primary Production (NAPP) and the ratio of fresh/dry weight vegetation accorded with the cycle of grazing as used by local people. This consisted on grazing on the mountains in

winter and autumn; on the marshes in spring, late summer and early

autumn; and on th e harvested a g r ic u ltu r a l land in e a rly summer. The

contribution of income to the household budget was at least 60V. for

68'/. of the sampled population. Local people have a generally

negative reaction to the development actions which have caused

significant deterioration of the vegetation on the marshes. This

information along with the literature review, allowed the

formulation of five recommendations which were submitted to local

people, local decision makers, central decision makers, Tunisian Non

Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and international organisations

(NGOs and others). The reaction to the recommendations permitted the

e v a lu a tio n of th e proposals but more im p o rta n tly showed th a t th e re

is a lack of coordination at the central level; the ignorance of

decision makers in Tunis about the local realities; an inadequate

background of the manager of the Ichkeul National Park to understand

the local people's role and needs; an overwelming importance of two

leaders from the local community in decision making; the weakness of

Tunisian NGOs in promoting conservation in Tunisia. These obstacles

to sustainable grazing on the marshes have in turn allowed the

formulation of four possible solutions at the level of the local community, local authority, central authority and Tunisian and

international NGOs. Finally, building on the findings of the whole thesis a proposal for a "National Wetlands Policy" is outlined. Acknowledgments

I would like to thank all people that helped me during the

preparation of this thesis. My special debts and gratitude are to

my supervisor Dr. G.E. Hollis for his unvaluable advice, constant

guidance and encouragement during the entire period of my research.

Thanks are also due to other members of the Staff of the Department

of Geography at U.C.L, particularly to Dr. P.A. Jackson for his

comments on the q u e s tio n n a ire and reading of c h a p te rs and to Dr. J.

Burgess, P ro f. R. Munton, Dr. C.M. H a rriso n and Dr. P. Wood fo r

their valuable advice.

My thanks go to B. 0. Wilen from the U.S Fish and W ildlife Service

fo r h is h elp w ith documents on U.S w etlands; to Dr. E. Msltby and h is

assistant R. Hughes from Department of Geography, Exeter University

for allowing me to have access to their personal documents; to M.

Smart from the Ramsar Bureau fo r p ro v id in g documents on th e Ramsar

Convention and Tunisian wetlands.

In Tunisia, I would like to thank Mme H. Baccar for allowing me to

leave the Directorate of Environment, Ministry of Agriculture

despite the shortage of staff in this department, to 0. Hadhli the

documentalist of the libpajy at the Directorate of Planning at the

Ministry of Agriculture for providing me with documents on

Agricultural development and to H. Baraket the manager of Ichkeul

National Park for his help in the field. Thanks are also due to the

local people at Ichkeul especially to A1i Belloumi. I also wish to record my gratitude to my family for their constant encouragement and to my friends particularly P. McGinn, F. Dikotter,

R. Hamade, R. Amimi, and S. Kay.

Finally, I would like to thank- the British Council for their financial support to this thesis. TABLE DF CONTENTS

page A b s tra c t 2 Acknowledgement 4 Table of Contents 6 List of Figures 9 List of Tables 11 List of Plates 15

I. INTRODUCTION: wetlands and perceived concepts 16

1.1. Why wetlands are important ? 17 1.2. why wetlands are threatened ? 18 1.3. How thinking on conservation of wetlands has developed ? 21 1.4 Conservation of wetlands in Tunisia 22 1.5. Objectives and research questions 23 1.6. Structure and content of the thesis 26

I I . DEVELOPMENT AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 30

2.1. Development as an 'economic development':Concept and 30 1imi tations 2.2. Development as a 'sustainable development': concepts, 36 lim itations and future application(s) 2.3. Sustainable development of wetlands or wise use of wetlands 47 2 .3 .1 . Ramsar Convention and wise use of w etlands 47 2.3.2. Local participation in the wise use of wetlands 55

I I I . DEVELOPMENT IN TUNISIA 59

3.1. The inherited environment: The legacy of the past 59 3.2. Development from the 1960s 64 3.3. Agricultural development and renewable natural resources 73 3.3.1. Prevalent French values in agricultural development 74 3.3.1.1. Uncertainties over agricultural development 74 3.3.1.2. Irrigation development and participation 77 3.3.1.3. Forestry development and participation 79 3.3.2. Declining investment in the agricultural sector 80

IV. VALUES AND FUNCTIONS OF TUNISIAN WETLANDS 87

4.1. Introduction: Background information 4.2. Current values and functions 87 4.2.1. Fish habitat 94 4.2.2. Yield, value and productivity of fishing in wetlands 94 4.2.3. Salt production 100 4.2.4. Flood control 112 4 .2 .5 . B ird and w i l d l i f e h a b ita t 116 4 .2 .6 . Hunting 125 4.2.7. Other functions (grazing, agricultural use, waste 127 d is p o s a l) 4 .2 .8 . P o te n tia l F u n ctio n s (education , re c re a tio n and 130 scientific research V. VALUES AND FUNCTIONS OF ICHKEUL WETLANDS 134

5.1. Introduction: description and background information 134 5 .2 . Values and fu n c tio n s o f Ichkeul w etlands 137 5.2.1. Fish and fishing 137 5.2.2. Birds especially waterfowl 145 5.2.3. Recreation, Education and Scientific Research 155 5 .2 .4 . G razing 168 5.2.5. Other values (Forage, vegetation productsand other 172 values) 5 .3 . Summary and d is c u s s io n 179 5.3.1. Quantitative and qualitative evaluation 179 5.3.2. The conservation of Ichkeul wetlands: Adecision 181 which has to be made at top political levels

V I. EXCLOSURES STUDIES 184

6.1. Introduction 184 6 .2 . F ie ld w o rk and lo c a tio n o f th e exclosures 185 6.3. Characteristics and description of the exclosures 186 6 .4 . Sampling 187 6.4.1. Quadrat size 187 6 .4 .2 . Quadrat shape 187 6.4.3. Sampling method 188 6 .4 .4 . Number of sam pling u n its 188 6.4.5. Frequency and timing of sampling 190 6.5. Discussion of the quantitative data 191 6.6. Discussion of the qualitative data 194

V II. GRAZING SURVEY: METHODOLOGY 197

7.1. Introduction 197 7 .2 . Survey area and p o p u la tio n 198 7.2.1. Fieldwork period 200 7.2.2. Access 200 7.3. The questionnaire 200 7.3.1. Sampling unit 200 7.3.2. Method of investigation *- 201 7.3.3. Design and structure of the draft questionnaire 203 7.3.4. The pilot survey: testing the draft questionnaire 207 7.3.5. Checking questionnaire data 211 7.4. Participant observation 212 7.5. Key informants 214 7.6. Problems of research in the field 215 7.6.1. Problems related to the researcher 215 7.6.2. Problems related to the context of research 219 7.6.3. Problems related to the researched 221

VIII. GRAZING SURVEY: RESULTS 224

8.1. Introduction 224 8 .2 . Land ownership and a c t i v i t i e s 224 8.3. Upland and lowland grazing system 229 8.4. Herd structure within the study area 232 8.5. Net income to rural community from animalraising 235 8.6. Views of local community on animal rearing 240 8.6.1. Changes in animal rearing 240 8.6.2. Usefulness of the marshes 242 8 .6 .3 . Change in the standard of liv in g 244 8.6.4. Future prospect for life in the area 245

7 8.7. Views of the local community and past events 248 8 .8 . Summary and co n clu sio n s 251

IX. THE SUSTAINABLE USE OF THE MARSHES: THE RECOMMENDATIONS AND 251 THEIR TESTING

9.1. Introduction 251 9 .2 . The recommendations plan 253 9.3. Target audience 267 9.3.1. Ministry of Agriculture 267 9.3.2. Prime Minister's Office 273 9.3.3. Social organisation of local residents at Djebel 274 Ichkeul 9.3.4. Tunisian NGOs 276 9.3.5. International NGOs 277 9.4. Contacting interviewees and holding interviews 278 9 .5 . R e s u lts and d is c u s s io n s 278 9.5.1. Decision makers 278 9.5.2. Local people 286 9.5.3. Tunisian NGOs 288 9.5.4. International NGOs 290 9.6. Impediments and possible solutions to the implementation 292 of the recommendations 9.7. Conclusions 298 9.8. The recommendations of the International Seminar for the 300 Conservation of Ichkeul National Park in relation to this th e s is 9 .9 . The f u tu r e 304

X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 306

10.1. Introduction 306 10.2. Development concepts and the implication for the 306 conservation of wetlands 10.3. Development in Tunisia and the implications on the 308 conservation of natural resources 10.4. Tunisian wetlands 309 10.5. Ichkeul: a case study of a Tunisian wetland 312 10.6. Grazing: a case study of a function at Ichkeul 313 10.7. Future for the "wise use" of the marshes for grazing at 316 Ich ke u l 10.8. Towards a National Wetlands policy in Tunisia 320

References 322

Appendices

Appendix 1. Palatability of upland, dry marsh and wet marsh 341 v e g e ta tio n Appendix 2a. The d r a ft q u e s tio n n a ire 343 Appendix 2b. The f in a l q u e s tio n n a ire 351 Appendix 3. Questionnaire coding framework 358 Appendix 4. Recommendations plan: A firs t proposal for the 369 sustainable utilization of the marshes of Ichkeul National Park by the local population for grazing of domestic animals

8 LIST OF FIGURES

page Figure 1.4.1. Schematic representation of institutions 24 which have control and/or links with wetlands in Tunisia

Figure 1.4.2. Schematic representation of insititutions 25 which have control and/or link with wetlands within the Ministry of Agriculture

F ig u re 4 .2 .1 .1 . Compared y ie ld of demersal and fis h in g in 97 wetlands along the Mediterranean coast

Figure 4.2.2.1. Evolution of yield and adjusted value of 102 fish to 1970 price in wetlands

Figure 4.2.2.2. Evolution of the value of fish from wetlands 102 and total fish adjusted to 1970 price

Figure 4.2.5.1. Migration route and sites frequently used by f 1amingos

Figure 5.1.1. Location map of Lake Ichkeul 135

Figure 5.2.1.1 Catches and values at the time of the landings 140 at Ichkeul (1976-1989)

Figure 5.2.1.2. Catches and adjusted values to 1970 price of 140 the landings at Ichkeul (1976-1989)

Figure 5.2.2.1. A vegetation map from Landsat data 147

Figure 5.2.2.2. Area of live vegetation on the Djoumine from 151 summer 1975 to 1982

Figure 5.2.3.1. Visitors to Ichkeul (6 March-10 April 1988) 159

Figure 5.2.3.2. Visitors to Ichkeul 159 (22 February-23 March 1989)

Figure 5.2.4.1. Animal number and area of Scirpus maritimus 170 a t Ichkeul Figure 6.2.1. Location of the exclosures 186 Figure 6.4.1. Grid used to sample vegetation in the 189 e xclo su re s

Figure 6.5.1. Fresh weight of vegetation (14 February-28 August 1988} 193

Figure 6.5.2. Fresh/dry weight of vegetation (14 February-28 August 1988) 193

Figure 7.2.1. Location of the study area 199

9 Figure 7.2.2. Administrative areas around the Ichkeul National 199 Park

Figure 7.3.2.2. Distribution of douars on Djebel Ichkeul 2oA and g ra z in g areas

Figure 7.3.3.1. Flow diagramme of the structure of the 206 questionnaire

Figure 8.1.1. Organisation of the analysis 225

Figure 8.2.1. Landownership in the study area: Djebel 227 Ic h k e u l, Zaarour, F e lta and Taref

Figure 8.3.1. Upland (mountains and agricultural 230 land)-lowland (marshes) cycle of grazing in the study area

Figure 8.5.1. Animal contribution to household income in the 236 stu d y area

Figure 9.3.1. Organisation of the Ministry of Agriculture 268

Figure 9.3.2. Organisation of the General Directorate of Forest 269

Figure 9.3.3. Organisation of the General Directorate of Great 269 Hydraulic Studies

Figure 9.3.4. Organisation of the General Directorate of 269 Rural Engineering

1 0 LIST OF TABLES

page Table 3.2.1. Objectives of the three decades in development 66 plannin g

Table 3.3.1. Food trade balance during the three decades 73

Table 3.3.2. Evolution of urban population 74

Table 3.3.3. Tunisian population per region in 1984 76

Table 3.3.5. Some basic food resources per inhabitant 1959-1986 80

Table 3.3.4. Investment in agriculture, industry and services 81 during the three decades of development (1960s, 1970s and 1980s)

Table 3.3.6. Investment in hydraulic, soil and water 82 conservation (SWC) and forestry sectors in three decades (1960s, 1970s and 1980s)

Table 4 .1 .1 . V ernacular names o f T unisian w etlands 92

Table 4.2.1.1. Importance of mullets and eels in the landings 95 of Ichkeul

Table 4.2.2.1. Importance of pelagic, demersal and coastal 100 fishing, catches in wetlands and others in the total landings (yield and adjusted value to 1970 price) (1972-1937)

Table 4.2.2.2. Annual importance of fishing from wetlands 101 in the total landings (yield and adjusted value to 1970 price) (1972-1987)

Table 4.2.2.3. Export of eels (1980-1988) 103

Table 4.2.2.4. Individual contribution of wetlands to fishing 104

Table 4.2.2.5. Productivity of wetlands and the continental 104 s h e lf Table 4.2.2.6, Recent projects in industrial aquaculture 108

Table 4.2.3.1. Salt production and value in the (1981-1989) in 111 T u n is ia

Table 4.2.4.1. Characteristies of waterfowl inventories in 118 wetlands in the Maghred (1967-1986)

Table 4.2.5.2. Wetlands (natural) of importance for waterfowl 119 in T u n is ia

Table 4.2.5.3. Percentage of Anas penelope, Aythya ferina and 120 Fulica atra in the inventory of Tunisia, North Africa, the Black Sea and the M editerranean

1 1 Table 4.2.6.1. Evolution of number of hunters in Tunisia 125 (1979-1988)

Table 4.2.6.2. Income evolution from hunting in Tunisia 126 (1979-1988)

Table 4.2.6.3. Qualitative evaluation of waterbirds regularly 127 hunted in Tunisian wetlands

Table 4 .2 .8 .1 . Q u a lita tiv e summary assessment o f th e 132 information collected on wetlands in Tunisia

Table 5.2.1.1. Summary of the sluice level, direction of the 144 current in the Tindja canal as required for the inward and/or outward fish migration

Table 5.2.2.1. Waterfowl density of five wintering habitats in 149 the Western Mediterranean

Table 5.2.2.2. Possible quantitative impacts of the dams and 150 the agricultural improvement on aquatic vegetation and the four major waterfowl species

Table 5.2.2.3. Preliminary estimates of the changes at Ichkeul 153 under se ve ra l management d e c is io n s

Table 5.2.3.1. Economic benefit of the Ichkeul National Park 155 for the Bizerte region

Table 5.2.3.2. Number of visitor to Ichkeul 158 (Tunisian and tourists)

Table 5.2.3.3. School parties to Ichkeul in the two censuses 160

Table 5.2.3,4. Source area of visitors to Ichkeul in the two 160 censuses

Table 5.2.3.5. Tarif of group excursion for tourists to Ichkeul 161 adapted from the ta rif of the "Federation Tunisienne des Agences de voyages"

Table 5.2.3.6. Estmation of travel cost to Ichkeul for 161 individuals or groups of Tunsian visitors in 1989

Table 5.2.3.7. Estimation of the economic value of Ichkeul 162 National Park through visitors' expenditure

Table 5.2.3.8. Direct income to the National Park from 162 entrance fee

Table 5.2.3.9. Travel cost and entrance fee to Ichkeul 163 according to three visiting periods

Table 5.2.3.10. First estimation of the cost for the management 166 of the National Park

Table 5 .2 .4 .1 . Change in animal number at Ich ke u l in th e la s t 169 15 years

Table 5.2.4.2. Area of Scirpus maritimus per animal 171 12 Table 5 .2 .5 .1 . Q u a lita tiv e values of marsh p la n ts and s h e lls 178

Table 5.3.1.1. Quantitative evaluation of the benefits of 180 Ichkeul wetlands from fish, recreation, and livestock

Table 5.3.1.2. Qualitative evaluation of the state of Knowledge 180 of the functions/values and threats to Ichkeul wetlands

Table 6.5.1. Fresh weight and dry weight of sampled vegetation 190 in the exclosures (February-end April and 28 August)

Table 6.6.1. Summary of species distribution per class of 195 palatability for dryland (upland and dry marsh) and wetlands

Table 6.6.2. Characteristics of dryland and wetland grazing 196

Table 7.2.1. Administrative location of the different parts 198 of the study area

Table 7.3.2.1. Sample, size, number of family per douar and 203 percentage of population sampled

Table 7.3.4.1. Jobs per douar in Djebel Ichkeul 209

Table 7.6.3.1. People who declined or accepted the interview 222 with difficulty

Table 8.2.1. Land and animal ownership per area 228

Table 8.2.2. Number of people per occupation per area 229

Table 8.3.1. Time schedule of the use of upland and lowland 233 grazing for sheep, goats and cattle

Table 8.5.1. Mean net income per household 237

Table 8.5.2. Mean net income and income from animals at Djebel 237 Ichkeul and its surroundings in 1988

Table 8.5.3. Income level versus occupation 238

Table 8.5.4. level of expenditure on animals of the landless 239 and landowners

Table 8.6.1.1. Comments on the hydrology of the marshes 240

Table 8.6.1.2. Perceived effects of the hydrological changes 241 on the marshes on pastoralism

Table 8.6.2.1. Perceived usefulness of the marshes for 243 different aspects

Table 8.6.3.1. Perceived change in the standard of living 243

Table 8.7.1. Reaction of local people to "development" actions 245

Table 9.2.2.1. Standing crop (FU), needs of animals and deficit 256

Table 9.2.2.2. Needs of animals at Djebel Ichkeul and Zaarour 257

1 3 Table 9.2.2.3. Estimation of vegetation production in 1988 258

Table 9.2.2.4. Proposed solution for reducing animals in Djebel 259 Ichkeul and Zaarour based on available grazing land

Table 9.2.2.5. Timetable for the use of the marshes according 260 to the 1988 conditions

Table 9.2.2.6. Two scenarios with and without water restoration 260 of the marshes

Table 9.3.1. Interviewees position in the Ministry of 267 Agriculture

Table 9.3.5.1. Interviewees position from international 277 o rg a n is a tio n s and o th e rs

Table 9.5.1.1. Reaction of decision makers to the 278 recommendat i ons

Table 9.5.1.2. Five possible methods of conserving Ichkeul 281 National Park

Table 9.5.2.1. Reaction of local people to the recommendations 286

Table 9.5.3.1. Reaction of national NGOs to the recommendations 288

Table 9.5.4.1. Reactions of international organisation 2 9 0 (NGOs and others) to the recommendations LIST OF PLATES

page Plate 1. (a and b) Summer harvest of Scirpus maritimus on 174 the Sedjenane marsh

Plate 2. Harvest of Typha anqustifolia as fodder for animals 175 in the western canal

Plate 3. (a and b) Typha anqustifolia growing behind the 176 earth dam b u ilt by local people across the Djoumine canal

Plate 4. Cattle grazing on Typha anqustifolia in one of the 177 streams of the dry Djoumine marsh

Plate 5. Cattle grazing on reed which was harvested to 177 them by their owner. Behind the herd appears the reed belt growing around Lake Ichkeul.

1 5 Chapter I . INTRODUCTION

In the 1980s, concern about environmental problems has grown to include global warming, ozone layer depletion, tropical forest destruction, desertification, soil erosion and wetlands degradation. Since the 1960s, this degradation was related to the economic development adopted in both developed (DCs) and less developed countries (LDCs). In DCs, there was concern about the impact of increasing consumption of raw materials and pollution whereas in LDCs it was the pressure on natural resources from rapid population growth (Biswas and Biswas 1984). The solution was sought in a concept of development which takes account of environmental degradation and is at the same time sustainable. Sustainable development has been popularized since the launch of the Man and

Biosphere Programme by UNESCO in 1971 and especially since the

Stockholm Conference on Development and Environment in 1972. In the

1980s the concept was defined and policy guidance for implementation was provided (WCS 1980, WCED 1986). For LDCs, i t was suggested th a t emphasis should be put on the alleviation of poverty by meeting the basic needs of the population. This can be done through small scale projects with integration of the local users. Therefore, this thesis discusses economic development, sustainable development and its relevance to LDCs and to wetlands conservation.

In Tunisia, the economic development adopted from the French era has continued to degrade forests, soils and wetlands. This thesis, therefore makes a critique of Tunisian development plans especially in relation to natural resource development and conservation in order to help changing thinking in development from an economic one to a sustainable one.

In the same way, growing concern about the degradation of wetlands

has led to the adoption of the sustainable development concept to

ensure the conservation of these sites. This concern has been

manifested in the growing literature on the degradation of wetlands,

the importance of their benefits and the debate about appropriate

implementation of the sustainable development concept to conserve

them. These ideas are b rie fly discussed below.

1.1. Why wetlands are important ?

The traditional view that wetlands are wastelands can no longer hold

nowadays as these ecosystems are becoming better documented. Maltby

(1986) showed by extensive examples from around the world that these

are among the most productive ecosystems. They have a significant

role in the control of floods and storm surges, improve water

quality and provide habitats for endangered species of plants, birds

and an im a ls.

In the USA where wetlands functions and values are the best

documented, the contribution of wetlands in 1986 to commercial

fishing was valued at 10 billion US dollars, the harvest of fur and

hide at 300-400 million US dollars. In addition, wetlands were the

basis for over 10 billion US dollars of annual expenditure on nature

study, fishing, hunting and other outdoor recreation (National

W ildlife Federation 1987). However, 'while the economic benefits of wetlands from fisheries, pelts, and waterfowl are substantial, they

pale in comparison to the economic benefits from wetlands ecosystem functions, such as groundwater recharge, flood flow modification, nutrient and waste retention, and storm surge modification' (National W ildlife Federation 1987, p.8). An illustration of the non-market values of wetlands was the estimate by US Army Corps of

Engineers that the destruction of 407. of wetlands of the Charles

River would increase flood damage by at least 3rbillion US dollars per year. The destruction of all wetlands would average a damage cost of 17rhillion US dollars annually (Tiner 1984).

In LDCs, many tr ib e s and lo c a l people are s t i l l liv in g d ir e c t ly from the harvest of natural resources of wetlands. 200-400,000 people of the local tribes live on the Sudd Swamps in southern

Sudan. I t was e stim ated th a t 257. of the d ie t of these t r ib e s comes from hunting. Commercial and domestic fishing provides 30,000 tons per year while during the dry season the floodplain provides grazing grounds for more than 750,000 cattle. On the Inner Niger Delta in

Mali, 10,000 families have been living from fish which has a value of 5 million US dollars year (100,000 ton). In addition, three million cattle, sheep and goat graze on the floodplains (Maltby

1986).

1.2. Why wetlands are threatened ?

Wetlands have been impacted by agricultural reclamation, pollution, dams, urban development etc. It has been estimated that in the conterminous USA, 547 of wetlands of the original 87 m illion ha have been lost since the arrival of Europeans. Between mid-1950s to mid-1970s about 3.6 million ha vanished at a annual rate of

180,000ha. Agriculture accounted for 877., urban extension 87. and other development 57 of recent losses. California has lost 907. of its 2 million ha original wetlands (Tiner 1984). 407. of the prairie potholes in western Minnesota were destroyed between 1964-1974

(Horwitz 1978). The rate of loss of wetlands varies between states. This was related by Tiner to three factors. First, to the Swamp

Land A cts of 1849, 1850 and 1860 which tra n s fe rre d by 1954 about 26 m illion ha from the Federal Government to 15 states in the south and west of the USA. Second, to the acceleration of coastal wetlands loss between 1954-1978 due to post-war urban and industrial

development. Third, to accelerated erosion and subsidence of the vast coastal marshes in Louisiana.

In Canada, wetlands cover about 147. of the surface of this country.

However, most of these are concentrated in southern Canada wjere the

population, agriculture and development activities are concentrated.

Already, since the arrival of the European, agriculture accounted for 717 of the losses in the dry prairies and for 807 to urban development around the prairie cities (Environment Canada quoted i*\ from Hollis 1988). Ontario has lost 707. of its original wetlands.

The southwest of this province has lost up to 957. particularly

through drainage for agriculture but increasingly for urban,

industrial and recreational development (Glooschenko et^ al_. 1988).

In LDCs, th e pressure on w etlands from th e c o n s tru c tio n o f dams,

agricultural conversion and other uses has been widely illustrated

e.g . B lackw elder and C arlson 1984, G oldsm ith and H ild y a rd 1984,

Tim berlake 1985, and M altby 1986. In the Amazon basin 40 dams are

programmed, more than 150 in the Sahel are planned or have already

been built. 230,650 ha are proposed for polder projects in 8 African countries. The construction of a dike along the banks of the

Senegal river has disrupted the spatially and temporally integrated regime of rice, flood recession crops, fishing and grazing. It has been afterwards discovered that the large scale irrigation scheme along the Senegal River has been largely a failure because it was discovered that the soil was too saline for cost-effective water management (Braakhekke and Marchand 1987). The same fate is awaiting the 11,000 sq km of the sudd swamps where a canal is under construction. This w ill be at the expence of the traditional way of life of the 200-400,000 tribal people and w ildlife. The Inner Niger

Delta in Mali is also threatened by 11 proposed dams upstream. The impact of the dams have effects not only on the Inner Delta but on the Outer Coastal Delta which is 2,500 km away in Nigeria (Maltby

1986). However, these large scale hydrological development schemes are taking place despite growing evidence that former projects led to significant disruptive effects in the ecological characteristics of the ecosystems and human activity. For example, the Kariba dam built in 1958 on the Zambezi river brought about a short term benefit in fishing but displaced over 50,000 people on already occupied lands by other tribes (Balon 1978). The displaced people used to cultivate the alluvial plain in relation to the annual floods. The building of the dam resulted in a shortage of arable land, food relief and higher mortality for several years. In addition, weed built up in the reservoir and threatened the very operation of the dam and the generators (Blackwelder and Carlson

1984). Balon argued that the benefit would have been much higher if the wild animals were harvested and if intensive agriculture based on low cost energy input was developed along the river. This view was somewhat supported by the traditional exploitation of floodplain of the Inner Niger Delta which was found more profitable in economic terms and sustainable than a proposed plan for rice p ro d u c tio n ( D r ijv e r and Marchand 1986). 1.3. How thinking on conservation of wetlands has developed ?

The change in thinking on conservation of wetlands has probably s ta rte d in th e 1950s in th e USA when fe d e ra l i n s t it u t io n s became concerned with the impact of wetlands losses on fish and w ildlife.

T his has been fu rth e re d w ith the adoption o f th e Ramsar C onvention in 1971. However, the early focus on waterfowl which is now disappearing did not stem the continued increase of wetland loss in

DCs and especially in LDCs. Helped by the Stockholm conference, the

WCS, and the UNESCO Man and Biosphere Programme the concern moved from the protection of sites for birds to the wider functions and Tv\ t'e^pn'vs*. values of wetlands.^In some countries, functional evaluation systems are compiled or under development. This includes the evaluation system of the Province of Ontario in Canada (Ontario Ministry of

N a tu ra l Resources and Environment Canada 1984), the USA (Adamus and

Stockwell 1983, Adamus 1983), New Zealand (Simpson 1985, 1986), and

South Africa (Walmsley and Bomker 1988). In this respect, the evaluation system for the wetlands of the USA was probably the most influential. This assesses 11 functions of wetlands according to 75 characteristies in the 48 co/fterminous states. The objective was to provide a method for a rapid assessment to improve 'somewhat the / scope, objectivety and replicability of the existing wetlands regulatory decisions...In fact many Federal and State laws require that the decision of whether to preserve or develop a specific wetland be based also on the wetland's'abi1ity to improve water quality, to stabilize shorelines, to exchange ground water, to r e ta in flo o d w a te rs , and to p ro vid e re c re a tio n (Adamus 1938, p .128-129).

The Ramsar Convention was concerned w ith an a p p ro p ria te d e f in it io n o f "w ise use1* of w etlands which can s u it both DCs and LDCs. T h is was decided at the Third Meeting of the Parties at Regina Canada, 1987.

“Wise use" was thought to be achieved within the framework National

Wetlands Policy (NWP). For that guidelines were provided to establish an NWP.

At th e same tim e , in te r n a tio n a l NGOs have become in c re a s in g ly involved in devising management strategies to protect wetlands in

LDCs. For example in Africa, IUCN and WWF has been developing a multipurpose project in the Inner Niger Delta in Mali (IUCN 1987).

In Brazil, projects are underway to determine the socio-economic values of wetlands to propose strategies for sustainable utilization. These projects involve wetlands inventory, ecological and economic e v a lu a tio n and liv e lih o o d s tra te g ie s of lo c a l communities in degraded and pristine wetlands (Maltby 1986).

In line with this thinking, function and values of Tunisian wetlands are discussed in this thesis. This is intended to highlight gaps in knowledge and to act as a prelude to changing perspectives on

Tunisian wetlands with conservation based on sustainable utilization.

1.4. Wetlands conservation in Tunisia

Wetlands are protected under the Forestry Act when they are gazetted as National Parks or Natural Reserves. Nonetheless, this has proved insufficient for the protection of wetlands as w ill be discussed for the wetland of Ichkeul National Park where dams and agricultural development have been taking place with the knowledge that these could have detrimental effects on the ecology of the wetland.

Therefore, the functions and values of Ichkeul National Park are discussed to show that protection of Ichkeul which was in itia lly for waterbirds now needs consideration with the context of development,

conservation and the institutional organisation in which they are

operated. Wetlands conservation in Tunisia is entrusted to the

Directorate of Forests. However a number of Directorates within the

Ministry of Agricutlure, other ministries and institutions can be

involved (Figure 1.4.1 and 1.4.2). These Figures show that most of

these institutions operate without connection with each other. The

ANPE is newly formed, and DE have few staff to make a proper

integration of the different departments or directorates of the

Ministry of Agriculture. These issues will be raised in the

discussion of sustainable grazing at the Ichkeul National Park in

order to outline the needed changes.

1.5. Objectives and research questions

The main objective of the thesis is to identify the limitations to

sustainable development of wetlands in Tunisia through the case

study of grazing at Ichkeul National Park. It also aims to

understand the reasons for wetlands degradation through a critique

of development and to illustrate the importance of their functions

and values. Ultimately, this is intended to contirbute to the

changing attitudes towards wetlands and to point to measures needed

for the sustainable utilization of these sites.

For that, a series of questions were answered throughout the

chapters of this thesis:

1. What is economic development and what are its lim itations ?

2. What is s u s ta in a b le development and what are i t s lim it a t io n s ?

3. How was sustainable development adopted for wetlands

conservation? Figure 1.4.1. Schematic representation of institutions which have control and/or link with wetlands in Tunisia

Ministry of Ministry of Agricutlure Economics

0NA3

Ministry of WETLANDS Equipment

Muni c ip a li t ie s Ministry of H ealth

Gouvernorats SONEDE Ministry of Education 2< Research

ANPE I

NGOs Tunisian & i nternati onal

strong control and/or link ------►control and/or link ------>-weak control and/or link

ONAS: O ffice National d 'Assainissement ANPE: Agence Nationals de 1'Environnement SONEDE: Saciete Nationale des Etudes et de D istribution de 1'Eau Figure 1.4.2. Schematic representation of institutions which have control and/or link with welands within the Ministry of Agriculture

ISP INRFT INRAT I NAT

CRDA DGF ONP INSTGP

DSRE/BIRH CGP -

WETLANDS CNA

CRGR

DGGR

DGEGTH

■ -Efr strong control and/or link ------► control and/or link ------►weak control and/or link

ISP: Institut Sysvo-pastoral de Tabarka INRFT: Institut National de Recherche Forestieres de Tunisie INRAT: I n s t i t u t N a tio n a l de Recherche Aqronomique de T u n is ie INAT: Intstitut National d'Agronomie de Tunisie CRDA: Commissariat Regionale de Developpement Agricole DGF: Direction Generale des Forets ONP: Office National des Peches INSTOP: In sttitu t Nationale Scientifique et Techniques d'Gceanographie et de Peche CGP: Commissariat Generale a la Peche CNA: Centre National d'Aquaculture DGGR: Direction Generale du Genie Rural CRGR: Centre de Recherche du Genie Rural DGRE: Direction Resources en Eau BIRH: Bureau d'Inventaire et de Recherche Hydraulique DGEGTH: Direction Generale des Etudes et Grand Travaux Hydrauliques DE: Direction de lEnvironnement ■ J t 4. What i s development in T u n is ia and how rt hasj^used and im pacted

natural resources including wetlands ?

5. What are the functions and values of Tunisian wetlands ?

6. What are th e fu n c tio n sand values o f th e Ichkeul w etlands and

how have they been, or are going to be, impacted by development ?

7. What ch a ra c te ris e s w etland ve g e ta tio n and d ry land v e g e ta tio n at

Ichkeul and its surrounding ?

8. How is grazing conducted at Ichkeul ?

9. What i s i t s im portance to lo c a l people ?

10. How has it been impacted by development ?

11. What a re th e im pedim ents to s u s ta in a b le g ra z in g a t Ich ke u l ?

12. What are the possible solution(s) to allow the achievement

of sustainable grazing ?

1.6. Structure and contents of the thesis

Chapter II discusses economic development and sustainable development and exposes their lim itations. Economic development is compared to needs and values in "primitive" societies in relation to the exploitation of renewable natural resources to highlight the move from use to exchange value. This was in itia lly an important element in the "externalization" of nature and environmental degradation. The chapter continues with a review on the events which formed the impetus to the emergence of sustainable development concept. Criticism of this concept highlighted limitations and pointed to the relevance of small scale projects with local people's involvement for sustainable development in LDCs. There is also a suggestion to depart from economic factors and to put emphasis on social and ecological factors. For wetlands conservation, this is equated with "wise use" or "rational utilization". There is a thinking that this approach is dependent on the establishment of national policies for wetlands and the participation of local people

in decision making and management.

Chapter III examines development in Tunisia. This is prace^ded by a

brief historical review of the major events which have shaped the

environment in Tunisia with special reference to the French colonial

period. This outlines the continuity of environmental degradation.

The independence period is examined through the development plans of

the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s in relation to their objectives. The

discussion centres on the economic analysis and shows that Tunisian

development has been concerned with short term economic benefits

rather than "sustainabilty". The dicsussion of the agricultural

sector and renewable natural resources illustrates the failure of

economic development to fu lfill its objectives and the further

degradation caused in the social and environmental setting. Also,

this gives the context of development in which the conservation of

natural renewable resources and wetlands occurs. In this respect,

the analysis covers the structural link of the colonial period to

agricultural and renewable natural resources development, local participation in irrigation and forestry development as well as

investment in agriculture and resource conservation.

Chapter IV discusses threats to wetlands in Tunisia; the

institutions involved with their management, exploitation and/or pollution control; the legislation to protect wetlands; and analyses the in v e n to rie s made. The main p a rt of th e chapter is concerned with the evaluation of a number of wetland functions and values namely, fish habitats and fishing, salt extraction, flood protection, birds and w ildlife habitats, hunting, agricultural use, grazing and harvest of other natural products, waste disposal, recreation, education and scientific research. The data analysis

highlights gaps in our knowledge of functions and values of wetlands

and points to further research needed in Tunisia.

Chapter V is a case study of the Ichkeul National Park wetlands with

i t s marshes and la k e . I t review s and e v a lu a te s the fu n c tio n s and

values of the Ichkeul wetlands in regard to the impact of

development upstream namely, the construction of six dams and the

agricultural development of the Plain of Mateur. The discussion

shows the significance of wider economic considerations on the

conservation of a site which has received national and

international protection. Accordingly, it highlights the low

priority accorded to Ichkeul's conservation by decision makers in

Tuni s ia .

After this chapter, the rest of the thesis concentrates on grazing

as a case study of a function at Ichkeul. Chapter VI examines the

exclosures studies through growth cycle and production of

vegetation. This contributed to the understanding of the cycle of

grazing used by local communities.

Chapter VII presents the methodologies used to study the

socio-economic function of grazing by local people. A questionnaire was the main research tool supported by participant observation. The presentation of the results is made in Chapter VIII. It shows that

land ownership was the main factor influencing local acitivities.

The farmers in the area surrounding the Ichkeul National Park were integrating farming and pastoral ism whereas the herders at Djebel

Ichkeul were rearing animals and working at the quarries, the state farm, the fisheries and the National Park. The combination of work and pastoral ism at Djebel Ichkeul highlighted the growing importance

of these activities for local people in the face of degrading

conditions of grazing. A change in herd structure also pointed to

the environmental degradation. The importance of pastoral ism is

showed in i t s c o n tr ib u tio n to household incomes and a ls o by th e

constant reliance of local people at Djebel Ichkeul on this activity

despite the continuous degradation of the marshes. In addition,

local people views highlighted a significant degradation of the

marshes in the last three decades as a result of the construction of

the dams and the agricultural development on the Plain of Mateur.

Chapter IX builds up on the results of the grazing survey,

l i t e r a t u r e review of fu n c tio n s and valu e s of ch a p te r V and formulated five recommendations for the sustainatfble or rational utlization of the marshes for grazing by local communities. These

were proposed to local people, local authority, central authority,

Tunisian NGOs, international NGOs and other organisations to

evaluate the propositions and identify obstacles to sustainable use

as well as possible actions in respect to these impediments.

Chapter X exposes the findings and conclusions of the thesis and proposes firs t guidelines for a National Policy for the Conservation of Tunisian Wetlands.

29 CHAPTER I I . DEVELOPMENT AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

In this chapter economic and types of development are reviewed.

Then, sustainable development and how it has been adopted in the thinking of wetlands conservation is discussed. The objective is to emphasize the evolution of conservation thinking of natural resources and wetlands.

2.1. Development as "economic development": concept and lim itations

'Development is generally conceived to include all modern planning and project implementation which is designed to increase productivity, to modernise traditional systems, and to raise living standards' (Spooner 1984, p.vi). For economists, development planners and decision makers, it implies change for progress or growth which can be evaluated in terms of monetory indicators (e.g.

GNP and GDP). C o u n trie s "d e ve lo p " or "recede" from one year to th e next and/or from one development plan to another according to these indicators.

Anthropologists and social scientists consider that the conventional development as perceived by economists neglects social and cultural aspects with its narrow concern for monetary issues. They argue that, development has to be considered not as an economic process, but as a societal transformation (Peattie 1981). For instance, a n th ro p o lo g is ts understand economic processes as being embedded in to institutions which are the vehicle for creating meaning and value. Other workers (Peattie 1981, Redclift 1987, Shaw and Grieve 1982,

Salahdine 1989) found that economic indicators have several lim itations in a "proper" evaluation of development. For example,

Redclift (1987) considered that:

1. GNP measures only 'formal' sector activity without indicating

whether it is the primary, secondary or tertiary sector;

2. it excludes the 'informal' sector in which markets are not fully

reported and in which people produce their own food particularly

in LDCs;

3. it tells us little about the relationship between income, wealth

and patterns of income;

4. it is an inadequate measure of how production is deployed,

whether it is channelled towards arms expenditure or health care

or education;

5. it fails to consider the distribution of income and wealth

between groups of people especially social classes and the

extent to which wealth is geographically concentrated within a

c o u n try ;

6. it treats sustainable and unsustainable production alike and

compounds the error by including the costs of unsustainable

economic activity on the credit side, while largely ignoring

processes of recycling and energy conversion which do not lead to

the production of goods or marketable services.

In addition, the conventional cost benefit analysis (CBA) method for the evaluation of development projects is inappropriate when applied to renewable natural resources because it does not include environmental effects (Torres and Pearce 1979, Barbier and Conroy 1989). For that, Pearce et_ al_. (1989) proprose a method which integrates the ecological impacts.

However, the main criticism that has emerged in the last two decades is the non sustainability of the conventional "economic development"

(Ward and Dubos 1972, Schumacher 1973, WCS 1980, WCED 1987). A

"sustainable development" approach has been hailed as the "best" alternative since the Man And Biosphere conference (1968) and

Stockholm conference (1972) (Caldwell and Bentley 1984). But, before moving to discuss this issue, it is necessary to provide a short review of the existing types of development. The main idea of the review is to see the kind of relationships people have developed with nature in each of the development types.

According to Riddell (1981), three types of development are found around the world. First, a "static" or "pre-development" type of those so called "primitive" or "folk" societies including a few is o la te d groups in th e Amazon h e a rtla n d and th e K a la h a ri (Bushmen society). Their needs for food, shelter, and clothing are much the same as their ancestors and very likely to be replicated in the future. In these societies production has a use value and nature is part of their system of values. As stated by Spoehr (1956, p.98)

'Man to many peoples is not set apart from nature it is part of a s in g le o rd e r, com bining man, n a tu re , and th e g o d s '. The use of natural resource is controlled by social structure and a body of productive techniques. In addition, their concern with the natural resources tends to be local. As Redfield (1953) found, these societies did not 'confront nature' because they are already in n a tu re . A second type is what is called "developed" countries (DCs) of those societies of Europe including USSR, North America, Australia, New

Zealand and Japan. In these societies, needs are changing, production has an exchange value and nature is considered as a commodity. Nature becomes an "external" element in human system values. Technology in these countries is directed to control over nature with maximization of yield and re lia b ility of quality. In the so called "capitalist" economy, production responds quickly to the needs of the markets. In the centrally planned economy of the socialist block, the rapid development of the forces of production is considered essential to the transition to a communist society

(Blaikie 1985, Jackson 1971). Pryde (1972), in the same way noted that only labour produces value and therefore land, water and all associated resources are considered "free" input. Consequently,

Komarov (1978) showed how on th e b a s is of t h is th in k in g , n a tu re has been abused by a bureacratic system unable to stop the damage without threatening its own privileges. Therefore, development in both systems (capitalist and socialist) was accompanied by

/ environmental degradation. It was the result of the capitalist drive for profit in the west and the soviet style bureaucratic system in the socialist countries.

A third type of development is underdevelopment of those societies commonly named less developed countries (LDCs). In these countries a large section of the population is s till occupied in traditional agriculture. However, because of past colonization or influence

(China and Ethiopea) and the current world economy, these countries are structurally linked to the developed world. They are societies where needs, values and technology are being transformed. Therefore, both systems of production (use value and exchange value) with several levels of technology can be found. In addition, in LDCs development does not refer to a comprehensive and programmatic process of planning but to a project, a national project under the mandate and the initiative of the state (Peattie, 1981).

In summary, u n lik e " f o lk " s o c ie tie s , DCs and LDCs, c a p it a lis t o r socialist, have developed a relation with nature based on exploitation for exchange value through planning and/or technology.

While "folk" societies "internalized" nature within their system of values, DCs and (to some extent) LDCs "externalized" nature and environmental assets are considered as free input into the economic system since for most of these there is no market to allocate value(s) (Pearce et^ a l. 1989). However, in the last three decades, there are growing signs that the conventional economic development is not sustainable. Ironically, and somehow different from the "folk society", some economists concerned with resource degradation are trying to find ways to "internalize" nature by integrating environmental effects into the conventional CBA. The next section turns to discuss the concept of sustainable development, its lim its and m e rits , and i t s emergence as the way ahead f o r environm en tal and development problems. 2.2. Development as a "sustainable development": the concept,

limitations and future application

As Biswas and Biswas (1984) noted, it was probably during the 1960s

th a t, environm en tal e f f e c t s o f economic development became o f major

concern in many countries. Two aspects received increasing

attention, the constantly growing use of raw materials and energy

in developed c o u n trie s (DCs) and the p o p u la tio n growth in le s s

developed countries (LDCs). In these conditions, sustainable

development im plicitly emerged for the firs t time in the "Biosphere

C onference" held in P a ris in 1968 (C aldw ell and B e n tle y 1984). The

L im its to Growth (Meadows e t a l . 1972) came to emphasize th e f i n i t e

natural resources of the earth in the face of the double exponential

of population and economic growth. At the same time, both developed

and LDCs were regarding development and environment as incompatible.

To bring developed and LDCs together for a concensus on the world

environmental and development problems, a firs t meeting was convened

by the United Nations at Founex (Switzerland) in 1971 to address the

dispute over development versus environment. A second conference on

Human Environment known as the Stockholm Conference was held in

1972. The conference gave birth to the United Nations Environment

Programme (UNEP), in a u g u ra te d the c o m p a tib ility o f development and

environment and popularized the sustainable development approach.

T his was fo s te re d a t th e Cocoyoc Symposium on Resource Use,

Environm ent and Development held in Mexico in 1974 (Biswas and

Biswas 1984).

It was not until the launch of the World Conservation Strategy

(WCS) in 1980, that an explicit definition was given to sustainable development. It was defined as the development which 'takes account of the social, ecological and economic factors of the living as

well as non-living resource base; and of the long term as well as

the short term advantages and disadvantages of alternative actions'

(World Coservation Strategy 1980, section 1.3). However,

conservation of living resources was regarded as the prerequisite of

sustainable development. It was stated that 'while development aims

to achieve human goals largely through use of the biosphere,

conservation aims to achieve them by ensuring that such use can

continue' (WCS 1980, section 1.5). For that, conservation was

defined as 'the management of human use of the biosphere so that it

may yield the greatest sustainable benefit to present generations

while maintaining its potential to meet the needs and aspirations of

future generations. Thus conservation is positive, embracing

p reservation, maintenance, sustainable utilization, restoration, and

enhancement of the natural environment' (WCS 1980, section 1.4).

It is understood that the broad sense given to conservation was to

enable the concept to embrace all different cases of conservation

which could be encountered in both DCs and LDCs. Therefore, the

s existence of large rural communities in LDCs which are dependent on

living resources suggest a conservation concept meaning rational utilization to be more appropriate for these countries. However,

while the adaptation of the concept to regional or national realities could be overcome, more problematic issues remained. For

instance Tisdell (1983a) found that, while the approach is man-centred it fails to explain the meaning of benefit and the greatest sustainable benefit. He approached the cross generation benefits problem by discussing the steady-state economy concept of

Daly defined as the one enabling the maximum number of people to live at a satisfactor/ly level of income during the possible

life-span of the human race. But, he found that, the concept has

great uncertainties because of the time-scale involved. In

addition, his comments on the shorter goals of the strategy

(maintenance of essential ecological processes and life support

systems, preservation of genetic diversity, and sustainable

utilization of species and ecosytems) revealed that trade-offs and

evaluation issues were not considered sufficiently. Moreover, he

suggested that the implied increase of the government's role in the

control of resource-use, may prove unacceptable to liberal

economists. Redclift (1987) found that the principal shortcoming of

the WCS is its failure to address the political and economic forces

behind unsustainable patrjptices. And, Barbier and Conroy (1989) and

Pearce et al. (1989) found that the WCS did not succeed in

integrating economics and environment. As result, WCS was largely

not implemented (Simon 1989) because as Tisdell remarked, it was

about raising issues rather than a practical guide to policy on

which governments could act.

However, the failure of LDCs to achieve established goals by the

First and the Second Development Decades of the United Nations

(Biswas and Biswas 1984), increasing environmental degradation and

the failure to relate development and environmental issues has led

to more debate on sustainable development in the 1980s. The World

Commission on Environm ent and Development (WCED) was formed in 1983

and p u b lis h e d a le n g th y re p o rt in 1987 in which s u s ta in a b le development was the central issue. TheWCED defined sustainable

development as 'development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the a b ility of future generations to meet their own needs. It contains within it two key concepts:

1. the concept of "needs", in particular the essential needs of the

world's poor, to which overriding priority should be given; and

2. the idea of lim itations imposed by the state of technology and

social organization on the environment's a b ility to meet present

and future needs.

Thus the goals of economic and social development must be defined in

terms of sustainability in all countries developed or developing,

market oriented or centrally planned...Even the narrow notion of

physical sustainability implies a concern for social equity between

generations' (p.43).

As with the WCS, the WCED report failed to consider economic or

political dimensions, lacked guiding rules for quantification or a

mechanism about necessary trade offs. It set out a general policy

agenda but suggested no precise or enforceable mechanism for

activating it, and accepted the explicit assumption that LDCs countries have to industrialize (Simon 1989, Ekins 1989). In

addition, Pearce et a l. (1989) found that the Commission report was not consistant throughout with its definition.

More specifically, Barbier addressed the sustainabi1ity issue of economic development. He defined sustainable economic development as the one which has the following criteria (1987, p.103):

'1. it is indistinguishable from the total development of society and cannot effectively be analysed separately, as "sustainabilty" depends on the interaction of economic changes with social, cultural, and ecological transformations; 2. its quantitative dimension is associated with increases in material means available to those living, or destined to live, in absolute poverty, so as to provide for adequate physical and social well-being and security against becoming poorer; 3. its qualitative dimension is multifaced, and is associated with ensuring the long-term ecological, social, and cultural potential for supporting economic activity and structural change; and 4. it is not subject to easy measurement; the quantitative and qualitative dimensions are mutually reinforcing and inseparable, and th u s cannot be f u l l y captured by any concept of d ir e c t and measurable economic gains.'

This definition shifts from the economic growth approach as an

objective to ecological and social factors. It is innovative in

thinking about development. The stress on factors other than

economic ones especially for LDCs was advocated by Chambers (1986).

His concept of "sutainable livelihoods" address the basic needs of

the poor while the concept of ecodevelopment (Riddell 1981) focuses

on the national level. Riddell based his concept on 11 principles

(establish an ideological commitment, sharpen political and

administrative integrity, attain international parity, alleviate

disease misery, reduce arms, work closer to self-sufficiency, clean

up urban squalor, balance human numbers with resources, conserve

resources, protect the environment). He acknowledged that he omitted

economic growth because he found that LDCs' development problems need to be approached from other factors such as food production and

disease alleviation etc. He claimed that, the aim would be economic equity, social harmony and environmental balance as well as the

pursuit of individual fulfilment, household self-sufficiency and community self-reliance.

A similar approach could be found in Pearce et_ al. (1989). In contrast to sustainable economic growth based on a continuous

increase in GNP per capita over time, they defined sustainable development as the one which is based on increasing "development indicators" or "u tility" or "well being" over time. "Development

indicators" include advances in real income per capita as well as

environmental quality. Although, sustainable economic growth takes

account of biophysical impacts (pollution, resource problems) and

social disruption in order that "feedback" from these impacts would

not threaten GNP increase, they consider that, the concept is not

adequate to account for environmental quality. They argue that the

problem of sustainable development is 'in achieving economic

development without sacrificing an acceptable level of economic

growth' (p.30), that the environmental quality is a major feature of

economic development, growth and development, and that the challenge

of sustainable development is in making these three compatible.

Surely, there is a challenge (intellectual and practical) to make

sustainable development a reality but the introduction of

environmental evaluation in the development process is a significant

input in the thinking of development.

In addition, Pearce et al_. considered that ecosystems are based on three properties. These include productivity (numbers/biomass of

individual species), stability (constancy) and resilience

(sustainability). In fact these properties are derived from Conway

(1985 cited in Tisdell 1988) who has based his studies on agro-ecosystems. He added to these properties a social income equity. He defines sustainability as the ability of the system to maintain its productivity in the face of stress (salinity, soil erosion, etc.) or a shock (flooding, drought, or pest invasion). In general, sustainabilty can be defined as the ability of a system to maintain its structure and patterns of behaviour in the face of external disturbance. The key concept of sustainabilty in a system approach as d e fin e d by Conway is not t o t a l l y accepted by T is d e ll

(1988) who found that the concept needs more thought because it is s till unclear in terms of quantification and criteria to judge the desirability of different types of sustainability. Bowers (1990) thought Pearce et al_. 's approach too optimistic because he considered that sustainable d)/elop^ment needs fundamental changes in social structure and entails a substantial burden on the current generation for the benefits of future generations.

Moreover, Redclift (1987) was at odds with all these definitions because they do not consider the political economy of sustainable development. For him, sustainable development 'means more than seeking a compromise between the natural environment and the pursuit of economic gain. It means a definition of development which recognizes that the lim its of sustainability have structural as well as natural origins' (ps 199). In the same way, Tisdell (1983b, 1988) argued that production systems need an appropriate social and political.. framework and that insustainability can occur not just on account of new technology but also as a result of new political and social systems.

A more optim istic stance was taken by Simon (1989), who in studying

Redclift, Barbier and the WCED, found that, integration of these approaches can provide a proper beginning for building a new approach embracing both theory and practice. He sought in these approaches complementarity rather than antagonism. He argued that, now it is the time to develop methodologies and techniques to translate the concept into practice. He also suggested, a "top-down" and 'bottom-up' approach in decision making. This was considered most appropriate for greatest flexibilty in implementing the

concept of sustainable development. It was also, suggested that,

implementation would be more suitable at the level of individual

econom ic-environm ent system s. As some w orkers have shown ( R e d c lift

1987, Sattaur 1987, etc) and as WCS and WCED argued, there is little

chance of development projects succeeding if grass-roots

participation is denied. This participation would have sense only when the local population is involved in planning and control

throughout. In regard to LDCs, there is an inclination that the

future of these countries lies in the sustainable utilization of

their natural resources (Pearce 1986, WCS 1980, WCED 1987 etc). In fact living resources are an especially important source of direct benefit to rural populations, and in many cases a significant

(current or potential) source of foreign income (e.g. export of

timber and fish) in addition to touristic attraction (Tisdell 1983b,

Barbier and Conroy 1989). Moreover, since many species are encountred in LDCs, and in line with the sustainabilty definition of

Conway, their extinction would impair the natural system's ability to cope with constraints (stress or shocks) as well as future research such as in agriculture and pharmacy (Myers 1979). LDCs have to sustain their living resources because they can impair their own development projects through for instance, sedimentation of dams from deforestated hills and its impact on water holding and e lectricity generating capacity (Pearce 1936).

Accordingly, Warford (1986) an economic adviser to the World Bank outlined the most critical environmental problems of the LDCs: overgrazing, commercial logging, fuel wood harvesting, land clearence, deforestation, burning crop residues and dung, soil erosion, sedimentation, flooding, and salinization. Although the urgency of the problem has been recognized by governements. Attempts have been made to stem the degradation (clearance of s ilt from dams, stemming the advance of the desert , cleaning up pollution), but the situation in many developing countries is s till worsening. The reasons for this failure are attributed by the same worker to the political and financial vested interests, the institutional overlaps, the bureaucratic inefficiencies, the myopic view of decision makers, and most importantly the d ifficu lty of dealing with a myriad of relatively small scale natural resource using activities which together are responsible for the bulk of environmental degradation. He added that the limited benefit of the traditional project-by-project approach fails to confront the real issues which have much more to do with the way society works and urged that the approach 'should be supplemented by one which integrates environm en tal and n a tu ra l re so u rce management d i r e c t l y in to economic and s o c ia l p o lic y th ro u g h :

a) the design of investment programs supporting environmental and

resource objectives; b) the promotion of economic, social, and institutional policies and

incentives that influence the enviromentally related behaviour of

government agencies, major resource users, and the countless

small scale resource using activities which occur throughout a

nation's economy' (Warford 1986, p.3).

In other words, he was advising the developing countries to take more account of the unlimited number of small scale projects involving local people's knowledge and technologies instead of concentrating only on large scale projects relying heavily on

foreign loans and lying outside the social and local interests of

people.

As Kitching (1989) reported, this view is also reflected in the

International Labor Office policy and is refered to as populist or

neo-populist approach. 'Populism and neo-populism are doctrines

which oppose industrialization and large scale production in the

name of small scale enterprise...which can be just as effective

or more so than large scale industrialization in eliminating mass

poverty (in LDCs), and also be less costly in social human terms'

(Kitching 1989, p.21). It is argued that a major shortcoming of

industrialization is the exacerbation of inequalities between

individuals, social groups, cities, towns and countryside, regions

and between nations. For populists and neo-populists the aim is to

build a world of equality and community but not of collectivism or

state control. Further, neo-populists are not purely anti-capitalist but rather opposed all forms of large-scale industrialization

including state socialism. One representative of the neo-populist in development thinking is Schumacher (1972). In his book Small is

Beautiful, he treated a variety of topics (energy, economics, ecology, education etc). Most importantly, he devised a concept of "intermediate technology" for developing countries. This technology was to be based on fairly simple equipment, understandable, suitable for maintenance on the spot, far less dependent on raw materials of great purity or exact specification, and finally more adapted to market fluctuations, therefore less vulnerable to unforseen difficulties. It could also make a full use of modern science and technology with the task of raising or maintaining a high level of output while preserving a rich and creative role for the worker.

Looking to the role of environmental sciences and the relevance of the populist approach in agricultural development in West Africa,

Richards (1985) found that, small holders are dynamic, innovating and not merely "adaptive". He introduced the new concept of

"people's science". He argued that, "Peasant agriculture" needs ecological understanding of the aims and methods of small-scale producers before inputs from scientific research can be made, development agencies are to complement and support local trends and interests in a decentralized system of participatory research and development. This would be possible only if student and agricultural extension workers would learn and report on the problems facing small holders. For that, he found that a populist approach is perhaps the most effective way to foster resource management and biological skills upon which agricultural development in Africa might rest.

Studies on the social and environmental effects of large dams and the disruption they bring on traditional practices and national economies in LDCs (Blackwelder and Carlson 1984, Goldsmith et a l.

1984) point to the relevance of small scale projects involving local people. A United Nations sponsored study (Thompson et^ a l. 1986) on sustainable development and institutions came to the same conclusion.

In central Tunisia, El Amami (1984) found startling results by comparing traditional irrigation (involving small dams made by rural people with local decision making) to the modern style (involving large dams with central decision taking). He calculated that, for one tenth of the cost of a large dam resulting in the irrigation of

1,000 ha it was possible to construct 30 small dams with 30,000 ha of irrigated land and the creation of 40,000 jobs. In addition, it was possible to raise the water table, control erosion and protect downstrem infrestructure (roads, rails etc.) and cities (e.g.

K a iro u a n ).

In summary, this discussion has been concerned with the introduction of the concept of sustainable development and how it has evolved from the late 1960s to date. The relevance of the concept to LDCs, especially for natural resource development has also been considered. It has been shown that, sustainable development has emerged from the increasing concern with environmental degradation in the 1960s in which environment and development were considered as antagonists. Then in the 1970s, that view has changed to complementarity and compatabi1ity of the two fields while the concept of sustainable development was popularized. From the 1980s, sustainable development became a pledge of international organisations. However, even though definitions abound, and as

Pearce et al_. remarked it is a concept that someone cannot disagree with, it is s till not implemented. However, it has been shown that sustainable development accounts for environmental quality. For that Pearce e^t al_. 's (1989) work has been directed to the evaluation of environmental assets into development process by "internalizing" the "externalities". Others (Barbier 1987, Riddell 1981, Chambers

1986) suggested departing altogether from conventional economic development and putting priority on social and environmental factors. Tisdell (1983, 1988) and Redclift (1987) argued that the concept has to be looked at within the natural and socio-political limitations. In addition the concept has been proposed for implementation first at the level of the individual economic-environmental system within a "top-down bottom-up" approach

(Simon 1989).

For LDCs, even though it has been repeatedly reported that the concept is probably more appropriate to implement especially regarding natural resource utilisation, the approach is still largely ignored. However, some neo-populist workers and others have produced some evidence that the small scale project involving grass-roots participation are very relevant to these countries.

The next section reports on the application of sustainable development to wetlands and how it has evolved for these natural re so u rce s.

2.3. Sustainable development of wetlands and the "wise use" of w etlands

2.3.1 The Ramsar Convention and wise use of wetlands

As for sustainable development, ‘wise use' of wetlands has repeatdly emerged in the 1970s and 1980s as the most appropriate concept for wetlands conservation. The MAR Project and MAR conference in the

1960s were the first to focus on conservation of wetlands for w i l d l i f e . B u t, i t was w ith th e Ramsar C onvention, 1971 and th e MAB programme, 1970 that wise use has been advocated (Batisse 1980,

Holland 1987). In this section, only the Ramsar Convention is discussed in relation to the evolution of ideas for the wise of

wetlands during the almost 20 years of the existence of the

convention. Contracting parties to the Convention have three main

obiigations:

1. listing of sites;

2. wise use of wetlands;

3. creating natural reserves.

Although only the second point addresses wise use, the other two are

also of relevance to this approach as it is discussed below.

2.3.1.1. Listing of sites

Article 2 of the text of the convention stipulates that 'each

contracting party shall designate suitable wetlands within its

territory for inclusion in a List of Wetlands of International

Importance, hereinafter referred to as "the L is t"...shall designate

at least one wetland to be included in the List when signing this

convent ion...shal1 have the right to add to the list further

wetlands...because of its urgent national interest, to delete or

restrict the boundaries of wetlands already included by it in the

L i s t '.

Nevertheless, by recognising that there were no specific criteria to identify wetlands of international importance, an extra-ordinary conference was held at Hei1igenhafen, West Germany in 1974. Specific guidelines for listing were proposed and later revised and adopted at the firs t ordinary conference held at Cagliari 1980, Italy. These include three sets of criteria: 1. quantitative criteria for identifying wetlands of importance to

w a te rfo w l;

2. general criteria for identifying wetlands of importance to plants

and a n im a ls;

3. criteria for assessing the value of representative or unique

w etla n d s.

However, these crite ria placed heavy emphasis on birds (NCC 1988)

and were found more difficult to apply in Africa, Asia and Latin

America because most of the 28 contracting parties at the Cagliari

Conference were from the Western Palearctic especially from Europe

(Ramsar C onvention Bureau 1988). T h e re fo re , w ith an in c re a s in g number of p a r tie s from LDCs, th e re has been a grow ing r e a lis a t io n of th e

importance of other benefits and functions of wetlands to these

countries (Ramsar Convention Bureau 1988). As a result, the Cagliari

c r i t e r i a were amended and g u id e lin e s were g ive n to s e le c t

representative or unique wetlands at the Regina Conference in 1987.

The criteria were rearraged in this order:

1. Criteria for assessing the value of representative or unique

w etlands

2. General criteria for using plants or animals to identify wetlands

of importance;

3. Specific criteria for using waterfowl to identify wetlands of

im portance

Guidelines for criteria 1 comprise special reference to LDCs in that, a wetland can be considered for selection if it has an 'outstanding hydrological, biological or ecological role, (or) is of substantial socio-economic and cultural value within the framework of sustainable use and habitat conservation' (Regina conference

1987, p .131).

2 .3 .1 .2 . Wise Use -

The wise use of wetland is reiterated a number of time in the text of the convention. Article 3.1 requires contracting parties to

'formulate and implement their planning so as to promote the conservation of wetlands included in the List, and as far as possible the wise use of wetlands in their territory'. Article 6.3 emphasizes that 'contracting parties shall ensure...conservation, management and wise use of wetlands and their flora and fauna

(Article 6.3). In addition, article 2.6 stresses 'wise use of migratory stocks of waterfowl'.

However, the convention did not provide a definition of wise use.

T h is was p ro b a b ly because i t was fo c u s s in g on in c re a s in g th e number of contracting parties to gain world-wide stature. /

The Cagliari Conference recommended (recommendation 1.5) the establishment of comprehensive national wetland policies based on an inventory of wetlands and their resources. It was stated in the preamble of the same recommendation that 'wise use of wetlands involves maintenance of their ecological character, as a basis not only for nature conservation, but for sustainable development'. In addition, it recommended the assessment of large scale projects affecting wetlands and the involvement of ecologists in the planning process. In the subsequent ordinary conference at Groningen, The Netherlands

in 1984, recommendation 2.3 identified priority actions for wetland

conservation based on national measures to promote wise use. The

third ordinary conference at Regina, Canada in 1987, adopted

recommendation 3.3 on wise use of wetlands and a definition was

provided. Wise use was defined as the 'sustainable utilization (of

wetlands) for the benefit of humankind in a way compatible with the

maintenance of the natural properties of the ecosystem' and

s u s ta in a b le u t i l i z a t i o n was de fin e d as 'human use of a w etland so

that it may yield the greatest continuous benefit to present

generations while maintaining its potential to meet the needs and

aspirations of future generations'. These borrowed on the

definitions from the WCS. The critique raised by economists on the

definition of the conservation in the WCS (see Chapter 2, section

2.2) also stands for the wise use concept. This criticism has

centred on three aspects*

1. the approach is man-centred;

2. benefit and greatest continuous benefit are not defined;

3. trade offs and valuation issues are not considered sufficiently.

In addition, it has been acknowledged that , wise use involves the

promotion of national wetland policies. For that, six guidelines were provided (Convention of Ramsar 1988, p. 132):

'1. a national inventory of wetlands; 2. identification of the benefits and values of these wetlands; 3. definition of the priorities of each site in accordance with the needs of, and socio-economic conditions in, each country; 4. proper assessment of environmental impact, before development projects are approved, continuing evaluation during the execution of projects, and fu ll implementation of environmental conservation measures which take full account of the recommendations of this process of environmental assessment and evaluati on; 5. use of development funds for projects which permit conservation and sustainable utilization of wetland resources; 6. regulated utilization of wild fauna and flaura, such that these components of the wetland systems are not over exploited.

When detailed policies are being established, action should be taken on:

1. interchange of experience and information between countries seeking to elaborate national wetland policies; 2. training of appropriate staff in the disciplines which will assist the elaboration of such policies; 3. pursuit of legislation and policies which w ill stimulate wetland conservation action, including the amendment as appropriate of existing legislation; 4. review of traditional techniques of sustainable wetland use, and elaboration of pilot projects which demonstrate wise use of representative national and regional wetland types.'

However, the conference considered that these items were rather

brief. As a result a working group was established to give more details on the national wetlands policies. It has presented a firs t

proposal for the coming conference to be held at Montreux,

Switzerland in 1990 (Smart 1989). Five sets of actions are proposed:

1. improve institutional and organizational arrangements; 2. address legislation and government policies; 3. increase knowledge and awareness of wetlands and their values; 4. review the status of, and identify priorities for, all wetlands in a national context; 5. address problems at particular wetland sites.

The Regina Conference argued that in DCs wise use can be achieved by maximizing the area of wetland protection. But in LDCs, wise use needs the integration of wetland management with rural development. 2.3.1.3. Creating nature reserves

Article 4 requires contracting parties to 'promote the conservation of wetlands and waterfowl by establishing nature reserves on wetlands, whether they are included in the lis t or not, and provide adequately for their wardening'.

However, the concept of nature reserves and national parks has been borrowed from the DCs. They have emphasized preservation and conservation of plants and animals and have applied this in the context of LDCs (Lehmkuhl and Upreti 1988). Nonetheless in many of these countries large rural communities depend on the exploitation of wetlands resources (Maltby 1986). For the Contracting Parties of the Ramar Convention, this was apparent in the reformulation of the criteria. In addition natural reserves were found not insufficient on their own to protect wetlands for two reasons (Hollis 1988).

First, development project outside the nature reserve or national parks can threathen the ecology of wetlands through for example the damming of rivers. Second, the denial of rights for local communities to exploit the resources of a wetland may lead these

s either in times of drought or on a continuous basis, to use these resources illegally and therefore to over-exploit them. Therefore, he advocated the adoption of a multiple use strategy based on a sustainability with the involvement of local people. Evidence from protected areas of other natural resources suggested the same conclusion. Such example comes from Chitwan National Park in Nepal where economic development of local people was included in the management of the Park. These were allowed to collect grassland products to meet their vital needs. In turn, this has elucidated positive attitudes from villagers who start 'to realize that the Park is a valuable needed source of managed resources that are not so easily, or not at all available elsewhere' Lehmkuhl and Upreti

1988, p.148). Infield (1988) found the same response from rural community towards a local conservation area in Natal, South Africa.

He argued that 'the most and the least westernized households tended to be positive towards conservation, suggesting the influence of a traditional concept of conservation' (p.21). In the same way,

Harcourt et aK (1986) found no difference in public attitudes to w ildlife and conservation in Tanzania, Rwanda, Brazil and the USA.

However, materialistc justifications for the conservation of protected areas predominated in Rwanda and Tanzania.

In summary, thinking about the conservation of wetlands has improved from species concern (MAR Conference 1962 and MAR Project

1960s), to habitat concern(Ramsar Convention 1971, Hei1igenhafen

1974, Cagliari 1980 and Groningen Conference 1984) and fin a lly wise use concern (Regina Conference 1987).

This development of ideas has been reflected in the Cagliari and

Regina criteria for the identification of wetlands for international importance. It has also been apparent in elaboration of the wise use concept. Initially this was thought as the guarantee for wetlands conservation. However, the concept was only considered within a protected areas framework. But, with more LDCs joining the convention, this has become more and more apparent that conservation with the meaning of preservation was inadequate for these countries in which many rural communities were directly dependent on living resources from wetlands. In Regina, a definition of wise use and its requirements was provided. But, this definition has lim itations in the same way as the WCS concept of conservation. It was also apparent that the formation of nature reserves in LDCs would not be the appropriate solution for conservation from impact of external development and the local communities in or around protected areas.

A multiple use of wetland resources approach with local people p a r t ic ip a t io n was advocated f o r LDCs. T h is is a s ig n if ic a n t improvement for LDCs where local socio-economic importance is recognised in addition to ecological values. The*next section moves to discuss local people's participation in relation to wise use.

2.3.2. Local participation in the wise use of wetlands

As for sustainable development, participation of local people in nature conservation projects was seen as one of the most important elements in the wise use and management of wetlands (WCS 1980,

Regina Conference 1987, McNeely 1988). The WCS strategy urged local community involvement and consultation in decisions concerning living resources as well as the importance of the traditional knowledge in management (WCS 1980, section 13.4). In addition, building on the Ramsar Convention and Regina Conference, a conference was held at Leiden, The Netherlands in 1989 on the people's role in the management of wetlands. The conference stressed the importance of participation of local people in all aspects of wetland management. It stated that wetland conservation cannot achieve wise use without the. participation of local people. To promote participation in conservation projects, Oakley (1989) provided an approach involving two issues. First, it has to be based on p e rsu a sio n and u n d e rsta n d in g and n o t s im p ly on s h o rt term incentives or even coercion. Second, it has to be based on local people sharing in the explanation of the causes of degradation and identification of options for solution(s). Blaikie (1985) recognised

that the problem resides in considering resource degradation as a

physical problem requiring technical solutions regardless of

econom ic, s o c ia l and p o l i t i c a l fa c to r s . In th e same way, Zanen and

de Groot (1989, p.4) proposed a concept of participatory

collaboration defined as the '"shared design" of projects in the

implementation of which the local people contribute without coercion

or full compensation (because the project has sufficient direct

benefits for the contributors)'. They defined "shared design" as the

one in which 'the local people exert a substantial influence in

defining the problems, proposing optionsfor solutions etc'.

However, these definitions did not show how local people can

participate. For that, a more useful definition of Wolfe (quoted

from Goulet 1989, p .165) designates participation as 'the organized

efforts to increase control over resources and regulative

institutions in given social situations, on the part of groups and

movements hitherto excluded from such control'. In addition, Goulet

(1989) provided four types of classification for participation:

1. as a goal or a means, 2. according to the scope of the arena or field in which it o p e ra te s, 3. participation's originating aqent (top-down, bottom up, and third party change agents) 4. moment at which it is introduced (diagnosis of the problem, options to be taken, organizing for the- implementation of the course of action chosen, the several specific steps in implementation, self coercion or evaluation in the course of implementation and, debating the merits of further organization).

These definitions and approaches are helpful to the understanding of

participation. But, the very minimal literature on wetlands for this aspect shows that, participation is still largely induced by decision makers from the top as for the case of Community

Development Units in Zambia (Chabwela 1988). A1ternatively, wise use and participation already exist as in the Sian Ka'an wetlands in

Mexico where the density of population living from wetlands resources is very low (800 inhabitants within an area of one m illion acres) (Ornat 1988). In the latter case, it seems that local people are already using the system in a sustainable way. However, when conflicts do exist and participation is generated from the bottom, the local community could change the balance of power and gain access to a higher level of decision making. The construction of the

Itaparica dam in northern Brazil is a case in point (Goulet 1989).

Rural people living on the banks of the river were allowed to gain access to the negotiating table through their unions. This in turn has gained the affected people benefits and entry to a higher level of decision making. As Goulet noted (p.174), 'popular organizations have brought ethical rationality to the bargaining table , joining their voices to those representing the technical and political rationality .of elite decision makers'. Other examples of environmental movements which have had an impact on local community position in decision making can be found in Redclift (1987).

In contrast to Simon's (1989) combined approach (top down and bottom up), Goulet suggested a bottom up self-initiated participation. This was seen as more appropriate for the empowerment of th e lo c a l com m unity. The top down approach co u ld have limited success since it is subject to the local elite's influence.

Goulet remarked, it usually aims at extracting some resource input from the populace. A third catalyst agent for the 'conscientization' of local people could stimulate participation (technician, researcher etc.). Its role is destined to disappear once powerless people organize and start to make demands. Therefore, a third agent is also a promoter of bottom up approach. However, in all cases the q u a lity and e ffe c tiv e n e s s o f p a r t ic ip a t io n depends on th e moment (as defined above in the typology of participation) local people enter the process (Goulet 1989).

For wetland conservation, the promotion of participation is likely to be related to the existing conflicts between the users and the decision makers. This study w ill contribute to the discussion of the wise use and participation issue in Tunisia from a case study of a

Ichkeul wetland in Tunisia (chapter IX).

This chapter has elucidated the new idea of sustainable development which has emerged as a substitute to economic growth and also economic development. It has reviewed the lim itations of sustainable development. For wetlands, sustainable development was equated with the wise use approach. Especially in the context of LDCs, it has been shown that the success of this approach w ill depend on the participation of local people which according to Goulet (1989), would have lasting effects when it is induced by community self-interest rather than imposed from above. However, supporting evidence for these new ideas are s till weakly developed in the literature of wetland conservation. Field tests of these ideas are s till rather limited. This study w ill discuss these issues (wise use and participation of local people in the management of wetlands) in the context of Tunisia and from the case study of Ichkeul wetland.

Before that, the next chapter w ill review the history of development and natural renewable resources in Tunisia in order to give an economic and political context to wetlands conservation. Chapter III . DEVELOPMENT IN TUNISIA

In this chapter, past environmental degradation in Tunisia is investigated with special emphasis on the French era whose legacy has largely influenced the development and conservation issues of independent Tunisia. Then, development after independance in relation to the objectives of development plans in 1960s, 1970s and

1980s is reviewed. Renewable natural resources are discussed in the context of the agricultural sector. The objective is to show the nature of development thinking and natural resource conservation and the problem(s) encountered with this kind of thinking.

3.1. The inherited environments Some major historical periods in the shaping of the natural environment

Human influence on the environment in Tunisia was likely to have started with the arrival of the Phoenicians and especially the

Romans. The widespread deforestation to expand agricultural land and supply the shipping industry has been repeatedly documented

(Paskoff 1985, Warmington 1960, Murdock 1959). The deforestation process largely took place in the Medjerda catchment (Paskoff

1985). This is the most important river in Tunisia and it is situtated in the north. This deforestation resulted in severe erosion and sedimentation of many wetlands. A few examples w ill illustrate the situation. The once flourishing harbour of Utique which was situated at the mouth of the Medjerda delta is now 12 km inland (Graham and Ashbee 1887, Paskoff 1985). A different example is the Lake Tunis which was rapidly separated from the sea (Paskoff

1985). It had been largely open to the sea 3,000 years ago but an advancing string of coastal dunes isolated the lake from the sea during the XVth or the XVIth century. The large material supply from soil erosion discharged by the Medjerda river allowed the process of this isolation to be faster than under natural conditions. Andre

(1953-, quoted from Zaouali 1976) e stim a te d th a t 200 sq km o f th e marshes and Lake Ichkeul have been fille d since Roman times. In addition, ruins on the shores of lake Ichkeul and Bizerte pointed to the existence of fishing activity (Spratt 1846, Bonniard 1934).

A fte r a p e rio d of r e la t iv e s t a b i l i t y (Roman, B iz a n tin e and A ra b s), a

.r major destruction of vegetation cover occurted in the 11th century

A.D. The monarchy of the Zirids reoriented its allegiance from the

Fatimids in Egypt to the Abbasids in Baghdad. The retaliation of

Cairo was the sending of hundreds of thousands (200.000 reported by

Ibn Khaldoun, quoted from Chakroun 1989) of bedouin tribes (Beni

H illal and Beni Soulaim) over several centuries. This was disastrous for the Tunisian urban settlements and the country side (Knapp,

1970). Vegetation was destroyed and overgrazing converted pasture lands to barren semi-desert (Murdock 1959). However, their impact was said to be limited to the south (Lacoste 1966). The likely results would be the continuation of sedimentation of wetlands.

The French colonisation in 1881 exacerbated the existing environmental problems. Land and water were regarded as very important assets to expand and maximize agricultural exploitation.

The French displaced natives from the most fe rtile land to marginal sloping areas and into the remaining forests (6.000 farming settlers were established on 800.000 ha which was about l/5th of the cultivated land (Despois 1961, Gallissot 1978, Perkins 1986). The displaced people continued cultivation on the sloping areas, used

the forest for firewood and building matrial and the lower

vegetation for grazing. Consequently, erosion has been exacerbated.

In addition, the reclamation of forest continued as illustrated in

'the battle between vineyard and forest...' (Berque 1962, p.39)

especially in the Cap Bon

were nationalized. Delimitation and registration followed suit (by

1950 30,000 ha were registered and 56,500 were going to be

included). The right of natives to use the forest was recognised but coupled with repressive measures (Chakroun 1989). In 1885, the

Water Act, which was revised in 1920, "nationalised" water resources. According to El Amami (1984), this was a major break with the local practices of water use and maintenance of waterworks.

Water became a cash commodity and labour had to be hired for the maintenance of waterworks (formerly only labour or draught animal were exchanged). Consequently, traditional water structures

(hillside lakes, reservoirs, terraces, bunds, etc) were neglected and farming practices became cash oriented with a limited variety of crops. This situation has led to increased erosion, decreased watertable recharge and a threat of salinization. To further their grip on water resources, a policy for the construction of large dams was proposed by a French engineer (J. Coignet) at the turn of the century (Baduel 1985). The policy consisted of the channflLlization of watercourses to alleviate the effects of flooding and the mobilization of surface water for:

1. production of hydro-electric power;

2. industrialisation and the mecanisation of agriculture;

3. irrigation and;

4. drinking water for urban centres. For that, 37 sites for dams were defined on the major rivers

(Medjerda and tributaries, Nebhana, Zeroud, Merguellil, etc)

allowing the mobilization of 2,300 m illion cubic metres. Only three

were completed before independence (two on the Medjerda tributaries

and a third on Oued el Kebir).

The dismantling of traditional practices was not limited to water use and maintenance of waterworks but also to farming practices and

marketing. The large estates which were instituted were supported by

loans from banks to introduce a high level of mechanization (Berque

(1962). He reported that, 4,000 tractors and 750 combine harvesters

were sold in Tunisia from 1920-1930; new seeds less adapted to local

conditions (El Amami 1975b), were provided and a ready market

e x is te d in France. As a r e s u lt , th e socio-econom ic and

environmental situation was changed. The situation was summarized by

Berque (1962) who considered that, the introduction of new

techniques wore out the soil, dropped the yields and caused

disturbance in the relationship between man and the soil. He added

th a t, c o lo n iz a tio n which sought to win to o much and too^ q u ic k ly , made its technique ruthless to the realities of the natural milieu.

Wetlands were affected by the new development introduced by the

French through continuous sedimentation but also by direct

intervention. 4-5 sq km of the marshes of Lake Tunis were fille d

and the sewage system was directed to the lake. A canal (10m deep

and 45m wide) was dug to. allow navigation to the "inland" Tunis harbour and this hampered the movement of water by separating the

lake into two basins. Salt plants were then constructed. As a result the area of the lake shrank, pollution was aggravated and the

p ro d u c tio n o f f is h d e c lin e d (P askoff 1985 and K ta r i e t al_. 1977). On

the lower reaches of the Medjerda, large scale drainage works for

agriculture took most of the great marshy delta (Hammerton 1959). A

canal (10m deep and 1-1.5 km wide) which was dug in 1892 between the

seashore and lake Bizerte (Bonniard 1934). This accounted for a

major transformation of the ecology of lake Bizerte (from brackish

to salty) and lake Ichkeul (from fresh to brackish). The local

fishing harbor situated on a former channel has since lost its

importance. The m ilitary importance of the naval base on the new

channel and the growing commercial traffic became the priority

(Resal 1892, Bonniard 1934).

In summary, degradation of natural renewable resources (Forests, soil, water and wetlands) has been continous throughout the history

of Tunisia. First, forests were reclaimed for agricultural extension

to satisfy the growing needs of the Cathagenian and the Roman impire*. Then, for political reasons, the Fatimids in the 11th century A.D. sent thousands of nomadic bedouin from Egypt to

Tunisia. These by heavy grazing of their numerous flocks "destroyed vegetation cover. However, with the arrival of the French, the degradation extended to traditional structures and practices. Land was expropriated to introduce large farming systems, forest and water were nationalised, large scale structures for the mobilization of water were devised, central authority strengthened, local people marginalized and old practices in agriculture and water use were denied. The repercussions on land use and natural resources were detrimental. The expansion of farming and the concentration of displaced farmers on remaining forests, pastures and agricultural land resulted in widespread erosion problems, forests shrunken from the estimated 3 m illion ha 2000 years ago to 1,250,000 ha by the end of the 19th century and to a mere 400.000 ha in 1956 (Chakroun

1989). The impact on wetlands of sedimentation, diminishing water supply, drainage and pollution was exacerbated.

The marginalization of local people, the introduction of 'modern' techniques in farming and the large scale mobilization of water seem to be the main caracteristics of the French period in agricultural development from which the independent Tunisia has taken over. The next part of this chapter discusses development after independence and how the imbalances introduced in the French period in the wider socio-economic arena and in agriculture were tackled.

3.2. Development after independence

At its independence <1956), Tunisia ..was faced by a number of socio-economic and environmental problems. These are summarized below (Despois 1961, Laconte 1965, Le Fevere De Ten Hove 1965,

Dulieu 1965, Knapp 1970, El Amami 1984, Perkins 1986):

1. P o p u la tio n a. Tunisian population grew from 1.5 to about 3.8 m illion during the

colonial period (1881-1956) with a 2.7/i annual growth rate

(including non Tunisians). 50/i of the population were under 20

ye a rs. b. 75% were illite ra te with few educated ones having technological

s k i 11s. c. Urban settlers increased from 23% in 1921 to 32% in 1956 with

most of the cities located along the eastern coast. 2. Regional and economic problems a. There was an imbalance within regions (urban versus rural) as

well as between regions (north east and central eastern coast

versus north west, centre west and south). For example, 40% of

agricultural products came from the Medjerda valley, all citrus

from Cap Bon and nearly all oil olives from the Sahel of Sousse

and S fax.

b. There was also an imbalance between sectors of the economy.

Agriculture was providing 70% of GDP and employement. There were

about 1.3 m illion employed in 1956, 72% of them in the primary

sector (agriculture and mining), 8% in the secondary sector

(industry) and 20% in the tertiary sector (services) but

unemployment was widespread. A substantial population did not

enter the cash economy. The infrastrusture was in a skeleton form

(roads, h a rb o rs and p u b lic b u ild in g s ) .

3. Human activities and natural disruption a. The traditional agricultural and pastoral practice, marketing,

water use and artisanal activity were largely disrupted. b. Erosion due to continous clearing of forests and overgrazing was

exacerbated and extended to once non degraded agricultur'al zones.

This was particularly true in the concentrated, over-used and

inappropriately cropped land of the northern east and the coastal

areas. Wetlands sedimentation and pollution were expanding.

Faced with these problems, Tunisian decision makers sought to address development d iffic u ltie s by adopting programmed planning. 3.2. Development from the 1960s

Tunisian development can be subdivided into three decades. In the first one, a 'ten year perspective' comprised a three year plan from 1962 to 1964 followed by two four year plans (1965-1968 and

1969-1972). The 1960s' plans were set up within a socialist ideology. The second decade was one of a liberal development economy. A four year and a five year plan were set up (1973-1976 and

1977-1981). The 1980s continued the liberal economy and it was based on two five year plans (1982-1986 and 1987-1991). Tunisia is running into its seventh plan of economic and social development as it has been called since the 1960s. These plans are basically economic plans as can be seen from Table 3.2.1 which presents the objectives of the three decades.

T a b le 2>.2.1. Objectives of the three decades of development planning

Decade Objectives

1960s 1. d e c o lo n is a tio n 2. reform of the economic structure, 3. human development (education, training, employment, e tc ) 4. self development implying investment from mainly internal resouces.

1970s 1. a c c e le ra te economic grow th, 2. accelerate investment level to promote new industries to generate employment and wealth, 3. resolve progressively unemployment problem through demographic, educational and training planning, 4. consolidate the financial situation by encouraging domestic saving and maintain external debt within an acceptableievel.

1980s 1. prom ote employment, 2. alleviate regional imbalances, 3. reduce the balance of payments deficit and external debt within tolerable lim its

Source: Republique Tunisienne (no date) Plan Triennale (1962-64), Plan Quadriennal (1965-1968), IVe Plan de Developpement Economique et Social (1973-1976) and Republique Tunisienne (1982a, 1987a) Apart from decolinisation which was completed by the end of the

firs t plan, the objectives of the three decades are very similar.

The over-riding problems are those of unemployment, regional

imbalances and a balance of payments deficit. Therefore, the study

w ill briefly review the achievements of each decade in relation to

these three objectives. A fu ll analysis of these plans can be found

in Findlay (1984), Perkins (1986) and Guen (1988).

The main achievements of the firs t decade were in the social sphere

(education, training and health), building the infrastructure of the

country and the promotion of new industries among the most important

of which was tourism. But, the failure to reform the economic

structure into cooperatives was detrimental especially in the

agricultural sector. In this sector, reforms were particularly difficult. It was not simply a transfer of agricultural techniques

to traditional farmers but bringing about a profound social change

inspired by decision makers deeply influenced by western values and

training (Knapp 1970). Small farmers were reluctant to form

Cooperatives and the plan collapsed when large land owners opposed

collectivisation with the support of the many small holders. But,

'because the agricultural sector at the heart of the Tunisian

economy did not provide enough jobs for the steady and rapidly

growing population, many rural Tunisians left the countryside in

search of employment in factories in the cities. The high profile

capital intensive projects of the 1960s gave rise to the image of a

burgeoning, industrializing economy, but they created relatively few

new jobs. Consequently urban unemployment posed a growing problem'

(Perkins 1986, p.132). External debt was multiplied 4.6 times from

1961 to 1971 and re p re s e n te d 15% o f th e v a lu e o f e x p o rts . The balance of payments deficit increased from 67. of the GDP in 1961 to

12.3% in 1967, then down to 2.4% in 1971. But, the improvement was due to increased oil exports (4.7 m illion TD in 1966 to 31.5 m illion

TD in 1971) and tourism (1.6 m illion TD in 1961 to 53.8 m illion TD in 1971) (Guen 1988).

The end o f th e f i r s t decade was c h a ra c te ris e d by ever grow ing unemployment, a widening gap between coastal and hinterland areas and a reduced deficit in the balance of payments.

The solution in the 1970s was seen as the reorientation of the economy from a socialist perspective to a liberal economy. Foreign investment was encouraged through new legislation, new industrial activities and tourism was expanded. Investment was raised from 20% of the GDP in 1971 to 317. in 1981. As a result, a 6% growth rate in

GDP was realised (against 6.6% in the plan) and 164,000 new jobs were created between 1974-76 alone (Ministry of Information 1978).

T h is was coupled by a c o n tin u in g demand f o r la b o u r in th e European market. In 1965 there were 52,000 Tunisians in France and this number had doubled by end of the decade to become 200,000 during the

1970s. The recession, which followed the 1973 oil crisis, slowed down m ig ra tio n to France, b u t i t has been p a r a lle le d by an in c re a s e in la b o u r demand from th e Libyan economy 38.000 T u n is ia n s were reported working in Libya in 1975. As a result, remittances from migrant workers has substantially increased. Oil revenue has more than trebled between 1972-1974 for the same volume of exports

(Banque centrale de Tunisie 1981). Oil revenue constituted, in 1981, more than half of the value of exports (646 m illion TD). The balance of payments was in surplus from 1977 to the end of the fifth plan. But, regional imbalance continued to widen because investors

preferred to locate their industries along the coast especially

around Tunis where the supply of skilled workers and access to

European markets were the easiest. As a result, 907. of all new jobs

created in the 1970s were in these areas. This compounded

unemployment in the hinterland and promoted migration to the cities

and abroad (Perkins 1986).

However, as noted by different authors (Blum 1979, Findlay 1984,

Perkins 1986 and Guen 1988), the positive outcome of the decade was

largely attributed to oil revenue and favorable international conditions despite setbacks in agricultural exports to the EEC from high tariffs and other restrictions. The relative prosperity of the 1970s was ephemeral since the 1980s showed increasingly difficult trade conditions with a rising cost of imports and a

fa llin g export revenue (Blum 1979).

Resuming the situation of the economic development of the 1970s,

Findlay (1984) considers that, by choosing an extrovert economy

Tunisia 'appears to have chosen to pursue an economic course dependent on the vagaries of international markets and foreign capital, rather than based on integrated internal economic development of the human and physical resources which lie within its own control' (p.238). This view is shared by Perkins (1986) who suggested building a more sophisticated industrial sector (such as engineering concerns, food processing factories, or medium tech industries) that would have better served the interest of the

Tunisian economy in the long run rather then the many businesses of textile and clothing employing workers with minimum skills which only give sizable and rapid profits to the investors. El Amami

(1984) regarded the traditional water management employing local material, labour and knowledge more beneficial to local people and the economy. He argued that it could lessen migration instead of large scale river damming and irrigation.

During the third decade oil prices declined sharply, the foreign labour market was shrinking and some workers started to return. It has been reported that 30.000 Tunisians returned from Libya following the political row between the two countries in 1985 (Guen

1988). Unemployment was hard to overcome in the former plans. The a d d itio n a l demand f o r jo b s was ever in c re a s in g (315,000 in th e

1960s, 445,000 in the 1970s and about 664,000 in the 1980s). To g e n e ra te maximum o p p o r tu n itie s f o r employment, th e re was an em phasis on moderate growth of consumption which would result in a sustainable increase of domestic saving and a reorientation of investment into productive sectors which would generate labour demand. However, by the end of the sixth plan the problem worsened.

Only 200,000 jobs were created out of the proposed 270,000 in non-agricultural sector and only 142,000 of the proposed 205,000 in the agricultural sector. The imbalances between regions was aggravated since most of investment continued to be made in the coastal areas. The growth rate was the lowest, 37. against a proposed

67., and 5.27., in the 1960s and 6% in the 1970s. From a surplus at the end of the 1970s, the balance of payments went into deficit and worsened between 1985 and 1986 from 491 m illio n to 650 m illio n TD.

The external debt, which was 491 million in 1985, passed to 650 m illion representing 50% of the GDP. The current seventh plan (1987-1991) proposed 3.8% annual growth and has allocated more imvestment to agriculture (20% against 16% in sixth plan) which has to produce 6.1% growth. However, as Guen

(1988) argued, the reorientation of agriculture to export to a

European market striving to cut surplus in agricultural products is not realistic. In addition, the reduction in investment proposed in the plan w ill inevitably further the problem of unemployment and regional imbalances. He added, there seems to be an assumption that, first the balance of payments has to progress then the other problems can be tackled.

Moreover, when the projections are contrasted with the results of half of the period of the plan (1987,1988 and part of 1989), many d ifficu ltie s can be seen. The 1988 yield of cereals was only 300,000 tonnes while the 1989 yield is estimated to 400,000-600,000 about half of a normal year's production (MEED 1989b). This was because of the drought in these two years. The seventh plan also proposed that

70% of the additional employment, about 240,000, w ill be absorbed while leaving the entire existant jobless untouched. In 1988, 15% of the active population was estimated to be unemployed while the growth in GDP was only 1.5%. It is also expected that Tunisia w ill become a net importer of energy by 1990 (MEED 1989b). On the positive side, tourism has made a substantial improvement. In 1988 it reached a peak of 3.5 m illion visitors (1,467 m illion US dollars) against 1.9 m illion in 1987 (667,2 m illion US dollars) (MEED 1989a).

The drought of 1988 coupled with an exceptional year for tourism has g iv e n t h i s s e c to r s t r a t e g ic im portance. The income from to u ris m was mainly used to buy cereals (MEED 1988 and Bedding 1990). In summary, development in Tunisia was largely economic during the three decades although the firs t decade was more concerned with social issues (education, health, standard of living etc) and with the building the country's infrastructure. The three main objectives of the three decades (creation of employement, alleviation of regional imbalance, reducing the balance of payments deficit) were largely unachieved. The failure of collectivisation especially in agriculture put an end to this approach to development. The 1970s and 1980s were thought to bring prosperity. Increasing oil production and revenue, a fast developing tourist industry, and favorable international conditions of the 1970s alleviated the unemployement problem and brought surplus in the balance of payments. However, it failed to reduce the widening regional imbalances. In the 1980s, the favorable international conditions and o il product reversed. Unemployement rose again to 157. of the active population (official figure) and the balance of payments deficit got to an unprecedented deficit by the end of the sixth plan. It is s till worsening. However, even though the liberal approach was hailed as the solution for Tunisia's problems by decision makers, some workers acquainted with the country's conditions considered the approach too risky. They argued that Tunisia has to look with its own internal human and natural resources to develop itself in an integrated way. Without disagreeing with this statement, the next section discusses development in the agriculture sector in order to get insights into degradation of natural renewable resources. 3.3. Agriculture and renewable natural resources

Throughout the three decades, agriculture was seen as one of the key sectors in the development of Tunisia. It had to achieve:

1. food self sufficiency, through a continous reduction of food

imports and an increase of food exports in terms of quality

(value added) and quantity, thus, contributing positively to the

balance of payments through the food trade balance;

2. improvement of the standard of living by reforming the

agricultural sector and creating opportunities for employment.

Consequently, this would have lessened the rural urban migration

and re g io n a l im balance.

After three decades of agricultural development, these two objectives were largely unachieved. This can be seen from the continuing decline of food trade deficit (Table 3.3.1) and the increasing total and urban population (Table 3.3.2) reflecting the failure of the agricultural sector to cope with increasing food demand and r u r a l m ig ra tio n .

Table 3.3.1. Food trade balance during the three decade

IV th p la n Vth p la n V lth plan 1962-1972 1973-1976 1977-1980 1981 1982-1986 e x p o rt MTD 33,0 7 4 ,2 81,8 115 126 import MTD 29,8 77,8 141,3 215 282 balance MTD +3,2 -2,8 -59,5 -100 -156

Source: Plans de Developpement Economique et Sociale of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, Agriculture et Peche. Table 3.3.2. Evolution of urban population

total population rate of growth percentage of the population in urban areas

1956 3 ,7 8 3 ,1 6 9 1.87. 28.77. 1966 4,533,351 2.37. 39.67. 1975. 5,588,209 2.57. 47.57. 1984 6,966,173 2.67. 52.87. 1986 7 ,4 8 3 ,2 0 0 ------53.07. 1989 7 ,900,0 00 ------59.27.

Sources INS 1985 and M in is te re de 1 'Equipem ent e t de 1 'H a b ita t 1985 1989 data are a f t e r MEED 1990b

This failure may be attributed to the prevailing French values after independance and the declining investment in agricultural development as discussed below.

3.3.1. Prevailing French values in agricultural development

3.3.1.1. Uncertainties over agricultural development

The main purpose of cooperatives in the 1960s was to further extensive farming systems and intensive farming applying new techniques of farming, machinery, fertilize rs, and new seeds. These twin approaches have been the corner stone of French farming. In the

French period, there were even attempts to educate natives to the new techniques (e.g. Smindja school farm in central Tunisia) and to group them later into cooperatives (Berthault 1928). According to

Despois (1961), colonialism shows that the land can produce more than it used to, under traditional farming. Agriculture has been developed after independence in line with this thinking. However, the extension of large farming systems would only have been possible with the adherance of small farmers to the cooperative ideal. But, as explained in section 3.2, the plan collapsed because th e c o l le c t iv is a t io n p ro ce ss was opposed by th e mass of sm all farmers. The liberal economy of the 1970s and 1980s has restored private ownership but it did not overcome the increasing food deficit. This is inspite of the fact that there was a continuous increase of planned agricultural output - 117. in the fifth plan, 157. in the sixth plan, and is proposed to increase by 277 in the seventh plan - and rural unemployment because of the fast growing population

(Table 3.3.2).

The hydraulic sector saw a continuation of the the French legacy for large scale water mobilization and irrigation. This was because of the perceived unreliabi1ity of the agricultural sector because of recurrent droughts and the commonly held view that water which reaches the sea or wetlands is wasted. Three Master Plans for water resources, for the North, Centre and South, were devised from the early 1970s. According to these master plans, water distribution is based on three priorities: urban, safeguard and development needs

(Chaker 1978). The policy to maximize water mobilization has been translated in the construction of 18 dams since independence. In addition, 21 dams and 1000 h ill lakes are expected to be included in the next development plans (MEED 1989c). As a result, irrigation grew from 145,000 ha in 1976 to about 257,000 in 1986 and is expected to reach 300,000 ha by 1991. In addition, the level of intensification is planned to pass from 807 in 1986 to 977 in 1991.

Irrigation has gained a priority position in the agricultural sector. The 57 of the estimated 5 million ha of agricultural land that is irrigated accounted for 327 of total production and 207 of employment in 1986. But, the pressure on water comes also from the fast growing urban centres and tourism. Urban demand is expected to increase by 47 per annum in the Vllth Plan (4.37 in the Vlth Plan) but this water has to be transported from west to east and from

north to as far south as Sfax. This is due to the concentration of

population on eastern coast (Table 3.3.3). Eight of the eleven major

cities of the country are situated on the coast.

Table 3.3.3. Tunisian population per region in 1984

North East 34.27. N orth West 15.57. Centre East 20.77. C entre West 14.57. South East 9.47. South West 5.77.

T o ta l 64.37. Total 35.77.

Sources V llth Plan of Economic and Social Development (1987-1991)

Tourism which is developing fast (100,000 beds in 1986, 105,756 in

1987,and 109,756 in 1989 with an occupation rate of 62.2 V. and

119,000 in 1991) is demanding a 2.57. annnual increase in water

(Vllth plan 1987). But this demand is likely to almost double

because the Tunisian government is intending to raise the number of

beds to 200.000 by the turn of the century (Bedding 1990). It has

been estimated by El Amami in 1975 (1975a) that the summer

consumption of the 30 swimming pools of the Cap Bon hotels was half

of the quantity of the irrigated citrus plantations of the Hammamet

area. Sethom (1979) noted for Cap Bon where water is already a

problem with about 187 of the irrigated citrus orchards abandoned in

the 1960's, tourism developed at the expense of agriculture.

However, according to the estimated water resources, Tunisia can

expect severe water shortages by the year 2,000 (Arab British

Commerce 1989). In th e same way, Chaker (1978) noted th a t, T u n is ia has the double characteristic of being the most urbanized and the poorest in water resources in the Maghreb. Faced with this dilemma and the fast tourist development, it is very likely that the pressure on water will grow faster than in the past for the satisfaction of competing needs of development sectors.

3.3.1.2. Development of irrigation and participation

After the nationalization of water resources in 1885, .the French realized that irrigation cannot be extended on a large scale without the involvement of local farmers. The French also sought to foster their grasp on water usage. For that, the "Syndicats d'Arrosage" were formed in 1896 in the oasis of Zarzis in the south and later extended to other parts of the country. In 1920, the "Associations

Speciales d'Interet Hydraulique" (A.S.I.H) were added. Farmers could voluntarily join the organisations. In 1933, the "Groupements d'Interet Hydaulique" (G.I.H), consisting of a number of

"Associations d'Interet Collectif" (A.I.C), were introduced but unlike the A.S.I.H, these were imposed. This latest group was another step in the strengthened of the state authority over the farmers. After independence, the same legislation was applied and the Water Act of 1975 has maintained G.I.H and A.I.C. As former legislation, Article 23 of the Act recognises only a water use right but not a property right of local farmers. In addition/ because maximum economic return per cubic meter of water was of a major concern, the state can oblige farmers to align with agricultural plans (article 25). The formation of "Offices de Mise en Valeur

Agricole" from the 1950s was another aspect of the state intervention in rural activities. It reflected the limited or unsuccessful participation of farmers (Baduel 1985).

A study in central Tunisia in the Sidi Bouzid region (Attia 1985) compared public irrigation schemes funded by the state and private farmers who autofinanced wells on their fields. It showed that the former were making a net profit of 230 TD/ha (207 of household income) and the latter 600 TD/ha <637 of household income). There was a general disinterest of farmers on irrigation schemes in waterworks maintenance and water use economy. However, before the

1960s, these farmers on public and private land formed pastoralist communities which have been settled to adapt to new technologies.

Those who have developed wells were successful while those who were on irrigation scheme have failed. In the first case farmers autofinanced and have control over the techniques used, in the second case, the project was financed and controlled by the state in all aspects of production and farmers were alienated by a technique over which they have no control.

In the same way, El Amami (1984), illustrated in the Plain of

Kairouan, the efficiency of tradition practices related to irrigation in terms of socio-economy and ecology when compared to large scale water mobilization and irrigation schemes. From the south (El Hamma of Gabes oasis), Valensi's (1977) study of the lo w e rin g o f w ater ta b le le v e l of th e o a s is came to th e same conclusion. He argued, that, what he has called 'water societies' have wisely regulated the use of water without state intervention.

Accordingly, he noted that the level of water table was a social phenomena and not a natural one. The social organization developed in the oasis has produced its own rules of conservation. In addition, Vincent (1983) in a Medjerda scheme near Tunis and a recent study of Thomas (1989) in the Ghezala scheme or "Ghezala

Peri metres" in North Tunisia found that farmers were not even complying with the objectives of the scheme. The state did not intervene according to the Water Act to align them with these objectives.

Sim ilarly, Badual (1985) evaluated Hydraulic development in Tunisia since the 1960s and concluded that rural development in Tunisia was largely based on technological choice in response to demographic and economic constraints coupled with a more centralised decision making. This has deprived the development of Tunisia of the participation of local people who could have stayed to work the land and contribute to a harmonous rural development.

3.3.1.3. Forestry development and participation

As for water resources, the marginalization of local people was institutionalized in forestry. The 1959 law on forestry regime was a collection of former legal texts from the colonial period and was replaced by the 1966 Forestry Act. The aim was to conserve and develop forests which have been considered a national heritage. In this respect, Chakroun (1989) remarked that, the policy was a failure in this field. The main reason was the repressive aspects of this act which was retained from former legislation. The local people living in the forests were considered as the main cause of degradation. Being landless, they fe lt unconcerned with forestry programmes which were thought to entail more restriction and diminution of grazing areas. The establishment of the 'Office

Sylvo-Pastoral du Nord Ouest' in 1982 did not overcome this problem.

Consequently, Chakroun argued that, a solution could be found in the involvement of local people in the conception of an agro-sylvo-pastoral project and the development of artisanal activities. For that, their organisation into groups of "collective interest" was seen as very important and has been formulated in the

1988 F o re s try Act ( a r t i c l e 43) (JORT 1988a).

However, one reported success was a project of grazing (620 ha) in the Sedjenane area. The project, which started in 1956, has the objective of exploiting the climatic and soil conditions of the area but with the fu ll participation of local people. They were organised

into an elected committee which has been monitoring the lim itations of grazing plots and has been deciding on the respective group of users (Kassab 1980).

3.3.2. Decline in investment in the agricultural sector

Even though agriculture was considered a key element in development,

its priority declined throughout the first 20 years, with a slight gains in the 1980s (Table 3.3.4). This stems from the concern to correct the imbalance between sectors inherited after

independence and to the priority given to industry and services to provide jobs.

Table 3.3.4. Investment in agriculture, industry and services during the three decades of development.

Agriculture Industry Services Total and f is h e r ie s MTD 7. MTD */. MTD 7. MTD

1962-64 112.3 41.6 5 4 .6 20.2 103. 0 38.1 270.0 1965-68 119.0 31.3 128.6 33.8 132.4 34.9 380.0 1969-72 98.9 14.8 211.5 31.7 358.2 5 3 .5 668. 6 1973-76 196.8 12.5 585.2 37.0 797.0 51.5 1,579.0 1977-81 584.0 12.9 1 ,8 3 9 .0 40.5 2,115.0 46.6 4,539.0 1982-86 1,3 8 0 .0 15.5 3 ,4 5 4 .0 38.9 4 ,0 5 1 .0 45.6 8,885.0 1987-91 2,000.0 19.2 2,331.0 32. 1 5,069.0 48.7 9,400.0

Notes: The IVth Plan (1969-1972) value in industry include also mining and energy. Housing, building infrastructure and tourism are included in the sercvice sector and food manufacturing industries in agriculture in all plans. MTD: M illion Tunisian Dinar In contrast to declining investment, a retrospective review by the

Ministry of Agriculture (1980) of the 1960s and the 1970s agricultural development exposed two major worries for the future.

First, agriculture has to feed a population of 10 to 11 m illion by the year 2000 within a fin ite agricultural land area estimated at 5 m illion ha and fine water resources of 3,809 m illion cubic metres.

It was estimated that in 1980 an active person in agricuture was feeding 7 persons but this would have to increase to 12 persons by the end of the century. Table 3.3.5 illustrates the trend of deterioration of the feeding capacity of the country.

Table 3.3.5. Some basic food resources per inhabitant 1959-1986

1959 1969 1979 1986 wheat (kq/inh) 131 67 109 63 barley (kg/inh) 51 16 43 17 olive oil (kg/inh) 12 11 14 14 . sheep (nb/100 inh) 97 na 68 42 cattle (nb/100 inh) 15 na 9 4

Total population 3,905,200 5,027,000 6,238,000 7,555,2 00

Source: Guen 1988.

Second, land degradation is threatening the long term sustainability of production in terms of quantity (area) and quality (yield/ha).

To face these problems, the report proposed several measures. Among them, four were of great significance:

1. to reform central and regional authorities reponsibilities. The

priority activity of central level would be to define the

general orientations of agricultural policy, conception, control,

and evaluation of development projects. Regional authority would

be prim arily concerned with the implementation of the proposed

programmes; 2. to encourage a fu ll participation of farmers;

3. to intensify land production per hectare;

4. to define a policy to protect natural resources (water, soil and

vegetation).

However, focusing on the last point, the report implies that there were no environment policies in Tunisia. But, investigation into investment in agriculture, shows that there are two main domains which seem to be closely related to natural resource conservation.

These are Forestry, and Soil and Water Conservation (SWC) (Table

3 .3 .6 ) .

Table 3.3.6. investment in hydraulic, soil and water conservation (SWC) and forestry sectors in three decades (1960s, 1970s and 1980s)

1962-1972 1973-1976 1977-1981 1982- 1986 1987--1991

MTD 7. MTD 7. MTD 7. MTD 7. MTD 7.

H y d ra u lic 80 24.2 4 5 ,0 22.8 253,8 43,6 594,6 43.1 720 3 6 .0 F o re s try 60 18.1 15, 1 7 .6 43,8 7 .5 114,8 8 .3 133 6 .7 and SWC

Source; Republique Tunisienne (no date) Plan Triennale (1962-1964), Plan Quadriennal (1965-1968), IVe plan de Developpement Economic et Social (1973-1976), Ve plan de Developpement Economic et Social, Republique Tunisienne (1973, 1979, 1980, 1982a, 1982b> 1987a, 1987b). Note; all prices are in contempory values In addition, Table 3.3.6 compares the hydraulic sector (priority sector) with forestry and SWC. The highest level of investment in natural resource conservation was in the 1960s (187.) and since then, it has declined to reach its lowest level of 6.77. in the Vllth plan.

This level also represents one of the lowest levels of investment in agriculture during the same period. It seems that decision makers in

Tunisia have looked to nature conservation as a sector with minor significance for development. Moreover, when the programmes in forestry and SWC are analysed, it becomes apparent, that these were developed mainly to provide rural population with temporary work

(Grissa 1973, Ecole Nationale d 'Administration 1974 quoted in Baduel

1985).

The objectives of these programmes are conservation of natural resources, production and the socio-economic development of rural areas. Nonetheless, Grissa (1973) found that in the 1960s, the two programmes (forestry and SWC) were based on few studies and more importantly with no involvement of local people in the forests or on agricultural land. This had led to the widespread neglect of the maintenance of SWC works. Compounded with the in a b ility of the state to afford the cost of maintenance, these were swept away in the 1969 flo o d s .

Aware of the 1960s' mediocre results, the 1970s sought the solution in the integration of the two programmes (forestry and SWC programmes). Temporary work for the rural population and growing concern at sedimentation of reservoirs were maintained. In addition, recreational and forestry reserves, as well as National Parks, were created. The protected areas were aimed at nature conservation and education (IV and V Economic and Social Development Plans). However, regarding the programmes of forestry and SWC, Kassab's (1980) evaluation was startling. He found that these programmes were largely unaccepted by local people. They have deprived these populations of large areas where they used to graze animals and/or cultivate crops. Some of this population was displaced from the plains during the French period and the programmes of the Ministry of Agriculture have disrupted the life style they have developed in the mountainous areas. With little income from temporary work and with less and less income from their traditional activities, many of these rural people were left with the only choice of migration to the cities or abroad. These programmes have done exactly the contrary of what they were aiming for, namely the maintenance of local people on their areas by maintaining or increasing their e a rn in g s !

The VI and V llt h p la n s co n tin u e d on th e same lin e s . However, th e

Vlth plan stressed again the integration of forestry with SWC and the development programmes. However, simultanously, a new directorate for SWC was created in 1983. As seen in section 3.2, the

1980s were also the period of exacerbation of the economic problems of the country due to a decreasing oil revenue. For that, the Vlth plan has given priority to employment and proposed the creation of

400.000 jobs in temporary work. This level was lowered to just over

120.000 jobs in the Vllth Plan. But, this plan introduced two new aspects. First, employment in rural areas is no more considered as the p r in c ip a l means b u t one of th e means o f r u r a l developm ent. In this respect, it has been proposed to provide temporary holdings to landless people and that a closer cooperation has to be developed with local populations. Second, wetland protection was considered for the firs t time in a development plan. These two aspects, were also outlined in the last version of the 1988 Forestry Act (article

43 for the firs t and article 224, 225, 226 for the second).

Summarizing this chapter, development in Tunisia was largely seen as economic development. It has been largely influenced by the geographical divide between the coast and the hinterland. The location of the major industries and tourism along the coast is a reflection of that divide. The priority of the agricultural sector was depreciated for the benefit of industry and services. This has been strengthened by the failure of the socialist experience of the

1960s. The tourism boom has continued in the last 20 years and has gained in the last few years a strategic importance in the development process. This was due to the coincidence of the worst drought encountered since independence and also the declining importance of oil revenue. Tunisia is expected to be a net importer of oil in 1990 if new fields are not found (MEED 1989b). Most of the income from tourism of 1988 was redirected to buy food for the country (MEED 1988). A similar situation has occuned in 1989

(Bedding 1990). However, agriculture has gained slight importance in the 1980s because of concern about the future for the 10 to 11 m illion Tunisians at the turn of the century and of a growing food trade deficit. However, recurrent droughts, such as those in the

1980s (1980, 1983, 1988 and 1989), population increase, and tourist boom made competition for water very pronounced. The state through the three master plans of the north, the centre and the south is in te n d in g to m o b iliz e th e maximum of w ater re s o u rc e s in th e fo rm of run off and/or ground water with desalinisation programmed for the south. These master plans are looking to mobilize 95'/ of runoff water by building 21 dams, 200 reservoirs and 1,000 h ill lakes especially in the north. However, past experience has showed that these programmes can advcrs-ely affect adversely large sections of the ecosystem and require a high social commitment. In addition,

Tunisia has to rethink its agricultural development because of degradation of its environment where 3 m illion out of the 5 m illion ha of agricultural land are threathened by erosion (Moussa 1989).

It has been amply proved that the traditional exploitation system has to be reconsidered (El Amami 1984, Valensi 1977) and participation of the rural people promoted. In this respect the next chapters are going to built on this argument for wetlands in

Tunisia and especially for the case study of Ichkeul wetland. CHAPTER IV. FUNCTIONS AND BENEFITS OF TUNISIAN WETLANDS

4.1. Introduction: Background information on Tunisian wetlands

4.1.1. Threats

In a study by the U.S. National Park Service <1980) made to collect

information on the status of the environment and natural resources

of countries which receive U.S assistance, six major environmental problems were defined for Tunisia. These are (p.i):

'1. the loss of agricultural land, existing or potential, through erosion caused by damaging cultivation practices and inadequate management of floodwaters;

2. the degradation of range and forest lands through uncontrolled grazing, extraction of fuelwood, and erosion that follows removal of the vegetation cover;

3. the overcrowding in urban centers, caused by migration of people fleeing the deteriorating situation in the countryside, and producing problems of pollution of the public water supply and spread of diseases related to poor sanitation;

4. the industrial pollution, apparently so far limited in extent, but noted as factory effluents are discharged into the Lake of Tunis and the refinery at Bizerte and the numerous factories in Tunis lower air quality in the region;

5. the potential of increasing groundwater salinity by saline irrigation waters percolating down to the water table; and

6. finally, the lack of adequate protection for native flora and fauna, thus impoverishing the national and global pool of genetic resources.'

In the same context, Posner (1988) defined specific factors which affect wetlands in Tunisia. These include activities affecting water levels (dams and drainange of marshland for cultivation), changes in water quality (abnormal inputs of seawater, chemicals from agricultural use, sewage, chemical waste), actions reducing wetlands areas (cultivation of edge zones and reclamation for urban extension). However, Posner subdivision is not realistic because

activities which are affecting water levels are also affecting

wetlands areas, cultivation at the edge of wetland can be

b e n e fic ia l f o r both lo c a l people and w a te rfo w l (Hughes p e rs comm),

the classification of abnormal input of seawater (saltpans) in the

same way as chemical and sewage pollution is an aberration. A more

appropriate classification of the threats to wetlands would be:

1. reclamation of wetlands for other uses (Agriculture, urbanism,

and tourism);

2. construction of dams affecting water level and even dessication

of wetlands;

3. all forms of pollution including pollution by aquaculture;

4. sedimentation from erosion;

5. over-exploitation from overgrazing, overfishing and over cutting

of reeds and other vegetation.

The effect of these threats differ in term of magnitude and time

scale. It can be quick and "disastrous" for wetland ecosystem as

with dams, drainage and large input of chemical pollutants. It can

be slow as in the case of sedimentation and overgrazing.

4.1.2. Institutional responsibilities for wetlands

Wetlands in Tunisia are administered and managed by different

authorities. The Ministry of Agriculture has three directorates which are administering, managing or exploiting wetlands. The

Department of Fisheries (CGP) through its offspring the Fisheries

National Council (ONP) exploits coastal wetlands of importance for

fishing and the National Research Institute on Fisheries and

Oceanography (INSTOP) undertakes studies on fish biology, pollution, stocks and fishing methods. The Directorate of Forestry controls hunting on wetlands as well as administring the Ichkeul wetland which is gazetted as a National Park (chapter V). Ichkeul is the only protected wetland in Tunisia. North Lake Tunis was a bird^ reserve but it has been deleted for development (Posner 1988). The

Directorate of Water Resources control pollution in rivers. The

Ministry of Public Health and the National Council for Sewage

Treatment (ONAS) also have similar functions. The Ministry of

Economics issuesauthorisations for salt exploitation and other mining industries. In addition, Municipalities have authority over wetlands within their constituencies. In 1988, a new agency for environmental protection (ANPE) was t>egw set to share responsibi1ites for wetlands protection. However, it seems that the fragmentation and the overlap of responsibilities does not help in addressing the threats to wetlands.

4.1.3. Legal aspect on wetlands protection

A number of legislative texts are concerned with wetlands. These include the Water Act (1975), Forestry Act (1966 and 1988) and regulations on discharges in wetlands and others (1985).

According to the 1975 Water Act, wetlands are part of the

"Hydraulic Public domain" (article 1). The domain includes rivers, reservoirs, springs, groundwater table, lakes and sebkhas, aqueducts, wells, canals (navigation, irrigation or drainage).

Article 10 forbids the deposition of solid waste and actions which can affect the structure of the wetlands and the flow of water.

A rticle 111 forbids the deposition of dead animals and article 114 protects wetlands from liquid pollution. This act is strengthened by the 1985 Decree on the regulation of liquid and solid waste disposal. However, the Water Act, article 52 authorises some activities after permission from the Ministry of Agriculture (e.g. dredging and canalisation of river beds).

The 1966 Forest Act was only concerned with National Parks and natural reserves (article 58 and 59). In contrast, the 1988 Forest

Act provides article 207 and 208 for the protection of nature, and fauna and flora. Article 208 stipulates that, projects affecting wetlands should be submitted to prior studies to assess the consequences. Article 209 to 217 are concerned with the protection of fauna and flora. Article 218to 223 are on National Parks, natural reserves and recreational forests. Article 218 defines

National Park as an 'ecosystem...which is little or non transformed by human exploitation or occupation and where vegetation species, animal species, geomorphological sites and habitats provide a special interest from scientific, educational and recreational aspects and where the landscape is of great aesthetic value'. In addition, the 1988 Forest Act provides a definition of wetlands

(article 224); makes provision for the protection of their flora and fauna (article 225); forbids the deposition of pollutants or any toxic waste; but allows fillin g and drainage of wetlands for the

"national interest" after permission from the Ministry of

Agriculture (article 226).

Although, the 1988 Forest Act was significant in that it addressed nature conservation and wetland issues explicitly, it is still largely permissive allowing economic development to prevail over conservation as was the case for the 1966 Forest Act and the 1975

Water Act (Chaker 1978). It is s till largely a "Police" legislation rather than cooperative legislation. Nature conservation is s till equated with the preservation of fauna and flora within the realm of

National Parks, natural reserves and recreational forests. The definition of National Park needs improvement to include "wise use" or rational utilization. It can be defined as 'an ecosystem where habitats presenting scientific, genetic, aesthetic, educational, recreational and geomorphological interest should be "wisely used" with the cooperation with local people'. In the same way, the three articles on wetlands conservation should be strengthned with more articles directed to the "wise use" and participation of local people. But, probably the most aapropriate solution would be to devise a "Wetland Act" with the compilation of the existing legislation as the starting point

4.1.4. Inventories and classification of Tunisian wetlands

The firs t inventories on wetlands were the result of International

Waterfowl Research Bureau (IWRB) annual counts of waterfowl (Smart

1976) or ornithologists (Morgan and Boy 1982). However, these have covered a limited number of wetlands and are confined to waterfowl habitats. In the same way, and inspired by IWRB lists of wetlands, the firs t report on wetlands (Ministry of Ariculture 1977) presented

72 wetlands for the period 1967-1977. Many of these were" temporary wetlands. In 1981, a second report from the M inistry reported more than 65. These included, only wetlands having an area of 50 ha to

500,000 ha. Posner (1988) listed more than 100 permanent and temporary wetlands. He counted 7 large marine lakes and more than 30 salt lakes (sebkhets and chotts), several freshwater wetlands with at least one permanent (Dar Fatma peat bog). And lately, Hughes

(1990) in her inventory of Tunisian wetlands counted 239 including

25 dams. However, she admitted that the inventory was concerned with wetlands of 10 ha and more, included only 3 marine wetlands, only areas with several springs and not.individual ones and only

main oases. Hughes work with its lim itations highlighted furthermore

the lack of basic knowledge on wetlands (number, categories,

caracteristics, functions and aspect of conservation).

Concerning the classification of Tunisian wetlands, Hughes (1990)

appljed Scott's system (1989) for Ramsar sites. This system is based

on three groups of wetlands namely, marine and coastal wetlands,

inland wetlands and man-made wetlands.. The firs t group is subdivided

into 10 types, the second into 13 and the -third into 3. These

groupings are differentiated on the basis of genetic origin, water

quality, frequency of water presence and vegetation. However, in the

Tunisian context, this classification can be supplemented by

information which can be drawn from the vernacular names (Table

4 .1 . 1).

Table 4.1.1. Vernacular names of Tunisian wetlands

Ain : Spring Bhira: Deep coastal lake connected to the sea (lite ra lly bhira means a smal1 sea). Chott; Hypersaline inland lake formed into a depression. It occurs in semi arid and arid mediterranean climate. Garaa : Brackish or fresh lake and not deep (around 1m deep). Generally occurs in humid or sub-humid mediterranean c lim a te . Gdira: Temporary small wetland which forms after rainfall. Oasis i A place where ground water is near or at the surface mainly through presence of springs. The climate is arid and or saharian (desertic) Oued : river or river bed, generally the rivers in Tunisia are dry except for a few in the north (e.g. oued Medjerda and oued Kebir near Tabarka). Sebkha: Salt marsh or very shallow salt lake. The climate is mainl.y arid or semi arid.

Note: Sebkha, Garaa, Bhira, Gdira become Sebkhet, Garaat, Bhirat, and Gdirat when they are use with a name such as Graat El Ichkeul.

The definitions of Table 4.1.1 suggest that there are six

characteristies which are embedded within vernacular names. These

include water depth, water quality, seasonality, width and depth, relation to the sea and bioclimatic Dr geographical position

(north, centre or south) and may indicate the type of vegetation to be present. For instance, Garaa is generally found in the humid or subhumid zone of North Tunisia, they are mainly fresh water wetlands, when they are temporary they occur during or after the rainy seasons of autumn and winter, they are therefore shallow and have no link or an indirect link to the sea. Garaa can form in the centre or the south after flooding or if they are situated near a spring or springs.

In summary, Tunisian wetlands are subject to threats from drainage, dam construction, pollution, sedimentation and overuse. However, the scattered responsibilities for wetlands within several ministries and departments as well as the permissive legislation allowing activities incompatible with wetlands conservation seems to indicate that wetlands are going to be degraded further in the future. This problem is compounded when the knowledge about wetlands in terms of number, size, past and current status, rate of loss, benefit and functions are not fu lly acknowledged. As a contribution for a more appropriate appraisal of Tunisian wetlands the next part of the this chapter discusses the benefits and functions of " Tunisian wetlands and assesses the state of knowledge of Tunsian wetlands. 4.2. Current functions and values

4 .2 .1 . Wetlands as fish habitat

4.2.1.1. Fishery value

According to the activities of the National Fisheries Council (ONP), there-are six wetlands where fishing is permanent (Garaat Ichkeul, lake Bizerte, Ghar El Melh, lake Tunis, lake Khniss and Bhiret El

B ib a n e ).

The fish caught in these wetlands originates from the sea (Heldt

1948a, H e ld t 1948b, Z aouali 1975, Lem oalle and v id y 1981 and 1983).

For Lake Ichkeul Lemoalle noted that, there must be a sufficient current of fresh water to the sea in order to attract migrating fish. However, this depends on the amount and distribution of rainfall in the catchment area of Ichkeul. In an earlier study Heldt

(1948b) attributed the decrease of the fish catches between

1928-1932 to the partial silting up of the Tindja canal which links

Ichkeul with the sea water of the Lake of Bizerte. He also reported

(cited in Bertin 1956, p.155) that an irrigation canal at Sidi

Daaoud (Cap Bon) emptying fresh water into the sea brought about a massive ascent of elvers (a metamorphosis stage of .eels). In addition, Bertin (1956) found that the penetration of elvers from coastal areas to lagoons or estuaries is always made in the direction of a decreasing salinity. Other species can be attracted by fresh or brackish waters but remain at the coast such as sardines

(Sardinel1 a aurita and S. maderensis). Gull and (1971) reported a yield of 20,000 ton/year of this species in the Nile Delta before the construction of the Aswan Dam (1966). This yield has dropped to

2,000 ton/year (Blackwelder and Carlson 1984). Similarly, Turner

(1977) demonstrated a positive relationship between the amount of coastal marsh and shrimp production for 27 locations between

latitude 0 and 35 degrees. In the Mediterranean, Figure 4.2.1.1 highlights the importance of wetlands to demersal catches (Guelorget

and Perthuisot 1983). This shows that high demersal yield (35-50

ton/km of coast) corresponds to hihgly productive wetlands (80-150

kg/ha/year). In Tunisia, the record 3,500 ton of shrimp in 1983

caught in the gulf of Gabes pointed to a possible relation of this

exeptional yield with the 1982 floods in the region of Sfax (Ben

Khemis 1984).

However, according to the lis ts from ONP, only about 36 species are

known to frequent Tunisian wetlands. These are also found in

abundance. For example, Table 4.2.1.1. illustrates the importance of eels and mullet in the catches of Lake Ichkeul. In addition, Zaouali

(1975) found for the same lake that, species like A. angui11a, M. cephalus, M. remada, Dicentrarchus 1abrax, Barbus barbus, Solea

solea and Alosa fallax are caught regularly every year. Whereas, others such as Aphanus fasciatus, Synqnathus abaster, Enqraulis encrasicholus are not because of their small size. These are also found confined to the fresher part of the lake (Kartas and Zaouali

1990).

Table 4.2.1.1. Importance of mullet and eels in the landings of Lake Ich ke u l

m u lle t e e ls total fish V, m u lle t '/. e e ls (kg) (kg) (kg)

'“'iO n n n o N ye a rs X-X- i.i. 22 22 Mean 94,759 36,018 140,467 73.3 19.2 StDev 35,428 45,185 71,122 17.7 18.5 Max 166,104 160,969 310,879 9 6 .7 51.8

Min 46,651 73 57,533 41. 1 0 . 1 Q3 129,410 44,357 187,174 87.9 36.0 Q1 61,250 1,688 81,249 56. 1 2 .3

Note: 1962-1980 data (1969 missing) are after Lemoalle and Vidy 1981, 1981-1984 are after CGP annual reports. The limited number of species of commercial size in wetlands is explained by Guelorget and Perthuisot (1983) by what is called the

"confinement". This controls the distribution of organisms as well as features of living populations independently of salinity. It is described as the time of renewal with marine originated elements. A wetland with less communication with the sea would have less species but these would be found at a higher density. Therefore, the interplay between marine influenced part and continental influenced part of a wetland would be reflected in more species with less density for the firs t and vice versa for the second.

Guelorget and Perthuisot also noted that depth of a wetland is an important factor in the speed to "confinement". A separated shallow basin from the sea would reach confinement quicker than a deep basin. For instance, they relate the increasing rarity of some species in the Gulf of Amvrakikos in Greece to the beginning of

"confinement". This suggests that "confinement" acts on the species through the impoverishment of water of 'vita l elements' by (p.64):

'1. lim iting the extension of species for which there is a minimum level for one or several elements; 2. favourising the development of species for which exists a maximum le v e l beyond which these elem ents w i l l a c t as p o is o n s .'

However, whatever the explanation for the lim ited number of species in wetlands, the species caught are of commercial importance. But before proceeding to discuss this aspect the biological importance for some of these species is illustrated below.

4.2.1.2. Biological cycles of wetland dependent species

Among the species which have adapted to wetlands conditions are: A. anqui11a and M. cephalus and M. remada. The firs t represented 187 and the second 357. of the catches between 1976-1984 (mean annual Figure 4.2.1.1. Compared yield of demersal and fishing in wetlands along the Mediterranean coast

Source: FAO (1972) and Amanieu & Laserre (1981) quoted in Guelorget & Perthuisot (1983), p.72 yield) in Tunisian wetlands. A. anqui11a and M. remada are dependent on fresh or brackish waters. Whereas M. cephalus and other species of mullet, carp, seabream and seabass etc can stay at sea (Lemoalle and V idy 1981, F a rru g io 1973).

The two commercially important species of A. anqui11a and M. cephalus and especially M. remada are taken as examples to underline the biological dimension of wetlands in their life cycle.

A. anqui11a life cycle consists of three phases (dispersal, growth and reproduction) seperated by two metamorphoses (leptocephalus to yellow eel to silver eel) (Bertin 1956, Creutzberg 1961, Mckeown

1984). These phases are:

1. Phase of marine larvae (leptocephalus) dispersal lasts 2 to 3

years. Larvae are carried by currents from the spawning grounds

of the Sargasso sea to the coasts of Europe and the Mediterranean

over a distance of 4,500 km.

2. Once the larvae reach the continental shelf, leptocephalus

metamorphoses into elver. With their arrival at the coast, they

start their second metamorphosis. They reach the coast of Spain

in October, Tunisia in March or April and the Baltic Sea in May.

3. They enter brackish and fresh water wetlands where they complete

their metamorphosis. The contact with less saline water makes

their body successively charged with black and yellow pigment.

The appearance of the latter pigment indicates the end of many

months of fast. They start the growth phase (8 to 18 years). They

bury themselves in muddy or silty benthic environment of the

bottom of wetlands during the day and feed on mullet, worms,

and s lu g s by n ig h t.

98 4. Mature yellow eels become silver eel. The duration of the phase

of reproduction is s till unknown but this time they migrate

towards the sea where they are thought to return to the Sargasso

Sea f o r spawning.

The biological function of wetlands appear^inJtha completion of the second metamorphosis and in the phase of growth.-. The eels can not survive if brackish or fresh water habitat are not available.

In the same way mullet species (M. cephalus and M. remada) need wetlands for a part of their life cycle which consists of three phases (Heldt 1948a, 1948b, Farrugio 1973, Brusle and Brusle 1977,

V idy and Franc 1987):

1. Juvenile phase: shortly after hatching in the sea (estimated to

be a month), the alevins of mullet move towards the coast,

esti^ries, and fresh water or brackish outlets. Afterwards, they

migrate to wetlands.

2. Growth phase: During this period, alevin feed on micro and macro

benthic fauna and flora until maturity (2 years).

3. Reproduction phase: Once mature, mullet have to migrate to the

sea. Heldt (1948b) found that diseases which affected M. remada

and caused lower yields between 1928-1932 were directly related

to the silting up of the Tindja canal. The prevention of sea

water entry to Lake Ichkeul coupled with higher temperatures made

mullet prone to diseases. A similar scenario happened when large

amounts of fresh water was released from the Djoumine dam in

summer 1987. ONP was o b lig e d to c a tc h m u lle t in th e la k e in s te a d

of the fish traps (on the migration route) before the mullet

stock perished. However, it has to be noted that M. 1abeo was never encountered in wetlands. M. cephalus can live at sea and the female of M. labrosus

need wetlands only before their first maturity, after that this species lives for the rest of its life in the sea. However, without

the wetland phase the species would have problems.

4.2.2. Yield, value and productivity of fishing in wetlands

Since Tunisia is open to the sea on two sides (North and East) for

1,300 km, fishing has always been concentrated in the sea and

wetlands have been of minor importance in the landings (Table

4 .2 .2 .1 ) .

Table 4.2.2.1. Importance of pelagic, demersal, coastal fishing, fishing in wetlands and others in the total landings (yield and adjusted values to 1970 price) (1972-87)

P e la g ic Demersal Coastal Wetlands O thers (1)

n n i ‘/.Y ie ld 20.00 32. 14 41. 16 a -i- 1 4.49 /.Value 23. 16 9.54 49.65 4.05 13.60

(1): tuna, shellfish, shell, sponge and coral Note: values are adjusted to 1970 price according to Banque Centrale de Tunisie 1989, Table V II.1 (indice des prix de gros, indice general), p.55.

Since 1982, this importance has further deteriorated in terms of

quantity and value and attained its lowest yield in 1987 (Table

4 i L a 9 ^ ) a

100 Table 4.2.2.2. Annual importance of fishing from wetlands in the total landings

Y w (l) TF (2) 7.Yw(3) Vw (4) VT (5) 7.Vw(6)

1972 1. 0 33. 4 3.07. 0.36 7.98 4.57. 1973 1. 5 3 6 .9 4.27. 0 .7 8 8 .3 6 9.37. 1974 1. 2 4 3 .2 2.87. 0.43 9.77 4.47. 1975 1. 2 45.6 2.77. 0.59 8 .4 0 7.07. 1976 1. 0 49.1 2.0 0.39 12.12 3. 27. 1977 1. 6 53.7 3.07. 0.68 14.03 4.87. 1978 1. 5 55.0 2.77. 0.71 16.43 4.37. 1979 1. "7 57.3 0.78 18.56 4.27. 1980 1. 2 6 0 .2 2.07. 0.80 19.03 4.27. 1981 1. 3 5 7 .5 2.37. 0.85 17.04 5.07. n 1982 1. JL. 6 2 .8 1.97. 0.61 19.99 3.17. 1983 1. 2 67. 1 1.87. 0.61 24.65 2.57. 1984 1. 74.9 1.77. 0.97 29.60 3.37. 1985 1. 0 6 9 .0 1.17. 0.53 30.29 1.77. 1986 1. 0 9 3 .0 1.07. 0.65 35.12 1.87. 1987 0. 9 9 9 .2 0.97. 0.65 43. 50 1.57.

(1) Yw: y ie ld o f wetlands in 1000 to n (2) TF: t o t a l fish in 1000 ton (3) 7.Yw: V. y ie ld of w e tla n d s (4) Vw : y ie ld value of wetlands in mi 11 ion Tunisian dinars (5) VT: v a lu e o f total fish in million Tunisian dinars (6) ‘/.Vw: V. value of wetlands

However, when f i s h catches and their value in w e tla n d s

contrasted, 2 main points can be deduced (Fig ure 4.2.2. 1):

1. after fluctuating between 1972 and 1977 , the yield took a trend

of continous decline. In contrast, the trend for value was a

continuous increase;

2. 1977 registred the highest yield (1,600 ton) but not the highest

value (451 m illion TD). However, 1987 registred the lowest yield

(877 ton) but amounted for the highest value (754 m illion TD).

The in cre a se d v a lu e c o u ld be e xp la in e d by an in c re a s e in demand

for fish for the Tunisian and external market (Figure 4.2.2.2)

while at the same time there is stagnation and even decline in

production due the conversion of North lake Tunis to urban and

leisure area and the end of fishing at Sebkhet Kelbia. North lake

Tunis which used to produce 500-600 ton per year is converted to an

101 FIGURE 4.2.2.1 Evolution of yield and adjusted value of fish to 1970 price from wetlands

2000

1500

1000

500

72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 Years

— Yield in ton —I— Value in 1000 Dinars

Source: CGP Annual Reports Lemoalle and Vidy 1983

FIGURE 4.2.2.2. Evolution of the value of wetlands fish and total fish adjusted to 1970

VALUE IN DINARS PER TON 1000

800

600

400

200

72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 YEARS

-H— ADJUSTED V1 -5 - ADJUSTED V2

SOURCE: CGP and Central Bank, Tunis V1. Fish value from wetlands per ton V2. Total fish value per ton

102 urban and leisure areas. It produced 100 ton in 1987. Sebkhet

Kelbia did not register any fishing since the construction of Sidi

Saad dam in 1981. Fishing in this wetland was not made on the yearly basis and the latest yield is recorded for 1978 (98 ton).

In terms of contributions to exports, eels are probably the wetlands species which is exclusively destined for the external market. However, despite declining yields (Table 4.2.2.3), the species values has maintained some of its importance in export.

Table 4.2.2.3. Export of eels (1980-1988)

Y ie ld Adjusted Values to 1970 price (kg) (1,000 TD)

1980 309,785 299 1981 324,771 279 1982 143,400 119 1983 218,873 175 1984 190,100 162 1985 109,354 100 1986 158,629 149 1987 134,296 150 1988 137,246 190

Source: INS Annual Publication on External Trade Statistics (1980-1988)

As mentioned in the introduction, the catches in Tunisian wetlands are coming from six permanent wetlands. The contribution of these varies according to area and feeding conditions. Table 4.2.2.4 shows these contribution per lake.

103 Table 4.2.2.4. Individual contribution of wetlands to fishing

la k e la k e Ghar lake lake Bhirat B iz e r te Ichkeul El Melh Tunis Khniss El Bibane

No y rs 12 25 12 12 12 12 (1976-87) (1962-87) (1976-87) (1976-87) (1976-87) (1976-87) Mean(kg)100,500 147,328 76,277 430,027 9,588 361,463 Stdev 47,624 70,019 19,758 201,696 4,053 69,634 Max 200,404 310,879 113,600 643,534 20,412 503,650 Min 43,132 57,533 44,343 101,327 5,005 268,767 Q3 130,565 198,280 91,140 620,862 11,485 421,810 Q1 59,326 84,234 62,369 239,117 7,124 303,531

Source: CGP annual reports and Lemoalle and Vidy 1981

In addition, Table 4.2.2.5 shows that these wetlands (five out of six) have a higher productivity than the continental shelf.

Productivity is fluctuating from less than 2 kg/ha/year to about 100 kg/ha/year. Salty wetlands are the least productive. For the other wetlands, the lowest productivity is more than double that of the continental shelf where up to 60'/. of benthic fish, 75'/ of shrimp and alm ost a l l sponges a re caught (Ben Othman 1973). The b e st known productive wetland is North Lake Tunis.

Table 4.2.2.5. Productivity of wetlands and the continental shelf

Bizerte Ichkeul G.Melh Tunis Khni ss Bibane C.Shelf

1000 ha 15.0 9.50 3.00 4 .40 6 .0 0 30.00 7,730.0 kg/ha 6 .7 15.50 25.42 97.73 1.60 12.04 3 .0 0

Source: CGP annual reports and Lemoalle and Vidy (1981), Lemoalle (1987). The mean yield (23,000 tons for 1963-1965) and area of the continental shelf are after Gull and (1971).

A comparaison between these figures and those of other Mediterranean wetlands (Nador lagoon in Morocco, 6 kg/ha/year; Venise lagoon in

Italy, 149kg/ha/year; Ebro estuary in Spain, 172 kg/ha/year) shows that, the wide fluctuation in Tunisian wetlands is a characteristic of Mediterrannean ones. However, Guelorget and Perthuisot (1983) considered that, the real potential production could be measured using the best yield and that the current differences could be related to fishing effort. Therefore, the extrapolation of 150

104 kg/ha/year of the Italian and Spanish lagoons for 833,720 ha

Mediterranean lagoons would give a potential production of 125,000 ton/year. This figure represents double of the current yield.

Accordingly, 100 kg/ha/year (lake Tunis) taken as the best yield

(which is 50kg less than the mediterranean productivity suggested above) would give a potential productivity of 6,800 ton/ year for the estimated 68,000 ha of wetlands. This figure represents more than 4 times the best known yield of 1977 (1600 tons) and would boost the share of wetlands to 9.47. in yield and 17.57 in cash of

1987 total catches. However, these figures are hypothetical and need more scrutiny on differences between wetlands.

In addition, since the start of Vllth Plan, there is growing worry about the limited stocks in the sea (Nau et^ a l. 1987). Aquaculture was seen as the potential sector to be promoted to maintain with sustained growth in fishing (7.57. a year in the Vllth Plan) and/or to compensate for future declines in the landings (Missaoui 1988).

But, against this background, wetlands are losing their importance in fishing because of development itself (loss of lake Kelbia because of dams and North lake Tunis for urban extension). This decline, is likely to continue since lake Ichkeul is also threatened by dams and lake Ghar El Melh w ill be transformed into a touristic area. According to Farrugio (1973) the lakes of the north are very important for mullet fishing. They are also important for eels as this species is mainly caught in the northern lakes. To compensate for wetlands loss and/or to boost future yield, CGP is considering the development of aquaculture (3,000 ton are expected by 1991 and as much as 9,500 ton if all the programme developed by

CGP in 1986 is implemented within the next decade) in wetlands and

105 reservoirs (large and small). 93,000 ha consisting of 4 lakes

(Bizerte, Babane, Ghar El Melh and Tunis) and 3 lagoons (Boughrara,

Hergla, Ras Dimas) as well as 20,000 ha of other coastal and inland sites were identified as suitable for aquaculture (Missaoui 1988,

CGP 1986). The coastal sites comprise:

1. Medjerda outlet into the sea

2. eastern coast of Cap-Bon (area of Korba) especially the range of

lagoons stretching along the coast

3. coastal area of Mahres (Sebkhet Borj-Onga) including the

intertidal area of Kneiss

4. coast of Kerkennah islands

5. coast of Sfax (Sebkhet Er-Rahi,a)

6. coast of Jerba island

7. coastal stretch between El Kantara and Zarzis

8. El Marsa site (after Lake El Biban)

In la n d w a te rs concern a l l dams (18 dams in 1989). E xperience gained by INST0P and 0NP in some r e s e r v o ir s between 1966-1976 has been successful but it was not followed up because of difficulties in marketing. Fresh water fish is not appreciated in the Tunisian market and it is d ifficu lt to sell in the external market. However, reservoirs produced 20 ton in 1980. Small reservoirs of 0.5 ha to

10 ha (12 in 1986) and up to 1,000 h ill lakes programmed for the next decade are also considered as well as a number of springs and reservoir in oases (Chenini, El Hamma, Kebili, Douz, Zaarane, Tozeur and Gafsa). Some of the oases contain species such as Mullet in

Kebili and Tilapia in Kebili and Douz (Kraiem 1983). Lastly, artesian wells are considered. There were 94 in the north, 85 in the centre, and 40 in the south in 1980. The experience of INST0P at

106 Akarit (near Gabes) although lim ited in scale, has proved successful

in rearing mullet and carp.

Three species were selected as priorities (mullet, seabream, seabass) by CGP (CGP 1986 and liissaoui pers comm). Shrimp, sole, eels, mussels and oysters were to have a lower priority. However, aquaculture depends on Artemia salina for fish nutrition. This macro-organism was found abundantly in a number of sebkhas in

Tunisia. In salines Artemia is responsible for the formation of high

quality salt by feeding on all types of particules in suspension

(Ben Abdelkader 1985). Nevertheless, Ben Abdelkader found that the exploitation of Artemia in sebkhas is d ifficu lt and suggested an easier exploitation in basins of salines. However, a study by Turki

(1986) in the salines of Megrine (South Lake Tunis) showed a yield of 2.670 kg (10-20 kg for a biotope in good conditions). This low production was related to predation, inflow of water from lake Tunis and to sgnificant fluctuations in salinity due to rainfall. As a result, it seems that, although 20.5 tons of Artemi a would be needed and that the external market for this species is not reliable (CGP

1986), the launch of any local production is not on the agenda.

However, despite these problems some industrial projects are under way (at least 16 projects are proposed) and they are likely to start production in 1990. Table 4.2.2.7 gives some information on three of these projects.

107 Table 4.2.2.6. Recent projects in industrial aquaculture

Site of the project Boughrara Djerba Hergla

Species seabream and seabass seabream, seabass and shrim p Investment (TD) 6,600 2,500 1,250 Expected yield (ton) 400 94 200 Expected value (10 TD/kg) 4,000,000 940,000 2 ,000,0 00 Destination export export e x p o rt

Note: these projects are funded by the private sector and Tunisian Kuwaiti Bank for Development (BTDK) Source: Missaoui pers comm and CGP (1986)

Moreover it has to be noted that, conchyculture (oyster) has been developed in Lake Bizerte (79 ton in 1976) for export. But, its commercialisation in an external market was d iffic u lt. It seems that this experience has been stopped. Aquaculture in Ajim brought 48,000

TD (6 tons) in 1987. The collection of shells in the intertidal zone of Gulf of Gabes is estimated at 1,500 to 2,000 ton in 1988 (Tarin

1988). There are thoughts of developing this activity and three sites between Gabes and Jerba have been considered.

In summary, even though fish and fishing are mainly confined to the sea, some of the commercially important species are found in abundance in wetlands (eels and mullet). Some others are less important in the landings but their commercial importance is high such as seabream, carp, seabass and sole. As habitat, wetlands are essential for all these species although some of them can stay at sea. The wetlands also support the marine ecosystem in particular the coastal one. The decline of pelagic fishing especially sardines in Egypt after building the High Dam in 1966 and the record yield of shrimp in the Gulf of Gabes just after the 1982 floods seems to point to the same conclusion.

Ironically, while some wetlands were or are going to be lost partly or totally because of development from dam construction, pollution

108 and reclamation for urbanism and tourism. It seems that there is a growing recognition of their fishing capacity. The awareness of the lim its to fishing in the open sea (857 of the benthic fish was e x p lo ite d in 1985) and th e grow ing demand f o r f is h p ro d u c ts has le d th e CGP to make an in v e n to ry o f n a tu ra l and man made w e tla n d s which could lead to the development of some projects. However, as aquaculture is technically sophisticated, costly and needs skilled staff and labour, most of the product is destinafced for export for profitability. But, some major problems remain unresolved. First, only some species (mullet, seabream, seabass and carp) can be grown. Other species such as eels, shrimps and sole are more difficult to rear. Therefore, the loss of Ichkeul will have detrimental effects on eel yields for example. Second, the former experience of ONP species such as oyster and freshwater fish has failed because of the unreliability of external market for the former and depreciation in the Tunisian market for the latter. The same problem exists since all these species are produced abundantly in some northern Mediterranean countries. Third, the nutrition for the fish is not available in Tunisia and the external market is not reliable. For instance, Artemia essential for the feeding of young fish is abundant in Tunisian sebkhas but exploitation is d ifficu lt.

Fourth, environmental assessment of the impact of waste from aquaculture was not investigated (Besbes pers comm from Centre

National d'Aquaculture), although evidence from well established countries with this activity such as the Scandinavian countries shows that the effects were detrimental on the wetlands and marine ecosystem (Folke and Kautsky 1989).

In contrast, fishing in natural wetlands is relatively simple and cheap and with no environmental impact. It needs a "bordigue" (fish

10 9 traps), nets and a few small boats as it is practiced in Ichkeul and

El Biban. The market is reliable since most of the fish used to be channeled into the internal market except for eels which are always e x p o rte d .

On one side there is the degradation and destruction of wetlands e capacity for fishing. On the other side there is simultaij[ous investment in costly aquaculture with unreliability of the market and an environmental hazard. This is probably a reflection of confusion in decision making stemming from division within ministries and between ministries as well as the state and the fragmentation of knowledge on wetlands.

4.2.3. Salt production

The second function which has direct economic benefit is salt production in wetlands (salines). This activity is mainly monopolized by "Companie Tunisienne des Salines" (COTUSAL). The bulk of production comes from three salines (Rades and Megrine,

Sahline and Tyna). Table 4.2.3.1. shows that yield of salt has been on the increase since the salts pans entered into production in

1948. The same trend can be seen for export and Tunisiarr market. In the 1980s about 857. of salt was exported. The production in the last two years is the highest. Export in 1989, exceeded the previous record by more than 100,000 tons and the Tunisian market registred its highest consumption rate. For this latter, the main customers are industry especially the paper factory of Kasserine and food processing which consumes about 60,000 tons. In 1989, industry acounted for 57,571 tons and salt for household use was8,452 ton

(Majeri pers comm from the Ministry of Economics). This activity generated 10 m illion TD direct income to the Tunisian economy and

110 Table 4.2.3.1. Salt production and value in the 1980s in Tunisia

T o ta l s a lt E xp o rt T u n is ia n m arket T o ta l V alue Number 1000 ton 1000 ton 1000 ton MTD of jobs

1948 105 172 8 1949 98 155 11 1950 94 86 18 1951 160 103 16 1952 93 85 16 1953 144 56 14 1954 165 74 15 1955 132 128 16 1956 132 78 16 1957 144 127 20 1958 160 139 21 1959 151 127 24 1960 165 90 24 1961 152 136 24 1962 175 152 22 1963 308 283 25 1964 214 184 10 1965 356 325 31 1966 328 295 32 1967 241 211 33 1968 355 326 34 1969 283 265 35 1970 245 208 37 1971 250 220 39 1972 330 236 41 1973 355 284 41 1974 244 252 44 1975 350 188 42 1976 285 280 42 1977 405 287 46 1978 420 346 46 1979 400 330 44 1980 436 265 51 1981 455 377 45 3 .0 1982 415 354 52 3 .0 514 1983 375 293 56 4. 1 ' 490 1984 415 275 55 4 .0 356 1985 405 323 62 4 .2 383 1986 450 356 60 6 .0 395 1987 425 336 62 6 .6 424 1988 485 266 63 6 .9 465 1989 480 467 66 9 .7 522

Note: For some years, the marketed salt is higher than the annual production and some other are less because salt is stocked and sold in later years. In this Table figures are rounded. Source: Files of the M inistry of Economics, Directorate of Mining employed more than 500 fam ilies.

4.2.4. Flood control

Tunisia is considered as a country fairly vulnerable to the flood hazard (Ministere du Plan et Finance 1987). In the last 20 years, at least 5 major floods have and 1973 floods concerned the whole country whereas the 1982, 1986 and 1990 floods were regional. The 1969 flood was the worst the country has known in this century. It claimed the lives of 500 people, 700,000 dwellings were destroyed or damaged and 300,000 people were made homeless

(Kallel 1974). Also, the damage concerned public buildings, communications, and agricultural lands which were made partly or c o m p le te ly u se le ss th ro u g h s e d im e n ta tio n o r e ro s io n . The damage was estimated at 12 ’/. of GDP (Ministere du Plan et Finance 1987). The

1982 flood was the worst on a regional scale. The town of Sakiet

Ezzit (Northern suburb of Sfax, the second largest city in Tunisia) was the most affected. 100 people were killed and 1,600 dwellings were destroyed or damaged. The January 1990 floods in southern and central Tunisia killed 30 people and, 21,000 livestock, and 38,000 houses and 307 schools were damaged. Roads and bridges were badly affected as were electricity cables, telephone lines and the drinking water supply (MEED 1990a, AED 1990). The cost of rebuilding the affected areas are 400 m illion TD (439 m illion US dollars) (MEED

1990a).

The causes of the floods could be related to three factors. First, to the torrential nature of rainfall in a Mediterranean climate.

Thunder storms occur especially in autumn (Gelabert 1974). In

Tunisia, 30-507. of rainfall (2,000 m illion cubic metres of runoff) could fall in less than 10 days (Ministere du Plan et de Finance

112 1987). Second, the lack of vegetation cover in the catchment areas, due to past and current deforestation, has led to widespread erosion and exacerbated runoff. Third, the encroachment of cultivation, urbanisation and communications on flood risk land

(Lohman 1985). The 1982 flood at Sakiet Ezzit is the case in point.

Upstream, the river which crosses the town was used for olive plantations and was urbanized further down.

In order to alleviate the problem of flooding a four year programme of research (1982-1986) was outlined between the Planning Ministry and the Royal Polytechnic Institute of Stockholm (Ministere du Plan e t de Finance 1987). The o b je c tiv e was to produce th e m a tic maps on flood susceptabi1ity which can assist in devising regional management plans. The study defined 9 rural zones and 141 urban centres susceptible to flooding. The agricultural zones are

( p . 19-20):

1. P la in o f Mateur

2. High Valley of the Medjerda

3. Lower Valley of the Medjerda

4. Plain of Mornag (Oued Meliane)

5. Oued R'mel (some areas)

6. Plain of Grombalia

7. Area of Great Sfax

8. Plain of Kairouan

9. Area of Hachichina-Oued Ouedrane (intertidal zone of Kneiss)

Among the 141 towns, 26 were highly susceptible, 54 moderately susceptible and 61 slightly susceptible to flooding. Tunis and the urban centres of the Sahel of Sousse were the most susceptible of

113 the 23 towns. 17. of the area of Tunisia (11,538 sq km) with 11,008

sq km in rural area and 22 sq km in industrial region and 257. of the

population 7.5 million in 1986 were found to be suceptible to

flo o d in g .

The principal reaction of decision makers to this unpredictable

threat of flooding is the construction of multi-purpose dams for

irrigation, flood prevention, domestic water and generation of

electricity. In 1989, five of the 21 dams included flood prevention.

In the North, Bir M'Cherga dam was contru.cted to provide domestic

water to Tunis and to protect the town from floods. Sidi Salem was

built to fu lfill the four purposes and Nabeur for flood prevention,

irrigation and electricity. In central Tunisia, Sidi Saad and El

Houareb are to protect Kairouan and also to provide water for

irrigation schemes. Another reaction, is the construction of flood

.embankments and canalisation such as the belt canal around Sfax to

drain flood waters to the sea.

However, the costly measures of -flood control alone are unlikely to

reduce flood disasters because the lack -of vegetation in the

catchment areas of rivers and urban extension into flood plains and

river beds are continuing as well as sedimentation of wetlands.

The importance of wetlands was im plicitly recognised especially in

the centre and to some extent in the south (Kallel 1974). The former

region only receive 20 V. of rainfall but witnessed the worst

disasters (e.g. Kairouan in 1969 and Sfax in 1982) (Ministere du

Plan et de Finance 1987). In the North, the rivers drained into

wetlands which are linked to the sea or discharge directly into the

Mediterranean. However, some rivers discharged into isolated

114 wetlands (e.g. Sebkhet Sejoumi and Garaat El Kourzia near Fahs). In the centre, most rivers discharged in a number of wetlands which have no connection with the sea (e.g. Sebkhet Sidi El Hani, Cherita,

Ennouel, Sidi Mansour, etc). However, exceptionally during heavy rains, Sebkhet El Kelbia through Oued Sed and Halk El Menzel lagoons

(or. Hergla) discharges into the sea. Five overflows were recorded this century (Hollis and Wood 1982). Unlike wetlands of the centre, only during rare heavy rains do rivers discharge to wetlands in the south (especially the large Chotts).

But as sedimentation has been a problem in Tunisia the storage capacity of wetlands has been reduced especially after a flood which can bring unusual amount of sediments. For instance, Kelbia's capacity to store flood water diminished from 392 Mm3 in 1933 to 270 million cubic metres in 1969 and was as low as 147 million cubic metres in 1979. Deposition was estimated at 82 m illion cubic metres between 1933-1969 and 67 m illion cubic metres between 1969-1979

(Hollis and Kallel 1986). In addition, unlike other wetlands, Kelbia can discharge to the sea through the deposits of the Plain of

Enfidaville (Hollis and Kallel 1986) which could be beneficial for irrigated agriculture from wells.

It may be said, that even though no estimation can be made to evaluate the benefit of wetlands as storage zones in Tunisia, they are playing some role in the alleviation of flood damage. By holding flood waters, they obviously desynchronize and lower peak flows, could recharge the groundwater table downstream (at least demonstrated for Kelbia), allow irrigation, collection of bivalves, waterfowl in winter and hunting (see section 4.2.6, 4.2.7 and 4.2.8 below). Accordingly, it seems that for the future evaluation of

115 flood control of wetlands, research has to be directed to:

1. evaluate or estimate the flood damage alleviation because of the

existence of the wetland for downstream communications,. urban

setlements, agricultural land and disruption of economic

activities;

2. evaluate or estimate the beneficial impact of water storage after

the flood (fish and fishing in the wetland and in the marine

ecosystem supported by the wetland, agriculture, grazing,

collection of bivalves and other benefits from or for w ildlife).

4.2.5. Bird and w ildlife habitats

It was in 1967 that annual counts of waterfowl in wetlands started

in Tunisia (Smart 1976). The counts are part of a regional programme for the monitoring of waterfowl populations in the Western

Palearctic and the importance of individual wetlands for these

species. Accordingly, an agreement was passed between the Ministry

of Agriculture and the International Waterfowl Reasearch Bureau

(IWRB). In 1977 a first report on wetlands by the Directorate of

Forest was presented at the Meeting of Experts on Mediterranean

Marine Parks and Wetlands held in January 1977, Tunis (Ministere de

1'Agriculture 1977). It stated that 72 wetlands were used by waterfowl. This number was related to the exceptional 1969 floods.

Four years later, a second report from the Ministry of Agriculture claimed that more than 65 wetlands were frequented by waterfowl

(Ministere de 1'Agriculture 1981). The wetlands investigated have an area between 50 and 500,000 ha and therefore small wetlands were dismissed. However, these reports were very descriptive and did not give details of the surveys in terms of coverage, quality of data t and problems and lim itations encountered. These issues were fuehrer

116 assessed in IWRB reports (Ruger et_ al_. 1986, Scott 1980 and Monval et a l. 1987). Ruger et al_. (1986) considered that data from north western Europe were more consistent (annual visits) and covered more wetlands than in the Balck sea and Mediterranean region. During the

17 years of inventory (1967-1983), visits were made in 90 7. o f th e period and in 30-407 of the wetlands in northern Europe. In contrast, these figures went down to 557. and 15-207. in the Black

Sea and Mediterranean region. Concerning the quality of data there were a lack of details from Black sea and Mediterrnean region. Scott

(1980) noted that, information gathered in southwest Europe and northwest Africa was far from complete. For the Maghreb, Monval et al. (1987) considered that, the lim itations of the inventory can be traced in terms of:

1. significant variation in climatic conditions from one year to

another which affected both waterfowl distribution and access to

sites. For instance 1981/82 was extremely dry in northwest

Tunisia and waterfowl concentrated on few wetlands, especially

Ichkeul. The following year was very rainy and waterfowl spread

over a large number of wetlands. Also, the 1969 and 1973/74

floods allowed several years with waterfowl on Sebkhet Kelbia;

2. change of ornithologists in the field which might have affected

errors of counts making cross annual comparison of sites and

regions d ifficu lt;

3. concentration of waterfowl on a lim ited number of wetlands which

might have le^d to misleading appreciation of some wetlands and

regional importance when mistakes on waterfowl numbers were made.

In addition, Monval et_ al_. (1987) showed that wetlands have been regularly visited since 1967 especially in Tunisia (Table 4.2.4.1).

117 Therefore, on the basis of the collected information they proposed a lis t of 37 wetlands to be visited annually. 32 of these are natural wetlands (Table 4.5.2.2).

Table 4.2.4.1. Characterics of waterfowl inventories (1967-1986) in wetlands in the Maghreb

Characteristics Tunisia Algeria Morocco

Number o f v i s i t s 542 262 245 hiqhest number 69 29 62 lowest number 9 4 1 Number o f years 6 7 without inventory

Adapted from Monval et_ a l . 1987

Table 4.2.5.2 also shows that the number of wetlands which are considred of international importance for waterfowl are increasing.

This denotes the evolution of the state of knowledge on wetlands in respect to wintering waterbirds since 1965.

118 Table 4.2.5.2. Wetlands (natural) of importance for waterfowl in T u n is ia

MAR lis t (1) Carp list (2) Monval et al. list (3) 1965 1980 1987

C ategory A: (4) 1. M edjerda E stu a ry 1. Garaat Mel ah Bhiret El Bibane 2. Lake Ickeul 2. S. Sidi Mansour Garaet Ichkeul 3. Sebkhet Ariana 3. Estuary Akarit Sebkhet Kelbia 4. Lake Tunis 4. S. El Hamma 5. Sebkhet Sedjoumi 5. G. Zougrata Category B: (5) 6. Sebkhet Kelbia 6. S. Mechguigue Ilots circumjerbiens 7. Sebkhet Sidi El Hani 7. S. Ennoual and intertidale zone 8. Sebkhet El Djem 8. Ghdir El Ghoul Complex Segui 9. Thyna Saltpans 9. G. Mabtouha Chott El Djerid 10. K neiss H ands and 10. S. K o u rzia Lake T unis Gabes Sfax coastline 11. G. Ich ke u l 11. Sabkhet Sidi Mansour 12. Zessar and Sebkhet Ennoual 13. S. Rherra 12. Chott El Fedjej and 14. S. La Fauconnerie Sebkhet El Hamma 15. G. Hadj Kacem 13. Chott Djerid 16. Kneiss Ilands 14. Bhiret El Bibane 17. S. Kelbia 15. Dar Fatma 18. S. Menzel 19. S. Halk el Menzel 20. Oued Sed 21. S. M etbasseta 22. S. Sidi El Hani 23. Sahline Saltpans 24. Thyna Saltpans 25. S. Moknine 26. S. Ariana 27. Lake Tunis 28. S. Sedjoumi 29. S. S id i K h lif a 30. Ghar El Melh 31. Kalaat El Andlous 32. Bhiret El Bibane

(1) and (2): Proposed1 lis ts of wetlands of international importance as waterfowl habitat. (3): IWRB proposed list of sites to be visited yearly for waterfowl counts (Monval et al_. 1987) (4): Sites of major importance for the conservation of European waterfowl population. (5): Sites of less importance for waterfowl but require conservation.

In terms of species importance in these counts Table 4.2.5.3 shows that 80 7. of the inventory (1967-1986) is constituted by Anas penelope, Aythya ferina and Fulica atra. Also, they form about 507 out of the 587 (307 in Algeria and 127 in Morocco) of the Tunisian share of the in North African waterfowl population. Accordingly, two thirds of the north African population (71.37) and 247 of the

119 Black sea and Mediterranean region are found in Tunisia. Concerning species importance in the Maghreb, 507. of the north African population of Anas penelope (55,000-70,000), 90% of Aythya ferina

(37,000-48,000) and 62% of Fulica atra (50,000-130,000) are counted in Tunisia. The importance of Tunisian wetlands is further highlighted when two of the three species which are showing signs of decline in the western Mediterranean and Black Sea (Anas penelope,

Anas acuta and Fulica atra) (Ruger et^ al_. 1986) are found in Tunisia in large numbers namely, Anas penelope and Fulica atra.

Table 4.2.5.3. Percentage of Anas penelope, Aythya ferina and Fulica atra in the inventory of Tunisia, North Africa and Black Sea and Mediterranean.

Y. T u n is ia 7. North Africa 7. Black Sea-Medi terranee 1967-1986 1967-1986 Means o f la s t 5 ye a rs (1)

Anas penelope 21.1 12.3 13.4 Aythya ferina 28.0 17.6 7 .6 Fulica atra 30.3 17.6 3 .0

T o ta l 79.4 47.5 2 4 .0

(1) Black Sea and Mediterranean figures are calcualted after Ruger et al. (1986), Table 3, p.7 are based on means of last five years counts regardless of the annual visit during 1967-1983. The author recognised that with this method the populations were underestimated, so the percentage of Anas penelope was higher for Black sea and Mediterranean than North Africa.

Among the rare species of the Mediterranean, Oxyura leucocephala estimated at 4,900 in 1986 can be found especially in Tunisia and

Turkey. They have disappeared from France, Italy, Yuguslavia,

Hungary and Greece (Monval et al_. 1987). However, Anstey (1989) found that the population of this species has also dramatically declined in Tunisia since the end of the 1960s. It amounted to 1,550 in the 1960s, 1,015 in the 1970s and only 199 in the 1980s. He related this decline to the disappearance or disturbance of natural wetland sites which has led this species to use reservoirs. He recommended a specific conservation programme for the species involving the protection of key wetland sites, habitat improvement

120 where necessary and the lim itation of disturbance. He gave a lis t of

10 key wetlands where Qxyura has been recorded. Lake Ichkeul and

Ghdir El Ghoul are the only sites where the species has been regularly recorded.

Wetlands in Tunisia are also important for the greater f^mingo

(Phoenicopterus ruber roseus) (Figure 4.2.5.1). It has been estimated by Johnson (1983) that, the population of greater flamingo in western Mediterranean and west Africa (coastal area of Mauritania and Senegal) is about 60,000-70,000 (127. of the world population) with 17,000 reproducing birds. Three countries are known to offer nesting grounds (France, Spain and Tunisia). The Camargue in France is by far the most attractive to this species where an annual mean of 3,338 (maximum 6,825) of chicks succeed in flying. The annual r e c r u it s a re about 6 ,0 0 0 o f which 1,000 to 1,500 come from Spain and

Tunisia. In Tunisia since the 1950s, nesting has been observed seven times in six wetlands (Chott El Djerid, Chott El Fedjadj, Sidi

Mansour, Garaat Zougrata, Sidi El Heni and Sebkhet El Djem). The last tentative one was in Sebkhet El Djem in 1976 (8,000 pairs) and the last successful breeding was in 1974 in chott El Fedjaje (10,000 pairs with 8,000 chicks). Johnson (1983) found that nesting occured after the aftermath of a wet year as in 1970 (after the floods of

1969). In the same year, only 320 pairs nested in the Camargue.

Very likely Tunisia was holding an average of 20,000 in 1970s and

1980s (IWRB-ICF'B 1980, 1984, 1986, 1988). However, more than 40,000 were reported in 1976 with a minimum number of 13,000 in 1981

(Johnson 1983). Therefore, at least 1/3 of the greater flamingo population of the western Palearctic was supported by Tunisian wetlands. This population was spread over 30 sites from north to

121 Figure 4.2.5.1. Migration route and sites frequently used by flamingos

Source: Johnson (1 983), p.120 south with half of them naturally dry for part of the year or for one or several years. The peak population was found in winter while in the Camargue the peak population was found in summer. As a result, Tunisian wetlands are important for the conservation of this species which seems to have a stabilized population through annual recruitment from the Camargue. However, this site on its own could not support this population which has to migrate southward especially to Tunisia and because cold spells affect the Camargue in winter. For that Tunisian wetlands represent appropriate wintering grounds such as the chotts of the south but sometimes nesting grounds when conditions allowed the settlement of colonies.

Tunisian wetlands can hold a large number of waders. It is the coastal intertidal zones of the Gulf of Gabes which are by far the most important. A Dutch expedition in January-March 1984 surveyed

25,000 ha of intertidal area in the Gulf. It showed that about half of the wintering population of waders (332,000) of the Mediterranean

(estimated at 671,000) were in the Gulf. The extensive intertidal zone of Kneiss (14,600 ha) were also the most important. The expedition concluded that, the Gulf of Gabes is the most important wintering grounds and the third most important in the Western

Palearctic after the Banc d'Arguin (2,247,500) and the Duch Wadden sea (386,000). Thirty three wader species and thirty six other species (85,000) were found including three endangered species

(Great White Egret, Spoonbill, and Slender Billed Curlew). Nine waders occured as 50 V. and three in 25X-50/C of the Medi terranean population population (Van Dijk et a l. 1986).

In addition, 19 wader and waterfowl species constituted more than the 17. level of the biogeographical population and the intertidal

123 zones of Gulf exceeded by far the 20,000 waterbirds for a wetland to be considered of international importance (criteria 3a and 3c as

amended at the Third Conference of the Ramsar Convention in Regina,

Canada 1987)

Overall, based on the estimation of Ruger et_ aK (1986), Van Dijk et al. (1986) and Johnson (1983) an estimated 0.5-0.6 million

waterbirds (waterfowl, waders and falmingos) are wintering annually

in Tunisian wetlands. On sites where waders and flamingos are

numerous, waterfowl are not and vice versa. However, some waterbirds

such as flamingo may stay to breed. It is very likely that other

species of waterfowl may nest in Tunisia but studies on these are very scarce. In addition, two waders (Black Tailed Godwit and Ruff),

wintering south of the Sahara, use Tunisian wetlands on one or either way during autumn or winter migration (Schekkerman 1989).

Another waterfowl species (Garqaney) was seen on spring migration

(Bredin et_ al_. 1986).

For other w ildlife species, there is little information except for

Ichkeul. The existing species drawn from the comprehensive study of

Posner (1988) are the following: Algerian hedgehog, 4 'species of

bat, mongoose, Jackal, red fox, brown hare, some rodents, wild boar,

Lutra lutra (rare species in Tunisia), Bubali s bubal is , gerbil and

gerboa. Some invertebrates were found. This very short lis t is based

mainly on species found at Ichkeul and are after (Conservation

Course 1977).

124 4.2.6. Hunting

As its predecessor (1966 Forest Act), the 1988 Forest Act regulated hunting on state owned lands (article 167). For that, an annual

Ministerial Order is issued for the opening and closing dates of hunting seasons for game species of w ildlife, waterbirds and other

birds. However, it seems that although hunting in Tunisia is not a traditional activity, the number of hunters is rapidly increasing

and so is the income to the state through taxes, fees etc. These are collected through Regional Associations of Hunters <23 in 1988). In

addition, it constitutes one of the tourist attractions of the country (Table 4.2.6.1).

Table 4.2.6.1. Evolution of number of hunters in Tunisia (1988-1979)

Tuni sian Tourists T o ta l

1979 7,931 763 8,694 1980 8,397 829 9,226 1981 9,449 1,075 10,524 1982 10,465 1,083 11,548 1983 11,076 1,409 12,485 1984 12,325 1,214 13,539 1985 15,855 1,452 16,307 1986 15,796 1,600 17,396 1987 14,772 2,187 16,959 1988 14,813 3,013 17,826

Source: Annual reports of the Hunting Higher Council (1979-1988)

Accordingly, combined Tunisian and tourists hunters ' income is continuously increasing (Table 4.2.6.2). The income from tourist

hunters has passed from the 40-50/C level of the total hunting income o f th e e a r ly 1980s to 637. in 1987 and 72X in 1988. A d d itio n a lly , th e wider income from tourists has also increased substantially (Table

4 . 2 . 6 . 2 ) .

125 Table 4.2.6.2. Income evolution from hunting in Tunisia (1979-1988)

T u n is ia n Tourists Others (2) Total Wider income from in TD (1) in TD (1) in TD in TD tourists (3) in TD

1979 35,519 48,434 9,782 93,739 157,920 1980 38,220 51,751 17,166 107,137 166,740 1981 40,987 69,218 20,238 130,443 219,660 1982 49,678 50,428 23,742 123,848 262,750 1983 65,372 70,724 17,552 153,648 900,724 1984 ------65,755 ------1985 86,415 94,312 22,990 203,717 1,089,512 1986 98,009 156,573 34,707 289,289 1,261,3 72 1987 128,918 262,058 26,042 417,018 1,520,558 1988 132,813 435,398 31,273 599,484 2 ,5 2 0 ,4 9 8

Source: Annual reports of the Hunting H ig h e r Council (1988-1979) Note: all numbers are in current values of the Tunisian Dinar (1 ): Fees and taxes (2 ): Penalties and rents of hunting reserves etc. (3 ): Accomodation and daily expenses (estimated by the H unting Higher Council)

But, according to the annual reports o f th e Hunting High Counci 1

(1979 -1 9 8 8 ), i t seems th a t most of th e h u n tin g activity is centred on w ildlife species especially the wild boar for tourists and not on waterbirds. Therefore, hunting in wetlands is not that important.

But, wild boar is a long ranging feeder and is often encountered feeding in wetlands (e.g. Ichkeul). In addition, some wetlands such as Ichkeul have been known to attract large numbers of hunters and the designation of the area as a National Park has provoked resentment from them. Consequently, they did not comply with the regulations and s till hunt in the area although they are caught from time to time by the local or "National Brigade de Chasse" (personal observation from the field). Other wetlands all over the country are witnessing regular hunting, e.g. Van Dijk ert aK (1986) reported hunting of wigeon and cranes near Sfax, but lim ited information on the number of species hunted is reported to the Regional

Associations of Hunters or to the Hunting Higher Council. However, as Table 4.2.6.3 shows, up to 39 species can be caught in Tunisian wetlands. The list in Table 4.2.6.3 was based on information on game species in Tunisia (Direction des Forets 1972) and the comments

126 of 3 experienced hunters. These found that 20 of the waterbird have

highly appreciated meat, but they recognised that waterfowl are less d ifficu lt to shoot than the waders. According to these hunters, it

is the way the birds fly (above ground, low or high altitude), behaviour during the flight (repeated and unpredictable swift

turns), size and being in groups or individuals that makes the shooting less or more d ifficu lt.

Table 4.2.6.3. Qualitative evaluation of Waterbirds regularly hunted in Tunisian wetlands s p e c ie s Hunting value

Grus g ru s LI Gallinaco species (3) H3 Anas species (8) HI Tadorna tadorna LI Aythya species (3) HI Anser anser HI F'orphyrio porphyrio H2 Fulica atra Ml Crex crex H2 Rail us aquaticus M2 Porzana species (3) L3 Vanellus vanellus H2 Charadrius species (3) H3 Numenium species (3) L3 Limosa species (2) L3 Tringa species (7) L3

Note: The list of species in this Table omit rare ones (Qxyura leucocephala and Netta rufina). It also omit species of birds which can be shot by curiosity or confusion when they are with other birds (Mergus species). The meat of these birds is usually not edible and/or not appreciated. The brackets show the number of sub-species. Hunting value is made in terms of the meat appreciation and d ifficu lty of hunting of waterbirds.

L. low appreciated meat 1. not difficult hunting M. medium appreciated meat 2. fairly d ifficu lt hunting H. highly appreciated meat 3. d ifficu lt- hunting

4.2.7. Other functions

Grazing, agricultural use, irrigation, waste disposal (solid and/or liquid) are not, or poorly, studied. Table 8.4.8.1 assesses knowledge on these aspects for single wetlands and the potential for these functions to exist in the sites listed on the same table.

However, the information reported by some workers point to some

127 importance of wetlands in respect to these functions.

For grazing, Despois (1955) reported that in 1910, it was the

Atriplex vegetation growing south of Sebkhet Kelbia that saved the herds of the Saadi a area in north east Kairouan. This scenario may , r have happened several times when droughts occured. Also, remarks of

Goldsmith and Smart (1981) on grazing in the same wetland suggest that grazing was continuous and not restricted to years of drought.

They noted that not only grazing was noticeable but also cutting of

Tamarisks. Le Houerou (1969) made similar comments in his description of the cycle of grazing in the North. He noted that pastoral ism is sedentary with periodic transhumance. In summer, herds graze on the harvested fields, depression and sebkhas while in winter and spring they graze on fallow lands, pastures, edges of road and rivers. The autumn is for copulation. In Ichkeul, a sim ilar pattern was found but grazing can extend to spring and part of autumn (Chapter VIII). In the south, animals can usually graze on vegetation adapted to salty conditions of many sebkhas like Suaeda sp. (Chaabane pers comm).

Although, waste disposal (solid and liquid) is widespread in wetlands, it was lake Tunis which has attracted much attention for research and development (Ktari et al_. 1977, Societe de Promotion du

Lac de Tunis 1987). The eutrophication of lake Tunis from sewage has led to its reclamation for urban uses. However, unlike North lake

Tunis, Sebkhet Sedjoumi is receiving solid deposits and sewage and many other wetlands situated nearby urban centres have a similar situation (Mateur sewage into Ichkeul, Sousse refuse dump into a sebkha south of the town and lake Bizerte at south end of Menzel

Bourguiba etc). The intertidal zone of Gulf of Gabes is receiving

12 8 the waste from the chemical industry based mainly at Gabes and Sfax.

Darmoul et^ al_. reported an area of 230 ha near Gabes where the benthic community was destroyed by discharges of phosphogypse.

Warnings on severe threats to fishing in the Gulf (Andren and Hadj

Ali Salem 1978 and Darmoul et al_. 1980) were raised. This has led the Tunisian government to close for some time the fertizer complex at Sfax (MEED 1989d). Wetlands in respect to waste disposal was regarded without consideration to their buffer and conversion capaciti es.

For agriculture wetland contribute in feeding the surface and deep aquifer. Therefore water is extracted later for irrigation. Sebkhet

Kelbia and Garrat El Haouria are the cases in point. The firs t is known to feed the plain of Ennafida downstream (Hollis and Kail el

1986) and the second the area in its vicinity. Illustrating the effect of the drainage of Garaat El Haouria, a nearby well level has dropped 9m in the last 15 years (Hughes 1990). Very likely, many of the Garaas are having the same role in parts of Tunisia.

On site agricultural use was also seen in some wetlands of the Cap

Bon (Hughes pers comm) and the north western part of Sebkhet Sidi El

Heni (Bou Ghalleb pers comm). Local farmers crop the outer part of a wetland when the flood recedes. Flooding on adjoining land can cause distress of local farmer but afterwards the crops yields are boosted. However, this also depends on the extent of the flood

(width and depth) and the following year's amount and pattern of r a i n f a l 1.

12 9 4.2.8. Pottntinl function!

Probably, recreation, education and scientific research can be classified as potential functions for Tunisian wetlands. Apart from scientific research (Table 4.2.8.1) which has been taking place on a number of wetlands (Ichkeul, Kelbia, Gulf of Gabes etc) education and recreation are less obvious. However, it can be noted that

Ichkeul is receiving an increasing number of visitors since its creation and especially since the opening of the Eco-museum (Chapter

V, section 5.2.3). In this wetland 2,500 visitors were censused during five weeks in spring 1988 and about 6,000 in march 1989. 35% in 1988 and 257. in 1989 were school parties thus denoting the educational aspect of the visits. Lake Tunis is subject to systematic visits for birds ringing from Association des Amis des

Qiseaux (AA0). The ringing station is based at Rades near the shores of South Lake Tunis. Sebkhet Sedjoumi is also subject to visits from

AA0 and the Thyna Saltpans are considered as recreational site by the Municipality of Sfax (Bosquet 1988). But, apart from these examples no information is available. As for grazing, agriculture and waste disposal, this lack of information on recreation, education and research is illustrated in Table 4.2.8.1 for single wetlands and in the general appreciation of the potential for these functions to exist in wetlands.

In summary, as shown d u rin g th e d is c u s s io n o f th e fu n c tio n s and values of wetlands in Tunisia, the information collected varies between wetlands, functions and values. The fishing and waterfowl are more covered than other aspects. Also, a wetland like Ichkeul has received a systematic interdiscplinary research during the last

12 years. No other wetland in Tunisia has received such attention.

Other wetlands like North Lake Tunis was more studied in respect to

13 0 pollution and fishing aspects. But, a large number of wetlands were studied in terms of waterbirds especially waterfowl. Table 4.2.8.1, built on the lis t of Monval et_ al_. (1987), assesses the information collected on wetlands of Tunisia in order to direct further studies.

The aim would be to produce information sim ilar to that for Ichkeul in order to assess threat(s) and devise management or appropriate actions. This Table shows that birds and salt extraction are widely covered, fishing and collection of shells is inadequately studied as well as the effects on coastal fishing. Agricultural use, grazing, collection of vegetation produce, waste disposal, recreation , education and scientific research are very scarce.

Also, threats to wetlands are also inadequately known.

131 Table 4.2.8.1. Qualitative summary assessment of the information collected on wetlands in Tunisia

Wetlands (1) VI V2 V3 V4 V5 V6 V7 V8 V9 V10 T h re a t

n 1. G araat Melah 9 — 9 + 9 9 o 9 2. S. S id i Mansour -- 9 + ? - 7 - 9 9) 9 3. Estuary Akarit * - - + - - 9 9 * PI 9 <-) 4. S. El Hamma - + 9 - o 9 o 5. G. Zougrata -- 9 + 9 9 - 9 o 9 6. S. Mechguigue -- 9 + 9 - 9 - 9 o 7. S. Ennoual - - 9 + 9 - 9 - 9 9 8. Ghdir El Ghoul 9 - + + o - - - 9 9 9. G. Mabtouha - - 9 + * 9 * - 9 9 R1 9 10. S. K o u rz ia - - 9 + 9 7 - 9 9 11. G. Ichkeul + - - + + + + * + + D1P201 n «■? 9 12. Zessar -- + 9 9 9 o 13. S. R herra -- 9 + - 9 - 9 nk <-) o 14. S. La Fauconnerie -- + - 9 9 + ? i-) 9 9 9 95 9 15. G. Hadj Kacem - - 9 + - 9 16. K neiss Ila n d s + -- + * - - - + P303 *9 17. S. K e lb ia + - + + * - * - + D1 o o 18. S. M. Dar b eloua r - - + + - - 9 9 19. S. Halk e l Menzel + - - + 9 - 9 - P2 o 9 0 20 . Oued Sed + - + + - - PI <-> 21. S. Metbasseta -- + + 9 - 9 O D1 <-> • - j <-> 95 22. S. S id i El Hani - - + + * - 9 9? 0 23. Sahline Saltpans - + + - - - 95 9> 24. Thyna Saltpans - + - + * - — - + 25. S. Moknine - - 9 + 9 - 9 9 9 9 9 9 ) 26. S. A ria n a * + - + - - - 7 O 27. Lake Tunis + + - + * - - + + + R2P1 <■> 28. S. Sedjoumi - - * + * - + + PI 9 9 n 29. S. S id i K h lifa 9 -- + - - 9 9 30. Ghar El Melh - - - + - - + 9 9 9 9) n 9 31. Kalaat El Andlous - - + - ■ -- 32. Bhiret El Bibane + — - + ? “ 9 + 9 7. of the function (2) potential in wetlands 2 5 7 . 07. 627. 07. 7 8 7 . 787. 867. 70 7 . 7 87. 8 47.

(1): IWRB proposed lis t of sites to be visited yearly for waterfowl counts (dams are excluded from the lis t as presented by IWRB except for the small reservoir of Gdhir El Ghoul) (Monval et al. 1987). (2): the potential of the function in wetlands is based on the number of question mark for a single function without the cases where the value is not applicable (e.g. for V3? 13/21=627.)

VI: Fishing and collection of s h e lls V2: Salt extraction V3: Flood protection V4: Birds and w ildlife V5: H unting V6: Agricultural use (on site use and off site effect: e.g. Groudwater table V7: Grazing and collection of vegetation produce (firewood and fo o d s tu ff V8: Waste disposal (liquid in terms water purification) V9: Recreation and education V10: Scientific research

+ adequate or some information on the value of the function * little information on the value of the function - no value for the function ? do not know

R: reclamation for agriculture, aquaculture, industry, tourism or urban extension D: dams P: p o llu t io n □: o th e r

1: c u rre n t th r e a t 2: imminent threat 3: potential threat

133 Chapter V. VALUES AND FUNCTIONS- OF ICHKEUL WETLANDS

5.1. Introductions Description and background information

Situated in the North East of Tunisia (Figure 5.1.1), the Ichkeul

wetlands are composed of a system of marshes and a lake which

communicates with lake Bizerte through the Tindja canal. The

marshes consist of up to 3,000 ha and the lake 9,000 ha. The marshes

and the lake are fed by six rivers during autumn and winter draining

2,089 sq km and producing 340 m illion cubic metres of runoff. There

is an in flo w o f seaw ater by th e end o f summer because o f a substantial decline in rivers' discharges and the high evaporation rate. The equilibrium point is at 12.5 cm NGT between the two lakes.

Lake Ichkeul is 1.4 m deep in summer and rises more than 2 m in winter. Salinity ranges from 3-14 g/1 in winter and can reach 40 g/1

in Summer (Hollis et_ a l■ 1986, H ollis 1990).

The importance of the Ichkeul wetlands has long been recognised for

the large number of wintering waterfowl (200,000-300,000) which

graze on the Scirpus maritimus of the marshes and Potamoqeton

pectinatus which covers 1/3 of the lake. For that, Ichkeul was

established a Biosphere Reserve in the MAB programme (1977) and a

World Heritage site (1980), a National Park (1980) and a Ramsar site

(1980). It is the only Ramsar site in Tunisia and one among the

three wetlands in the world protected under three international

agreements.

In addition, to its importance for migratory waterfowl populations,

the wetlands of Ichkeul have other ecological and socio-economic

134 Figure 5.1.1. Location, map of Lake Ichkeul

Tu n i s

Tunisia

Algeria Libya

135 values of local and national importance. These include habitat for breeding birds, fish habitat and fishing, recreation, education and scientific research, grazing, collection of food and fodder, water purification, benefit to surrounding agricultural land from seasonal river flooding and pest (birds) control on the Plain of Mateur.

These functions and values will be discussed in this chapter.

However, it has to be noted that very lim ited data exist for some of these functions and values. Therefore, as for chapter IV the discussion on these issues has to be regarded as a reflection of the state of the knowledge on the functions and values of Ichkeul w e t1 ands.

However, The marsh-lake system is threatned by a development programme (Plan D ire c te u r des Eaux du Nord) to b u ild s ix dams on the rivers feeding Ichkeul, namely the oueds Tine, Djoumine,

Ghezala, Sedjenane, Mel ah and Douimis. The retained water from

Djoumine and Sedjenane is to be diverted to the major cities of

North East Tunisia, Sahel of Sousse and Sfax as well as for irrigation in the Cap Bon. The other four are for local irrigation.

The six dams w ill regulate an annual 323 m illion cubic metres (95% of the average annual inflow to Ichkeul) (Kallel et al_. '1990). 50/C

(167 m illion cubic meter) is already regulated by the dams on the

Djoumine and Ghezala. The Sedjenane dam is due for completion by

1992. This w ill raise the annual regulated volume to 272 m illion cubic metres (80% of the annual average inflow to Ichkeul) (Kallel et al. 1990). The last three dams (Melah, Tine and Douimis) are scheduled for the next decade.

The large reduction of the water flowing to Ichkeul has raised fears of a substantial degradation of marshes and the lake ecology.

136 To address this problem and provide compensatory measures for the conservation of the site, a Computer Model which simulates water level and salinity in the lake has been devised (Conservation

Course 1977, H o llis et^ al_. 1983, H o llis et^ al_. 1986 and H o llis

1990). The simulation is based on 1952-1982 hydrological data. The objective of the Model is to predict the ecological conditions under various development strategies and management options for the conservation of the Park.

This chapter discusses the functions and values of Ichkeul wetlands, presents the likely effects of the dams and the agricultural schemes of the Plain of Mateur, solutions presented so far to alleviate the degration of the natural assets of Ichkeul wetlands, and most importantly, examines the lim itation of the economic development previously discusssed in Chapter III to the conservation of the

Ichkeul National Park.

5.2. Values and functions of Ichkeul wetlands

5.2.1. Fish and fishing in the lake

As seen in chapter IV (section 4.2.1), Ichkeul is one of the important wetlands as fish habitat. Three categories of species are known to frequent the lake (Kartas and Zaouali 1990):

1. Resident species including Antherina boyeri, Synqnathus abaster,

Pomatoschistus microps, Enqraulis encrasicolus, Alosa fallax

alqeriensis are characterised by small size (max 15 cm), an early

sexual maturity (first year), a low fecundity rate and a short

1 ife s p a n .

2. Migratory species composed of Anqui11a anqui11a, Muqi1 cephalus.

137 nuqil ramaoa, uicentrarcnus laprax, soiea soiea are cnaraccerisea

by more species diversity, number and biomass. These are

regularly caught and contribute almost all the landings at Tindja

e s p e c ia lly f o r m u lle t sp e cie s and e e ls (+90%) (C hapter IV, Table

4 .2 . 1 . 1 ) .

3. Freshwater fish composed of Barbus callensis, Pseudophoxinus

callensis, P. chaiqnoni, Aphanius fasciatus, Gambusia affinis

halbrookii are generally of small size and confined to the

fresher part of the lake namely the rivers outlets.

These species feed on abundant Crustacea and molluscs (Conservation

Course 1977) especially Cerastoderma qlauca (eastern and north eastern part of the lake under the influence of the sea water) and

Hydrobia ventrosa which (west and south part of the lake under the influence of freshwater) (Kartas and Zaouli 1990). In addition, the large annual fluctuations in weather and ecological conditions

(freshwater, salt water and sediment input and output as well as the extent of the lake vegetation) was thought to be responsible for the relatively limited number of invertebrates and fish species and the high productivity of the lake (Conservation Course 1977, Kartas and

Zaouali 1990).

However, fish species especially the smaller ones w e r,e themselves a food source for some waterbirds (e.g. Sterna albi frons)

(Conservation Course 1977).

M. cephalus migrates to the lake just before or after the peak flow of outward fresh or brackish water from Lake Ichkeul to Lake Bizerte in November-December and March-April. M. remada migrates in

March-April. Inward migration of eels also occurs in March-April

13 8 (Lemoalle and Vidy 1983). However, fishing is mainly conducted at the Tindja canal at the time of outward migration from lake

Ichkeul to lake Bizerte (Table 5.2.1.1). This time the current of water is from Lake Bizerte (seawater) to Lake Ichkeul. Mullet is cauqht from August to October in the "bordigue" (wired cages) and in the lake proper by using 10 small boats and nets. Eels are caught in the "nasse" (conical shaped nets allowing one way inward movement) from November to December. The average yield between 1986-1989 was

427. (38% in value) for the "bordigue", 36% (49% in value) for the

"nasse" and 22% (13% in value) for the small boats (Hadj Ali et_ a l.

1990).

The production of the lake was largely dominated by mullets and eels. These alone constituted an average of 92.2% of the total landings at Tindja in the last 30 years (Table 4.2.1.1). This production changed from 57.6 tons (1922-37) (Vidy 1983) to 85.8 tons

(1962-71), 166.1 tons (1972-81) and 224.6 tons (1982-89). For the last three decades, the increased yield was largely due to intensification and improvement of fishing methods (e.g. introduction of the "Italian nasse" in 1973). In addition, Zaouali

(1975) noted that the yearly fluctuations are related to rainfall.

During years of late and low rainfall fish recruits from the sea were not formed adequately and therefore adversely affected the catches in subsequent years.

The value of the production is illustrated in Figure 5.2.1.1 (in value at the time) and Figure 5.2.1.2 in adjusted value to 1970 price (Banque Centrale de Tunisie 1989, Table V II.1). Both of these figures show that the trend of yield and value are on the increase.

However, while Figure 5.2.1.1 illustrates the large increases in

13 9 Figure 5.2.1.1. Catches and values at the time of the landings at Ichkeul 1976-1989

catches and values of fish 2000

1 5 0 0

1000

5 0 0

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 years

—*— yield in tonne * value in 1000 TD source. C G P Annual Reports

Figure 5.2.1.2. Catches and adjusted values to 1970 price of the landings at Ichkeul 1976-1989

catches and values of fish 5 0 0

4 0 0

3 0 0

200

100

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 years

* yield in tonne ~ — value in 1000 TD source. Data on fish are after C G P annual reports. Infation rate are after Banque Centrale de Tunisie reports

1 4 0 value which occured in the 1980s, Figure 5.2.1.2 shows that from

1976 to 1979 the value of fish was decreasing independenlty of yield, then from the 1980s this pattern has changed. Improvements in yield corresponded to significant increases in value especially for

1988 and 1989.

Fishing at Tindja employs 70 fishermen, 2 administrators and 20 guardians

1984). It has a further positive impact on the local economy and jobs through the m ultiplier effect from income from this activity.

For example in 1988 the income from fishing accounted for 808,000

TD. 453,000 TD from eels caught in the "nasses" by the two Italian fishermen and directly exported to Italy. This constituted a direct income to the Tunisian treasury and is assumed to have no direct impact on the local economy although this could be invested afterwards by the state in infrastructure and other development actions. However, to evaluate this benefit is a complex task which is beyond the scope of this thesis. The remaining 355,000 TD was shared between the ONP and the 70 fishermen. The fishermen got 1/3 after extracting about 1 0 ’/ for the cost of nets and energy input and

ONP g o t th e o th e r 2 /3 . The 107. is also not recycled into the local economy because ONP is supplied by the M inistry of Agriculture with fuel and nets. Therefore, in this analysis only the fishermen's income (106,000 TD) is taken as a direct input into the local economy. The ONP share of 249,000 TD goes again to the Tunisian treasury which would generate other income at the national level.

But, as for income from eels, this aspect is again ommited from this analysis because it is not contributing directly to local economy.

However, although the 20 guardians and the two 2 administrators are

141 payed by ONP, their salaries derive from fish income. The annual salary of the 20 guardians is 25,200 TD and the two administrators

4,800 TD. The total income for all workers at the ONP Tindja station is 136,000 TD. The generated income from these workers can be calculated using the income m ultiplier effect (M) equation (LLoyd and Dicken 1977):

M = 1/1-c where c is the marginal propensity to consume locally c = 136,000/355,000 = 0.4 M = 1/1-0.4 = 1.66

However, because not a ll the income spent would stay locally, a more realistic approach is to take a conservative m ultiplier (M = 1.2,

Wood pers comm) in order to account for the cash which goes outside the local economy through the purchase of goods supplied from other regions or from outside Tunisia (e.g. a moped). Therefore, it can be deduced that the total increase in income is:

136,000 TD m ultiplies 1.2 = 163,200 TD

In terms of job creation and support to families this would correspond to:

92 job m ultiplies 5.5 individual/household = 506 individual 92 m ultiply 2 07. = 1 8 jobs multiplies 5.5 = 99 individual 18 m ultiply 2 07. = 4 jobs multiplies 5.5 = 20 individual 4 multiply 207 = 1 jobs multiplies 5.5 = 1 individual

Thus, fishing generates 115 jobs and supports 626 people in the local area alone.

P In addition, it has to be noted that as discussed section 4.2.1.1. for the positive impact of wetlands on fisheries in coastal areas, Ichkeul's water would necessarily benefit fisheries in Lake Bizerte and in the coastal zone. Nonetheless, this has to await studies to be carried out for this purpose.

142 However, with the progressive construction of the dams the fish yield from the lake could decline substantially and may disappear as suggested from the ecological lim its outlined by Hollis <1990, p.4):

'1. th e su m m e r salinities of the lake should not exceed 50g/l because this would cause fish m ortalities; 2. there should be an outflow of freshwater between February and May to attract the inward migration of fish; 3. there should be an inflow of seawater between August and September to allow the outward migration of fis h .'

The s im u la tio n o f s a l i n i t y regim e a f t e r th e Djoumine dam, Ghezala dam and th e a g r ic u lt u r a l scheme shows th a t maximum s a l i n i t y could reach 54.8g/l. A proposed solution to build a fish sluice was found adequate for the lake level requirement but not with salinity until the completion of the Sedjenane dam. To underline the d ifficu lty of this aspect Hollis <1990, p.23) noted that 'the operation of the sluice to suit the ideal migration requirements of the fish in

Ichkeul w ill allow dangerous amounts of salt water into the lake'.

Nonetheless, although fish habitat seems to be hard to conserve after the Sedjenane dam and because the decision has s till not been taken on the management strategy, Table 5.2.1.1 is an attempt to give some idea on the problem of outward and/or inward fish migration when the sluice is operational. This Table shows that, it would not be possible for the fish to migrate from October to

December when the fish sluice is closed.

143 Table 5.2.1.1. Summary of the sluice level, direction of the current in the Tindja canal as required for the inward and/or outward fish m ig ra tio n

Month Target Fish Direction of the current in the Tindja la k e le v e l s lu ic e canal & migration of major species: cmNGT M. cephalus M. ramada A. anqui11a

O ctober 20 closed Biz—>Ichkfc November 35 clo se d Ic h k — > B iz* Ic h k — >Bi zf* December 60 clo se d Ic h k — > B iz* Ichk— >Bizft January 100 c lo se d February 80 & March 20 release Ichk—>Biz* Ic h k — > B iz * A p r il 20 o f Ic h k — > B iz* Ichk— >Biz* Ichk— >Biz* May 20 w ater June 20 clo se d J u ly 20 clo se d August open open Biz— >Ichkfi September open open Biz — >Ichkft

Note:The observations on fish migration are after Lemoalle and Vidy (1983). The proposed regime of the fish sluice is for the current situation with the Djoumine Dam, the Ghezala Dam and the Agricultutural Scheme on the Plain of Mateur completed. After, the Sedjenane dam the fish sluice would be substituted by a bird sluice min 50 and other freshwater resources would be needed. The regime of the bird sluice would be to keep the lake level at 50cm NGT from April to October, 60 cm NGT in November and March, 80 cm NGT in December and February and 100 cm NGT in January.

Ichk: Lake Ickeul, Biz: Lake Bizerte *: inward migration to lake Ichkeul for recruit of fish ft: outward migration from lake Ichkeul for fishing ("Bordigue” and "nasse")

Therefore, building on earlier recommendations made by Lemoalle and

Vidy (1983) to accommodate the fish sluice regime to fish requirements, these suggestions can be made:

1. To alleviate the degradation of autumn recruits of M. cephalus,

fishing of M. ramada and A. anqui11a, a low, steady and

continuous flow of freshwater from the fish sluice is required in

November and December. However, M. ramada should be caught in the

lake instead of the "bordigue".

2. The regime of the sluice suggest that there is going to be a

release of a large quantity of water in February to flush salt

out of the lake and to allow migration of the three species (Hollis pers comm). However, in natural conditions migration

occurs before or after the peak flow (generally October-November

or January-February). Therefore, it may be suggested that keeping

a steady low flow from March to April would be more beneficial to

fish migration of the three species. For that, contrary to the

regime outlined in Table 5.2.1.1. a large release could be made

in January (lake level from 100 cm NGT to 60 or 40 cm NGT) to

flush salt out of the lake followed by a smaller amount from

February to April or May. Hollis (1990) noted that the release of

water should be maintained until May to allow inward migration

but the fish sluice regime suggested that this flow could be cut

in March after the large release of February.

5.2.2. Birds especially waterfowl

Since the late 1960s and in the 1970s, the importance of Ichkeul as a major waterfowl habitat was highlighted through IWRB winter waterfowl counts (Atkinson-Wi1les 1974, 1975, Carp 1980). In the

1980s and part of a research programme backed by the EEC, annual surveys were conducted on the wintering population of waterfowl from October to March (Bredin and Skinner 1983, Bredin et^ al_. 1986,

Rocamora 1984, Rocamora and Skinner 1984, Bonnet 1985,' Bonnet and

Rehfisch 1985, Tamisier 1988, 1990, Rigaux 1989, Aubry in press).

The results of these studies showed that 100,000-200,000 waterbirds winter at Ichkeul. The 94 7 of waterfowl were formed by 407. Ful ica atra.(coot), 287 Anas penelope (wigeon), 207 Aythya ferina (pochard) and 67 of Anser anser (greylag geese.) (Tamisier 1990). Coot were seen a t Ich ke u l from J u ly -F e b ru a ry w ith th e maximum number in

October. Wigeon occured from Qctober-February with the maximum number in November. Pochard occured from October-March with the maximum number in December. Greylag geese winter from Qctober-February with the maxi mum number in December (Tamisier

1988). The other species of waterfowl included a few hundred Anas

crecca w ith a maximum o f 6,000 in la t e F e b ru a ry, 1 ,0 0 0 -2 ,0 0 0 Anas

acuta and Anas clypeata,few hundred Aythya fuliqula, Anas

platyrhynchos (100), few tens of Oxyaura leucocephala, Aythya

nyroca and Aythya mari1 a. In addition, Ichkeul is habitat for 226

species of birds, including those of Djebel Ichkeul (Skinner 1986),

o f which 100 sp e cie s were known to be dependent on th e marshes and

lake habitats (Tamisier 1990).

These studies have also showed that the lake and the marshes are used for feeding and roosting grounds for the wintering population.

Three zones could be distinguished for the spatial-temporal u tiliza tio n of the system marshes-1ake:

1. the centre of the lake is vegetation free but it was used as a

refuge when birds are disturbed by hunters or pastoralists

especially in dry or exceptionally wet years. It is also used for

roosting during calm weather;

2. on the eastern, western and north western side of the lake

(Figure 5.2.2.1), Potamoqeton pectinatus and to lesser extent

Ruppia cirrhosa and R. maritima constitute the major diet of

wigeon, coot and pochard. The firs t feed in the shallower part of

the lake (25-30 cm max depth above vegetation) on the leaves.

The second can feed l i k e wigeon o r d iv e up to lm to e x tr a c t

leaves or new shoots. The third can only feed by diving (average

lm) for the bulbs growing in the muddy bottom of the lake. Unlike

the other species pochard was found to feed by night with

5,000-10,000 of the population moving to lake Bizerte. At the

outer lim it of the lake, reed beds of Phraqmites communis shelter

146 1 4 7 the wintering population from strong winds from the north and

north west. P. communis is also habitat for reed birds?

3. on the marshes, Scirpus maritimus is the feeding ground for

greylag geese. These feed on the new shoots and the bulbs of

rhyzomes. Tamarisk africana grow at the humid parts of the foot

of the Djebel, along river bed and river delta and is also

habitat for a number of birds.

The size and distribution of wintering waterfowl population was suggested to be related to water level and feeding conditions

(Hollis et aK 1986 and Tamisier 1990). The firs t was demonstrated in 1982/83 when water level rose to more than 2m. Therefore, feeding resources became unavailable to waterbirds. These had to move to shallower parts in the firs t place than to outside the area.

The number of birds dropped from 122,000 in November to 25,000 in

F e b ru a ry. D uring th e same p e rio d , co u n ts elsew here in T u n is ia and eastern Algeria revealed that these birds were not found on other

Tunisian wetlands. Consequently, this has suggested that, wintering waterfowl may have used wetlands on the northern side of the

M ed ite rra n e a n ( H o llis et^ al_. 1986).

For feeding conditions, no studies have been made on this aspect.

However, re le a s e s o f w ater from Djoum ine dam d u rin g summer and autumn 1987 followed by an exceptionally dry autumn and winter was translated into 103,000 wintering waterbirds (Tamisier 1990).

1988/89 was a second dry year and counted 88,000 (Tamisier 1990). In

1989/90 wintering birds were only 45,699 (Maamouri 1990). This suggest that the higher numbers of 1987/88 can be explained by

"better" feeding conditions. The releases were particularly important for the growth of Scirpus on the Djoumine marsh and the

14 8 Potamoqeton in the lake. Salinity is a limiting factor for appropriate growth of Potamoqeton (Hollis et al_. 1986). In that, salinity during the wintering season of 1987/88 was less than 10g/l, more than 18g/l in 1988/89 and 20g/l in 1989/90 before the floods of

January 1989. In addition, observations on the feeding behaviour and time budget of birds during winter 1988/89 and 1989/90 revealed that despite the fewer birds more energy was spend extracting food. This was explained by the posture of birds when feeding and longer sleeping period than previous years (Rigaux 1989 and Aubry pers comm).

In north Africa, Ichkeul is one of the last remaining brackish wetlands. Therefore, its importance is paramount during dry years

(Hollis et^ al_. 1986). In the western Mediterranean, Ichkeul is estimated to hold 5 times more wintering waterfowl density than the

Goto Donana in Spain and 7 times more than the Camarque in France

(Table 5.2.2.1) (Tamisier 1988).

Table 5.2.2.1. Waterfowl density of 5 wintering habitats for waterfowl in the western Mediterranean

Ichkeul Goto Donana Ebre delta Camargue Languedoc

W aterfow l 140,000 200,000 68,000 130,000 " 25,000 Area 12,000 90,000 32,000 80,000 35,000 w a te rfo w l/ n> n n n h area 11.66 j L 9 i L i I j : 1.6 0 .7

Source: T a m isie r 1988

According to Ramsar criteria, Ichkeul is internationally important because it holds more than IV. of wigeon and pochard population in the western Palearctic (Monval and Pirot 1989). In addition, it has been found that the population of wigeon, coot and pochard are declining in the same region. Therefore, the degradation and/or disappearence of some habitats at Ichkeul would exacerbate further this decline in population size (Monval and Pirot 1989). Moreover,

149 other rare species such Oxyura leucocephala has been frequently seen

w in te r in g a t Ic h k e u l. The maximum number o f 600 was counted in 1977

(Conservation Course 1977) with only 95 in 1989. This represents 507

of population in Tunisia and about 17. of that in Mediterranean and

Black Sea (Anstey 1989). This species could probably breed at

Ichkeul (Skinner et aK 1986). Accordingly, Ichkeul is considered as

the most important site in Tunisia for the conservation of this

species (Anstey 1989).

However, the impact of the construction of the dams and the

improvement of the agricultural land on the Plain of Mateur has

started to have negative effects on the ecology of the marshes and the lake. The habitat of the Scirpus maritimus have been substantially reduced and degraded. Figure 5.2.2*2 shows the extent of the degradation of S. maritimus following the dredging of the

Djoumine canal in 1981 and Table 5.2.2.2 presents an estimation of possible effects on these habitats and the consequence on carrying capacity for the four major species of waterfowl population.

Table 5.2.2.2. P o s s ib le quantitative impacts of the dams and the agricultural improvement. on aquatic veqetati on and the four major waterfowl species

Area Area Carrying capacity for S cirp u s Potamoqeton Anas Anas Fulica Anser maritumus pectinatus penelpe feri na a tra anser

N a tu ra l 1007. 1007. 1007. 1007. 1007. 1007. Djoumine canal 857. 1007. 1007. 1007. 1007. <1007. Djoumine dam 757. 797. 927.. 857. 1047. 907.? n c * / a n Sedjenane dam 217. 127. 187. 237. 327. dLlJ/i ; S ix dams 07. 07. 07. 127. 197. 107.???

Source: H o llis e t a l . 1986

150 Figure 5.2.2.2 Area of live vegetation on the Djoumine from summer 1975 to 1982

5 / 8/75

fk-'-V:

Ojebei

13/9176 ... 77

Ojebel

19/6/77'.,

Ojeoet

^ 20/7/78..,

Ojebei

12/ 6/81

3815^77315 0je5e<

8 / 7/82

Ojebei

Live Scirpus = High I.R. Reflectance’ ’i Dormant Scirpus = Low IR.Reflectance

Source: Hollis et al. (1986), p. 106

151 To address this problem, H ollis et^ al_. (1986, p. 109-110) and H ollis

(1990, p.3-4) outlined the ecological needs of the marshes and the la k e :

'1. the marshes up 80cm must be flooded once every year to facilitate the growth of Scirpus maritimus; 2. the marshes up to 120cm should be flooded occasionally to compensate for the loss of river water inundation from the Djoumine and Ghezala rivers; 3. the lake should not fa ll below -10cm for the significant periods because this would destroy large areas of P. pectinatus and allow the cattle to graze the Phraqmites to destruction; 4. the winter lake salinity should occasionally be below 5g/l at least one year in four to allow strong growth of P. pectinatus; 5. the winter lake salinity should be below 7.5/1 at least one year in two to allow P. pectinatus to grow; 6. prolonged period with salinities over 10g/l should beavoided to safeguard the regeneration possibilities of P. pectinatus; 7. high salinities when the lake is low should be minimised to prevent S. litoralis. outcompetinq 8. maritimus on the Melah marsh; 8. the lake level should not rise above 2m because of the threat of flooding to surrounding farmland and to allow an accessible level, for the . exploitation of aquatic vegetation (especially S. maritimus and P. pecti natus) by wintering waterfowl; 9. the rivers Djoumine and Melah should flow into the marshes with their channels at the surface level of the marshes to ensure regular and extensive marshland inundation with their river w a te r'.

For that, eight strategies were recommended in relation to the number of dams completed and the agricultural scheme of the plain of

Mateur. The effects on vegetation and the carrying capacity of the four major waterfowl species were forecast (Table 5.2.2i3).

152 Table 5.2.2.3. Preliminary estimates of the changes at Ichkeul under several management decisions

Area Area C a rry in g capacity for S c irp u s Potamogeton Anas Anas Fulica Anser m aritum us p e c tin a tu s penelpe ferina atra anser

N a tu ra l 1007. 1007. 1007. 1007. 1007. 1007.

DD+GD 697. 777. 827. 847. 947. 907.

DD+GD Sc 757, 797. 857. 927. 967. 757. fish sluice

DD+GD 8< 1007. 1307. 1107. 1107. 1107. 1057. bird sluice min50

DD+GD+SD Sc 237. 127. 187. 237. 327. 257. fish sluice

DD+GD+SD 8s 787. 457. 457. 657. 507. 607. bird sluice min50

DD+GD+SD Sc 807. 507. 527. 727. 557. 607. bird sluice 8< r e s e r v o ir re le a s e s

DD+GD+SD & 907. 907. 907. 907. 907. 907. embankment with bird sluice min50

S ix dams 8s 207. 107. 177. 227. 307. 207. bird sluice min 50

Six dams 8< 907 757. 707. 757. 807. 807. f u l l management scheme (*>

Source: H ollis et_ al_. 1986 DD: Djoum ine Dam, GD: Ghezala Dam, SD: Sedjenane Dam, Full management scheme: Bird sluice min 50 and dike reducing freshwater area by 20 V. to the NE corner of lake to leave stagnant salt lake or simple weir at 50cm in Tindja, allow natural sedimentation, a dike reducing the freshwater area by 207. a t th e NE corner of lake and reservoir releases when the lake is below -10cm NGT.

In 1990, H ollis presented more proposals (10 strategies) which were evaluated against lake level and salinity requirements. The propositions are s till open to discussion and the final decision are probably going to be made in 1990. However, it seems from a report

153 on hydrological aspects of lake Ichkeul and lake Bizerte (Kallel et a l■ 1990) presented at the International Seminar for the protection of Ichkeul, held in Tunis from 16-18 February 1990 that, the problem of water for Ichkeul is solvable. They consider that Ichkeul has to be integrated into the management programme of the Master Plan of

North Tunisia. They outlined that the increase of water resources to

Lake Ichkeul and its marshes can come from:

1. planned releases from the dams;

2. the revised needs of irrigation schemes which have cut 11.4

m illion cubic metres from previous estimates <49.9 m illion cubic

m e tre s );

3. introduction of more efficienttechniques for irrigation;

4. revision of rotation of crops;

5. water coming from the drainage system;

6. and most importantly the 12 m illion cubic metres agreed by the

Ministry of Agriculture to be made available from the pipe line

Sedjenane-Djoumine. They also suggested that more water can be

demanded from this pipeline because the regulated water in the

Sedjenane and Sidi Barrak dam is quite extensive (160 m illion

cubic metres).

In addition, it has to be noted that the compensatory measures may well involve trade offs between the biological features of Ichkeul, e.g. trade offs between fish migration and birds habitats as reflected in the choice between fish sluice or bird sluice.

154 3.2.3. Education, recrnation and ici anti-fie raaaarch

In the Pre-Management Plan of Ichkeul, Direction des Forets (1976) recognised the potential function of education, recreation and scientific research. Estimates were made for potential Tunisian and foreign visitors as well as the economic benefit to the Bizerte region (Table 5.2.3.1).

Table 5.2.3.1. Economic benefit of the Ichkeul National Park for the Bizerte region

P e rio d N um ber Expenditure/day Total

F o re iq n e rs TD TD Researchers lonq 9 Ornithologists (1) 7 days 1,500 7 10,500 Tourists (2) 1 day 20,000 7 140,000 T o ta l 21,500 150,500

T u n is ia n s School parties (3) 1 day 2,000 1 2,000 Ornithologists (4) 1 day 500 1 500 Other visitors (5) 1 day 56,700 1 56,700 T o ta l 59,200 1 59,200

Note: This table was constructed from estimates of the Direction des Forets report (1976). (1) According to visits made to the Bird Ringing Centre at Rades in 1975/76 (2) 2V. of the 1 m illion tourists who visited Tunisia in 1975/76 (3) According to pupils number to the Zoo of Tunis in 1975/76 (4) Estimation of Tunisians interested in ornithology (probably based on adherents to Association Tunisienne de Protection de la Nature et de 1'Environnement and Association des Amis des Oiseaux) (5) 57, of the population of Bizerte, Tunis, Menzel Bourguiba and Mateur (1,134,276 in 1975).

In addition, there w ill be benefits derived from the National Park e.g. post cards, maps, restaurant and artisanal products as well as income from TV and radio. Therefore, there would be more than

200,000 TD spent as a result of the National Park. However, these figures were hypothetical estimates which have been advanced to give the economic rational for the creation of the National Park. After the creation of the National Park in 1980, the educational, recreational and touristic potential was not promoted although visitors were observed and no census was undertaken. In spring,

155 the park also attracts a large n u m b e r of visitors from the neighbouring region for the hot springs or hammams. These visitors used to camp near th e hammams.

To assess the real figures of visitors a firs t census was carried out in spring 1988 (6.3.1988-10.4.1988) and a second in spring 1989

(22.2.1989-23.3.1989). The firs t census was made before the opening of the Visitor Centre and the second three weeks after. In this way the impact of this event can be traced. The period of the census was chosen because:

1. the researcher or the guardian at the entrance of the National

Park was not available for the whole year to handle and check the

survey forms;

2. several visits in previous years during the 4 seasons, showed

that peak number of visitors occured in spring especially March.

This is due to the fact that spring is the period for visiting

the hammams (hot springs), school holidays (21 March-3 April) and

the best weather conditions for outdoor recreation;

3. in other seasons, the site was mainly visited by ornithologists

especially in autumn and winter for wintering waterfowl. But

these were in very lim ited numbers, perhaps a few tens. Even the

Association of Tunisian Ornithologists (Association des Amis des

Oiseaux) only had 425 members in 1988 and about 500 in 1989 of

which 4-6 make ir r e g u la r w eekly v i s i t s .

A form was issued to v i s i t o r s and was re tu rn e d and checked a t th e entrance of the National Park as they left. It was intended to be short, easy to complete within 2 minutes and to give an opportunity to visitors to voice their ideas in the future management of the

156 Park. The form included the date of the visit; the n u m b e r of visitors per car or bus; the occupation of the visitors; the institution which organised the trip in the case of an excursion; the nationality of visitors; the purpose of the visit; the town or village from which they came; number of hours spent in the National

Park; and how he/she or they heard about Ichkeul. Finally, visitors are asked to make comments on their v is it and the National Park.

However, it was noted that a few visitors were illite ra te or had a very low education. Most of the latter came from the vicinity of the

Ichkeul. Therefore, these uneducated people were helped to f ill in the form but all of these came for the hammams. During spring 1988, many visitors from the Bizerte region returned from the entrance of the National Park when they heard that the hammams were closed.

These were considered a health hazard by the local authority.

According to the manager of the National Park 10,000 visitors camped in spring 1982 around these springs. They brought a major degradation of vegetation and pollution of the site. The situation was similar in other years. However, in 1989 the hammams were reopened but visitors were not allowed to camp. In addition, because of poor sign posting on the roads leading to the National

P ark, som e visitors especially those coming from the northern side were found roaming around Ichkeul without being able to find the entrance. Therefore, the results of the two censuses have to be taken as an underestimate of the real n u m b e r of visitors. Those of

1988 reflects more the number of visitors attracted by National Park w ith o u t th e hammams.

The results of the two censuses (Table 5.2.3.2) showed that the

March 1989 visitors were more than double those of the March-April

157 1988. This was probably due to the media influence after the opening

of Ichkeul Interpretation Centre or Eco-museum. There was also a

surge of visitors to the hammams. In addition, more than 2/3 of

visitors came on Sundays or Bank Holidays including 567. and 36% of

the school parties respectively in 1988 and 1989. Also, more than

90% of visitors were Tunisians. 70% of foreign tourists were

Europeans and the rest from Algeria, Libya and the Middle East.

Table 5.2.3.2. N um ber o f v i s i t o r to Ich ke u l (T u n is ia n s and t o u r i s ts )

Date T o ta l Tuni s ia n s Tourists Sundays & School Bank Holidays P a r tie s

6,^.88-10.4.88 2,694 2 ,4 7 6 218 2 ,074 1,170 22.2.89-23.3.89 5,936 5 ,699 236 4,032 1,478

Notes Bank Holidays 20 March (National day), 21 March (Youth day), 9 April (Martyr day). Ichkeul Eco-museum was inaugurated by thp Minister of Agriculture on 1 February 1989.

In addition, the n u m b e r of visitors varied widely (0-1428) between week days and Sundays and Bank Holidays in both censuses (Figure

5.2.3.1 and Figure 5.2.3.2). In March 1989, the three highest numbers were on Sundays and the fourth on a Bank Holiday. The firs t

census was sim ilar in that, the four highest numbers were on Sundays and the fifth on a Bank Holiday. In the 1988 March-April census, two days were without visitors because of bad weather conditions. The

lo w e st n u m b e r of Sunday visitors (69) was also because of bad weather conditions. The National Day and the Youth Day (also the firs t day of the two weeks school holidays) corresponded to a surge of visitors in 1988 (177 National Day and 222 Youth Day) and in 1989

(789 N a tio n a l Day and 361 Youth Day). The school p a r tie s came essentially from Tunis sometimes in large groups (312) (Table

5.2.3.3). They were organised by primary and secondary schools, universities, youth and natural science associations. In addition, a group of British ornithologists (7) was seen. Other groups of o r n it h o lo g is t s and a v i s i t from a Hammamet h o te l was observed (2

158 Figure 5.2.3.1. Visitors to Ichkeul

6 March 1988-10 April 1988

600 Tunisians 500

400 Tourists

300

200

100 I ......

.6 ' 8 1 o 'l 2 1416 18202224262830 1 3 ' 5 * 7 9 7 9 11 13151719212325272931 2 4 6 8 10 date

Figure 5.2.3.2. Visitors to Ichkeul

22 February-23 March 1989

1600 m w m r n M 1400 Tunisians

1200 Tourists 1000

800

600

400

200

® l l i i M l II l t l ll I II l I I i l I ll II l l l .22 24 26 28 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 23 25 27 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 date 15 9 buses of at least 100 people) outside the period of the census of

March 1988. Moreover, in both censuses it was the second sunday of

March (1 3 .3 .1 9 8 8 and 12.3.1988) which r e g is te r e d th e maximum number of visitors and school parties.

Table 5.2.3.3. School parties to Ichkeul in the two censuses.

Tunis Region B iz e rte Reg i on Cap Bon Sahel 88 89 88 89 . 88 89 88 89

N um ber o f groups 8 16 2 1 1 4 2 3 T o ta l 925 926 52 23 86 215 39 123 Max number/group 312 130 31 —— 60 . \ 59 Min num ber/group 35 21 21 45 6 13

Note: The table takes only the regions for which school parties were noted in the two censuses. There were school parties from Sfax (2) in 198 8 census and from Jendouba (1) in 1989 census. The maximum n u m b e r on sunday 13 March 1988 was 433 for 3 school parties which came from Tunis w h ile on sunday 12 March 1989, th e maximum was 709 for 10 school parties (8 came from Tunis).

The other visitors to Ichkeul came in private cars from about 25 cities of Tunisia. Most visitors came from Tunis and the Bizerte

(90*/.) region (Table 5.2.3.4). Also, they came from the centre of

Tunisia (Kasserine and El Kef) and from the south from about 600 km

(Tozeur and Zarzis). About 45 7 of these visitors were civil s e rv a n ts , 2 0 -3 0 7 . teachers (primary, secondary and university), around 257. in the private sector including about 107. farmers and retailers coming for the hammams from the Bizerte region^

Table 5.2.3.4. Source area of visitors to Ichkeul in the two censuses

T unis B iz e rte Cap Bon Sahel Rest of Tunisia Region Region

6.3.1988-10.4.1988 607. 307 47. 27. 47. 22.2.1989-23.3.1989 377. 557 47. 27. 27. D ista n ce (Kms) 50-80 5-40 80-120 150-260

Outside the Bizerte region, almost all Tunisian visitors had hardly have any prior knowledge of Ichkeul. 207 out of the 557 of visitors from B iz e rte re g io n came f o r th e hammams in s p rin g 1989 w h ile o n ly

16 0 5V. from the 307 in spring 1988. These people knew Ichkeul or heard about it through their family or friends. The other visitors heard about the National Park through the media (about 857.), friends who visited the site (about 107.), or association for nature conservation

(about 57.). Almost all Tunisians (except for those who came for the hammams from the Bizerte region) came to spend a day or 1/2 day in the countryside. Very few (about 20 in Spring 1988 and Spring 1989) had a defined purpose (bird watching, botany, geology, etc). In contrast, almost all tourists (Europeans) came for bird watching.

An estimate of the cost of travel to Ichkeul in a private car

(owned or hired) or in a group through a travel agency for tourists or organised by schools or other institutions for young Tunisians

(Table 5.2.3.5, Table 5.2.3.6 and Table 5.2.3.7) shows that the travel cost was bout 8,000 TD during 1988 spring census and 14,000

TD during 1989 spring census.

Table 5.2.3.5. Tarif of group excursion for tourists to Ichkeul adapted from the ta rif of the "Federation Tunisienne des Agences de Voyages"

from 1 A p r il 1990 1989 1988

km TD TD TD Bizerte 1/2 day 30 5 5 '4 Tunis 1/2 day 60 10 9 8 Cap Bon 1 day 120 ^3 22 21 Sahel 1 day 200 30.5 2 8 .5 26.5

Table 5. 2.3.6. Estimation o f tr a v e l cost to Ichkeul for individual t o u r is t and in d iv id u a l o r groups of T u n i s i an visitors in 1989.

in d iv id u a l T u n is ia n t o u r is t s individual group visitor

km TD TD TD Bizerte 1/2 day 30 11.5 n 5 2 T unis 1/2 day 60 13 4 3 Cap Bon 1 day 120 2 1 .5 7 5 Sahel 1 day 200 2 5 .5 11 7

Note: cost for tourist visitors includes: a. hiring a Renault 4: 1 day = 14.5 TD or for 1/2 day 0.150 TD/km

16 1 according to the AVIS Travel Agency Tarif 1989/90 (lere edition) b. the cost of fuel 0.5 TD/litre c. Renault 4 consumes 51itre/100km d. 1 TD a sandwitch and drinks For Tunisians, the cost of fuel for those with private cars, cost of an excursion and 1 TD for food and drinks are included.

Table 5.2.3.7. Estimation of the economic value of Ichkeul National Park through visitors' expenditure.

1988 1989 tourists Tunisians tourists Tunisians ind group ind group ind group ind group

TD TD TD TD TD TD TD TD B iz e r te 324 — 1,192 104 216 SO 4,863 46 Tun i s 690 — 1,382 2,775 495 670 2,540 2,778 Cap Bon —— 71 430 47 — 71 1,075 Sahel —— 62 273 — — 25 861 O ther — 672(1)

Total census 1988s 7,965 TD Total census 1989: 13,767 TD

(1) A group of tourists from Tabarka Note: These economic estimations are underestimates since: a. they do not include 4% of the visitors in 1988 and 27. in 1989. These visitors came from more than 400 kms which makes that they may need more than one day to travel to Ichkeul. In addition, they may come for other purposes such as family visit. 50% of these heard about Ichkeul through their family who is living in th e area. b. fuel consumption was made on the assumption of 5 litre/lOOkm/car c. all visitors spent 1 TD on their food and drinks d. mean n u m b e r is about 3 visitors per car from the census of spring 1988 census and spring 1989 census e. all visitors came essentially to the Ichkeul National Park (including the hammams) during their v is it to the Bizerte region. The visit and the journey took 1/2 day or 1 day.

In the same way an estimation of direct income to the National Park can be made if an entrance fee had been made. Thisis based on a concessionary rate of 0.5 TD for students and pupils, 1 TD for

Tunisians and 2 TD for tourists (Table 5.2.3.8).

Table 5.2.3.8. Direct income to the National Park from entrance fee

e n tra n ce fe e (TD) 1988 income (TD) 1989 income (TD)

School parties 0.5 1,170 585 1,438 739 Tunisians 1.0 1,306 1,306 4,221 4,221 Tourists 2.0 218 436 236 472

T o ta l 2,694 2,327 5,936 5,432

16 2 Assuming that the visits to Ichkeul could expand to four, five or six month months (November, December, January, February, March and

April) with the same number as for the period of the 1988 and 1989 censuses and there is a yearly increase of 10% of visitors from

1989 (tourists and Tunisians combined), the values for 1988, 1989 and 1 9 9 5 are estimated (Table 5.2.3.9). These shows that travel cost and entrance fee to Ichkeul in 1995 with a visiting period of 6 months are about 6 times the value of Ichkeul in 1988 with a visiting period of 4 months. Also, it appears that the 209,700 TD

(Table 5.2.3.1) of 1976 are an overestimation because they especially exagerated the number of visitors which was made on a yearly basis.

Table 5.2.3.9. Travel cost and entrance fees to Ichkeul National Park according to three visiting period

P e rio d 1988 1989 1995

4 month 32,934 76,796 122,872 5 month 41,168 95,995 153,592 6 month 49,409 115, 194 184,310

Note: These figure does not include expenses which can be incurred by visitors (cards, maps, drinks etc) when the National Park is managed.

Concerning researchers visiting Ichkeul, the UCL team alone spent just over 2,000 pounds (about 3,000 TD) in 1989 on subsistence in

Tunisia. The overal1 cost of air travel, hotel, subsistence, transport etc is about 6,500 pounds.

Nonetheless, visitors to the site (Tunisians and tourists) expressed worries about the state of the National Park and other related aspects. These concerned:

163 1. I n fr a s tr u c tu r e : o In the two censuses 80-90% of visitors asked for the impprjj/ement of damaged roads leading to Ichkeul and inside the National Park, the provision of a cafeteria and/or a restaurant, drinking water, toilets, litter containers, a play ground for children, picnic sites, and telescopes on the mountain to watch birds.

2. Information:

About 40% of visitors in both censuses asked for sign posts at the main cross roads and major towns of the region (Bizerte, Menzel

Bourguiba and Mateur) as well as around Ichkeul with an indication to the entrance of the National Park. These calls came from people essentially from outside the Bizerte region. 15% mentioned the delivery of handouts to visitors on the National Park history, characteristies (hydrological, biological, economic etc) and a map.

13 visitors in the 1 9 8 8 spring census suggested an entrance fee to th e P ark.

Summary and d is c u s s io n

Although, these data were confined to the middle of spring, they show that more than 90% of the visitors to the Ichkeul National

Park were Tunisians. Most of them came from the Tunis and Bizerte regions (90%) with at least 25% as school parties. Almost all

Tunisians came for recreation. 70% of tourists were western

Europeans mostly concerned with ornithology. There was a surge of vis ito rs on Sundays and Bank Hoi idays./. (77% in 1988 census and 68% in

1989 census). The travel cost to Ichkeul and the potential from entrance fees during the two censuses were estimated at about 10,000

TD and 19,000 TD in 1988 and 1989 respectively.

164 The combination of the limited area from which visitors came on

Sundays and Bank Holidays and the limited outdoor recreation possibilities in Bizerte and Tunis (e.g. 0.7 m2 of green space/inhabitant in Tunis) (Ben Sedrine 1985) would suggest that

Ichkeul can play a role in outdoor recreation for at least 2 m illion people (237. of Tunisian population according to INS census of 1984).

In addition, it was suggested in the 1976 report of the Direction des Forets that the Park has potential for tourism. The two censuses have shown that tourists are attracted by the Park although in very limited numbers 218 in 1988 and 236 in March 1989. The travel cost of tourists was estimated at 1,500 TD for each census. However, with the growing importance of tourism in the economy of Tunisia (855.2 m illion TD in 1989) (Bedding 1990), Ichkeul could have some role in the promotion of this activity. The policy in this sector was oriented to:

1. increase the relatively modest rate of occupancy in hotels

<58.8% in 1987, 62.0% in 1988 and 62.7% in 1989) (C o n jo n c tu re

1989) through diversification of tourist attraction and;

2. to increase the capacity of beds for tourists through the

development of potential regions such as the Sahara and the north

of Tunisia (Conjoncture 1989 and Jeune Afrique 1989). The Bizerte

region, with 2,000 beds in 1988, is expected to rise sharply in

the next years especially with Ghar El Melh Complex (17,000

beds). Also, other projects within 60-120 km (Montazah Tabarka

10,000 beds and North Lake Tunis) are under way.

Wintering waterfowl population from September to April coincides with the low tourist season. This suggests that, for example,

165 Ichkeul could be promoted for "ornithological tourism" and therefore could contribute to an increase in the rate of occupancy in Bizerte re g io n .

But, despite the existence of this potential, som e setbacks are hampering this activity. Other than those outlined by the visitors, -t* there is no public transport up^the National Park. The nearest bus stop is 7 km from the entrance. There are no advertisements except

some sporadic articles or short programmes on television or radio.

Although, the Eco-museum o ffic ia lly opened on 1 February 1989, the

National Park s till has no administration and/or staff trained to deal with school parties and visitors. The personnel consists of a manager assisted by two foresters. Proposals were drafted (Baraket

1989, Ben Hamida 1989) to develop recreation and education in the

Park and a firs t estimation of the costs were made (Table 5.2.3.10).

The aim was to make the Park economically self-sustained once the

management actions are completed.

Table 5.2.3.10. First estimation of the cost for the management of the National Park

Management action estimated cost

1. management a c tio n s 19,000 TD 2. construction of fa cilitie s 74,000 TD 3. furniture and equipment including a laboratory, 114,000 TD a library and salaries of staff etc 4. running cost 46,000 TD 5. miscellaneous 10,000 TD 6. management cost (1 0 7 .) 31,020 TD

T o ta l 295,020 TD

According to this estimation, the income generated by the Park from travel cost and entrance fee alone can cover this cost in three years on the basis of 1989 data with the park receiving visitors for five months. This validates the promotion of the Park for education, recreation and research.

166 However, the proposals of Baraket (1989) and Ben Hamida (1989)

emphasized more the infrastructure rather than the appropriate

personnel and administrative structure for the Park. In addition,

they failed to mention the side effects of recreation and the

capacity of the park for visitors in relation to the staff

a v a ila b le .

Therefore, building on the comments of visitors, literature reviewed

on Ichkeul,formal and informal discussion with visitors and the

manager of the Park and others, the following guidelines for a

sustainable development of recreation and education are proposed:

1. Actions in the National Park a. Repair the road in and leading to the National Park from the

cross road Mateur-Menzel Bourquiba-Ichkeul b. Provide facilities in the National Park (restaurant, cafeteria•

toilets, etc)

d. prepare leaflets for visitors at the entrance of the National

Park

e. provide signs for important sites and areas g. provide staff with skills in education (if possible in

environmental education) h. allow research on the side effects and tourism and on the

capacity of the Park to absorb visitors so as to improve the

organisation of this activity and to make it sustainable.

2. Actions in the region a. build sign posts at the major roadsjunction to guide visitors

coming from all direction to Ichkeul (entrance of Mateur, central

16 7 junction at Menzel Bourguiba, cross road Mateur—Menzel

Bourguiba-Ichkeul, at Tindja, at junction to Teskraya, at

junction to Ghezala)

b. Provide a bus from Mateur every week end during the spring period

to allow those who have no private cars to visit Ichkeul.

3. Actions in the wider context

a. Coordination between the Ministry of Agriculure, Ministry of

Education, Ministry of Youth, Ministry of Information, Ministry

of Culture and Ministry of Tourism to organise programmes for

radio, TV, education, booklets to tourist agency and to schools

e tc .

The results of the two censuses as well as the above guidelines were

exposed at the "Seminar International sur la Sauvegarde du Parc

National de 1'Ichkeul", Held in Tunis from16-18 February 1990. The

seminar was subdivided into four Working Groups. Under

recommendation 2, Commission 4 on "Amenagement et Mise en Valeur du

Parc National de 1'Ichkeul" these guidelines were recognised and

were reiterated in the final recommendations of the Seminar. In

that, the commission recommended the promottion of tourism,

education and scientific research by training guides, the creation

of a light structure for the reception of visitors and the display

around the park of a n u m b e r of sign posts showing the fauna and

flora of the site.

5.2.4. Grazing at Ichkeul

In this section, studies on grazing at Ichkeul are briefly discussed because this function is the focus of chapter VI, VII,

VIII, IX, and X.

168 Since the Pre-Management Plan (Direction des Forets 1976), grazing

was one of the main concerns at Ichkeul. The 1976 report, presented

a census on households, animals and activities of local people. In

1979, a second census took place on animals. However, these reports

were short and there were no details of the method applied in the

field or the authors who undertook these surveys. In addition, the

data were poorly and/or not discussed. In 1983, Skinner and

Rousseau presented to the Forest Directorate a draft management plan

for grazing on the marshes but this draft was not applied or

improved. In the meantime, the n u m b e r o f anim a ls was in c re a s in g and

the degradation of the Djebel and the marshes was apparent

(Direction des Forest 1980, Hollis et a l. 1983, 1986, Ayache 1986).

Table 5.2.4.1 shows an increase in both absolute n u m b e r and r e l a t i v e

numbers per family. Figure 5.2.4.1 and Table 5.2.4.2 contrasts the

n u m b e r of animals (cattle, sheep and goat) to the area of live

Scirpus maritimus (calculated from Landsat imagery in 1976 a n d 1979

and from visual estimation in the field in 1988) for the Djoumine

and Gehezala marshes.

Table 5.2.4.1. Change of animal number at Ichkeul in the last 15 years

Source Forestry Directorate F ie ld w o rk Year 1976 1979 1988

Number of sheep 518 940 1,536 N um ber o f g o a ts 224 525 854 N um ber of cattle 424 736 787 T o ta l 1, 166 2,201 3,177 N um ber of families 119 119 126 7. pastoralist fam ilies 1007. 1007. 767. Animal number per family 9.8 18.5 33.1

Note: The 197 6 and 1979 Forestry Directorate did not present the method of collecting data in the field. In parallel, there was an increase in the size of herd nationally e .g . 3 .6 7 . during the Sixth Plan (Republique Tunisienne 1987a, 1987b) | and regionally (CRDA Bizerte 1986).

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1 9 7 6 1979 1988

Area of Scirpus (ha)/animal 0 .3 5 0.28 0.0 5

Between 1976 and 1988 sheep and goat n u m b e r had increased more than three fold whereas cattle had almost doubled. In addition, although

th e n u m b e r of families living on Djebel Ichkeul increased from 119

to 126, the n u m b e r of pastoralist households decreased to 96. The

size of holdings per family had increased more than three times

since 1976, and almost doubled in the last 10 years. The n u m b e r of

families was always on the increase. For instance, El Ghezal

(1984, p.47) reported 20 families living at Djebel Ichkeul in 1940

but did not refer to the source. This n u m b e r became 119 in 1976 and

126 in 1988.

In the whole study area about 9,000 animals (cattle, sheep and

goats) were counted during the 1988 survey. These were partly or

wholly supporting 266 fam ilies. They provided an estimated 276,298

TD between animals sold, milk and wool production.

The competition for grazing between animals and greylag geese was

significant on the parts of the marshes where Scirpus was s till

growing. During normal or wet years the competition is less tense because water depth acts as a lim iting factor for grazing cattle.

Grazing before theflooding on the marshes, made the growth of

Scirpus go into the roots (Goldsmith pers comm). With the floods

and the arrival of waterfowl, these form with the shoots the primary diet of greylag geese (Hollis et_ al_. 1986). This suggests that probably cattle have facilitated geese grazing on the roots of

Scirpus or simply because it was the only parts of the vegetation

le ft. The interactions between these two aspects of grazing (animals and geese) has to be studied in the future as it was suggested in an

earlier study (Hollis et al_. 1983). However, evidence from the

Camargue showed that, 'grazing of horses and cattle...has proved a

useful tool for the mangement of marshes for waterfowl...at the sam e

time allows the economic exploitation of wetlands plants' (Duncan

,.and Herbs 1982, p.51). Without grazing, vegetation can reduce

substantially the area, of open water for waterfowl and and its

removal would be an e xp e n sive ta s k ,./. This can also lead to less

diversity of plants as it has been the case in Keoledo National Park

in India and the Isle of Rhum Nature Reserve in the U.K.(Gordon

and Duncan 1988). In the latter, cattle grazing was reintroduced.

As for waterfowl, animal grazing was negatively affected by the

digging of the two canals of Djoumine and Melah, the construction of

the dams (Djoumine and Ghezala) and the droughts of 1988. This has

led to the dessication of the marshes and/or the spreading of

unpalatable plants such as Ammi visnaqa especially on the Djoumine

marsh (Ayache 1986). The future of grazing is therefore jeopardized.

Chapter IX, proposes and discusses the impediments to five

recommendations for possible "rational utilization" of the marshes

for grazing by local people.

5.2.5 Other values

The fieldwork in 1988 showed that the local population extracts

other products from the marshes. Scirpus vegetation dries out in

sum m er. I t was cu t t o make ro o fin g f o r houses and animal sheds.

Also, farmers from around Ichkeul were s e e n collecting this product

in sum m er 1988 on th e Sedjenane marsh. T h is was th e o n ly re m a in in g

extensive Scirpus vegetation at Ichkeul. Collecti<*of this vegetation

was undertaken despite the poor growth in 1988 because of the to gather Scirpus and bundles were loaded into lorries by the end of each day for the collection (Plate 1).

In 1988, a very dry year, local people were also seen cutting Typha anqustifolia in the western canal at the edge of the Park to feed their animals (Plate 2). Because of stagnant water in the canal

Typha has grown to a height of more than 2m. Behind the dam built by local people on the Djoumine Canal and along small channels at each side of Djoumine river, Typha growth was sim ilar to that of the

Western canal (Plate 3). This has provided direct intake by animals as well as forage in the sum m er season (Plate 2 and Plate 4). Typha is an ever green and was probably used throughout 1988.

Phraqmites vegetation was also heavily used during sum m er 1988.

This plant grows from spring to autumn and is dormant in winter. It is very palatable and reaches fu ll growth in summer. The observed maximum h e ig h t was 5 m . I t was grazed by a n im a ls on i t s lo w e r reaches or on vegetation cut by herders (Plate 5). Bundles were also cut at sun set to provide night forage. In addition, the thickness of the Phraqmi tes and the height it can reach allow the cattle to find refuge u n d e r the shadow of the vegetation from the heat of the sum m er sun.

The little palatable leaves of Tamarisk africana (scrub) which has its fu ll growth in winter are also grazed by cattle and goats in dry years. In addition, it was occasionally used for house construction, delimitation of property and f ir e wood by lo c a l p e o p le . Plate 1 . Summer Harvest of Scirpus maritimus on the sedjenane marsh

a) A worker from local people cutting Scirpus maritimus

17 4 1 7 5 i 1 Plate 3. Typha angustifolia growing behind the earth dam built by local people across the Djoumine canal a) upstream view

b) downstream view

178 Plate 4. Cattle grazing on Typha angustifolia in one of the streams of the dry Djoumine marsh

Plate 5. Cattle feeding on reed which was cut to them by their owner. Behind the herds appears the reed belt growing around Lake Ichkeul

177 Shells, with their contents, were also gathered as food resources along with other plants (e.g. harra and salgue in local names). But these resources were very lim ited in 1988 because of the drought and the increasingly dry conditions of the marshes.

Table 5.2.5.1 gives a qualitative appreciation of the values from the marshes to local people.

Table 5.2.5.1. Qualitative values of marsh plants and shells

Grazing Animal Housing Animal Human Firewood fo ra g e material sheds food

S. m a ritim u s ++ + ++ ++ T. a n q u s t if o lia + + + + P. communis ++ ++ ++ ++ + T. a fric a n a + + + + + S h e lls and * other plants

Note: This qualitative assessment was deduced from informal discussion with local people and field observations (frequency of exploitation, sites of grazing etc). ++: very important, +: important, *: fa irly important

Finally, the lake and the marshes especially those with S. maritimus, would have played a significant role in containing wintering population of geese and wigeon from grazing on the surrounding agricultural fields (Bredin et al_. 1986, Aubry pers comm). For instance, complaints and demands for damage compensation were made by local farmers in the early 1980s (Baraket pers comm).

Other benefits of the river system but not of the wetland would have included, in the past, limited seasonal flooding on the agricultural land especially for farmers of Felta. For these, the floodwater from the Mel ah and other smaller rivers would have enriched the soil in nutrients and flushed the salt out of the agricultural land.

The Djoumine river also undertakes the sewage treatment for Mateur (Thomas et_ al_. 1990). Before the Djoumine dam was b u ilt, the sewage

would have been diluted before arriving in the marshes and vigourous

grow th of marsh v e g e ta tio n was known on Djoumine marsh. T h is co u ld

probably be partially related to nutrient taken. But, it is most

likely that the treatment would have also tkWo place in the

vegetated channel between Mateur and the Park. A projected plant for

sewage treatment at Mateur was evaluated at 5 m illion TD and running

cost at 156,333 TD (Thomas et^ al^. 1990). This is probably the value

of the Djoumine river treatment.

The rivers flowing to Lake Ichkeul also have a significant role in

feeding the water table in the Plain of Mateur. The total volume

extracted from wells could reach 17 m illion cubic metres per year.

The damming of the rivers and probably the gradual salinization

from irrigation are likely to shrink the water table and provoke its

s a lin iz a t io n . The v a lu e of th e r iv e r s was e va lu a te d a t 340,000 TD

as the cost of providing 17 million cubic metres of fresh water a

year (Thomas e t al_. 1990).

5 .3 . Summary and d is c u s s io n

5.3.1 Quantitative and qualitative evaluation

Table 5.3.1.1 and Table 5.3.1.2 gives a quantitative and

quantitative assessment of the values of the functions of the

Ichkeul wetlands and the state of knowledge on these functions. The value of some of the free assets provided by Ichkeul are estimated

at over 1 million TD in 1988 and are likely to have been higher in

1989. Table 5.3.1.1. Quantitative evaluation of the benefits of Ichkeul wetlands from fish, recreation and livestock

Importance Value in TD 1988 1989

Fish 200-300 tonne 808,027 1,500,000 Recreation 8,620 (1988) vi sitor 7,446 21,728 (1) (4 months period) 23,744 (1989) vi sitor 25,488 55,068 ( 2 ) Sold livestock 4,143 (1988) 276,298 Researchers +3,000 (3)

T o ta l 1, 117,259 9

Note: The three species of livestock are cattle, sheep and goat. The estimated value is the sum of sold animals, milk and wool. (1) Fees for visitors to Ichkeul National Park charged (2 TD for foreigners, 1 TD for adult Tunisian and 1/2 TD for concessionary Tuni sian). (2) Travel cost (3) subsistence cost of the UCL team in 1989

Table 5.3.1.2 makes a firs t qualitative appraisal of the knowledge

on 9 functions/values of Ichkeul wetlands deduced from the

literature reviewed. This shows that only 2 out of the 9 functions

are adequately studied and that all of them subject to threats.

Table 5.3.1.2. Qualitative evaluation of the state of knowledge of the functions/values and threats to Ichkeul wetlands

Function/value State of knowledge Threat(s)

1. F ish + D123P3 2. Waterfowl + D123P301 3. Other birds # D123P301 4. R e cre a tio n and e d u c a tio n * D12303 5. Grazing and forage * D123E1 6. Flood benefit to agriculture 9 D123P3 7. Recharge of water table D3P3 8. Water purification 9 D123P3 9 Other natural products * D123E101

+ : Adequate or some information on the value *: L ittle information on the value ?: Do not know D: Dams and/or drainage P: P o llu tio n 1. C urrent E: Overexploitation 2. Imminent 0: Other(s) (e.g. disturbance and or hunting) 3. Potential 5.3.2. The conservation of the Ichkeul wetlands: A decision which has to be made at top p o lit ic a l le v e ls

Chapter III demonstrated that since independence development thinking in Tunisia has been basically on economic development with little concern about the environmental impact. Thinking on development is also influenced by the divide between coastal and hinterland as well as the rural-urban divide.

The growing population of Tunisia of 7.5 m illion in 1986 and 7.9 in

1989

(110,000 beds in 1989 and expected to rise to 200,000 beds by the

2,000) have re s u lte d in s e t o f p r i o r i t i e s fo r watery- .re so u rce s

(Ministry of Ariculture 1990 and Boutiti pers comm):

1. urban needs;

2. agricultural needs;

3. environmental needs.

In that, the North of Tunisia is of great importance because of water resources and agriculture. Water resources (run-off) are estimated at 2,292 m illion cubic metres for Tunisia of which 707.

(1,604 m illio n cu b ic m eter) is m o b iliz e d by dams in 1989 and 957. is expected by the end in the next decade through the construction of

21 dams, 200 reservoirs and 1,000 h ills lake (MEED 1989c). The

North is the master piece of this programme for the mobilization of

1,287 m illion cubic metres and the regulation of 1,095 million cubic metres. 20 dams are already operating in this region.

In the same region, there was alsoextension of 100,000 ha of irrigated land. The 222,227 ha of agricultural land in Bizerte region or "Gouvernorat" is, at 63.247 of the region's surface, one of the highest in Tunisia. It has contributed annually during the

Vlth Plan 210,000 ton of cereal (147 of the national total), 10,000 ton of meat (8.57) and 325,000 ton of milk (337) to the Tunisian agricultural production (CRDA Bizerte 1986).

On the other hand, Ichkeul is important as a habitat for a number of fauna and flora especially wintering waterfowl. For that, it has received national and international protection. It has also been of socio-economic importance to Tunisia through production of fish for export and the local economy. This a ctivity has generated 808,000 TD in 1988 of which 453,000 TD went for export. The one third of the remaning part was injected into the local economy and generated a further 27,200 TD. Fishing has supported 115 fam ilies (626 people).

Grazing was supporting partly or completly a further 266 (1,463 people) fam ilies and produced 276,298 TD. Visitors to Ichkeul showed that this activity can play a role in both education and recreation for the north east of Tunisia and for the diversification of the touristic attraction in Tunisia especially during the low season.

Over one m illion TD was estimated as the value generated from the free assets of Ichkeul wetlands in 1988. Other values from the free sewage treatment and the replenishment of water table of the river system can add substantially to this value.

However, Ichkeul was initially created for the protection of wintering waterfowl. Development is basically economic and the northern part of Tunisia has a strategic importance in the programmes for water mobilization and agricultural production.

Consequently, the conservation of Ichkeul is a complex issue.

However, it seems that decision makers in Tunisia are trying to opt for a "reconci1iatory" solution by trying to alleviate for the

losses induced by development. For that, an international seminar was org a n ise d in T u n is, 16-18 February 1990 to o u tlin e ways to

safeguard at least part of the ecological assets, and the economic assets, of the wetlands of Ichkeul. The main outcome of the seminar

was to integrate the National Park's needs into the North Water

Master Plan (Plan Directeur des Eaux du Nord) (La Presse 1990) for

an optimum level of conservation of the flora and fauna of the Park.

However, the seminar did not give sufficient attention to the

propositions of Kail el et al_. (1990) discussed in section 5.2.2 and did not come out with specific recommendations for the problem of canals, the releases of water and the operation of the sluice. Its recommendations were mainly concerned with the institutional organisation of the park. These recommendations are further discussed in the context of "rational utilization" in Chapter IX.

Therefore, although it is too early to anticipate the conservation of the site, it seems that the low priority of environmental needs

still characterises development in Tunisia and that the

international obligation of Tunisia to the Ramsar convention and

UNESCO can be hardly fu lfille d .

The c o n s e rv a tio n o f Ich ke u l has shown th a t a w id e r p o lic y fo r development of the country is a significant factor for the conservation of the site. But, the local people's role is also as

important as the decision makers. To this aspect the thesis turns in the remaining chapters. Chapter V I. EXCLOSURES STUDIES

6.1. Introduction

This, chapter is concerned with the exclosures studies on vegetation of grazed land. However, before proceeding further, some definitions related to some,words used in the text need to be introduced

(Tieszen 1982, Wittaker and Marks 1975, Milner and Hughes 1968, Gils et al. 1985):

Biomass: is a general term used to express harvests made from vegetation for different uses such as fuel consumption, food etc.

Net Production: is the amount of organic matter that is synthesized and accumulated in tissues of a plant per unit time.

Net Primary Productivity: is the rate of energy storage in a system. It is the sum of the net productions by all individual plants in a u n it area.

Net Above-ground Primary Production: Is the aerial part of plant community (leaf, stem, seed and associated organs).

According to Tieszen (1982, p.17-18) '...N et primary production in nature is difficult (to calculate). The term refers to biomass changes in the entire plant. Yet it is nearly impossible to delimit below-ground compartments and to measure realistic changes in these compartments. Thus most studies are restricted to Net Above-ground Primary Production (NAAP). . . When only this compartment is^measured, there is the inherent danger that changes in B (biomass) are due, in part, to translocation (into or out of the above-ground compartment) and not only due to changes in net photosynthesis as is often assumed'

He defined NAAP by the equation:

NAPP= (B+L+H)/T expressed in g/sq m/day(s)

/ : means d iv id e d by B: changes in biomass during the period T2-T1 L: plant loss by death and shedding during T2-T1 H: plant loss by consumer organisms during T2-T1 T: T2-T1 (time interval in days) NAPP: net production during T2-T1 However, he noted that, it is difficult to account for loss or

turnover of material. This problem is of importance especially in

the tropics where distinct seasonality may be rare and turnover may

be rapid. This suggests that, in a Mediterranean climate this

problem is less acute since seasonality is distinct and most of the

growth occurs in spring. The second factor in the NAPP calculation

relate to harvest by animals. This would depend on the grazing

species. But, when sampling is made in exclosures, NAPP would

approximate the biomass harvested.

For this study, because of the drought of 1988 and the theft or

destruction of exclosures, the objective of the exclosures studies

is not the estimation of the NAPP of grazed lands but to sample

"representative" plots from different types of grazed vegetation and

compare the results from these on NAPP, ratios of fresh/dry matter

and p a la ta b i1t i t y of s p e c ie s .

6.2. Fieldwork period and location of the exclosures

In a Mediterranean climate, although growth starts with the firs t

rains of September especially for the perennial plants, rapid growth

and peak grow th e s p e c ia lly f o r annual sp e cie s occurs in S pring (Van

Swinderen and Chaabane pers comm). Summer with drought and winter

with cold are stress seasons for plants (Miller 1981). Therefore,

exclosures were sampled from February to the end of April. In

addition, because the marshes are evergreen on their humid parts

including the canals, sampling also took place in summer on 28

August.

Ten exclosures were constructed but only 5 remained undamaged. Two were on the Djoumine marsh on the lower part of the marsh in Scirpus and in grass on the upper part. A third was in grass on the

Sedjenane marsh. A fourth was on Djebel Ichkeul on a fla t area of

grass and a fifth on a fallow land in Taref. Two more samples were

taken in the western canal leading to Ghezala marsh. In the canal

there was up to 50cm of water depth with luxurious vegetation of

Scirpus and Typha. The sediments were too soft for animals to graze

on this vegetation.

6.3. Characteristics and description of the exclosures

The exclosures were squares of 25 sq metres. They were constructed

of barbed wire fences. The stakes (1.5 m length) were at 2.5m

intervals connected by three lines of barbed wire and supported by

vertical ones. This structure was found appropriate especially to

humid conditions of the marsh.

Sampling was undertaken in 16 sq metres leaving a 0.5m margin from

the sampled area to the lim it of the exclosure. This was to prevent

animals putting their heads inside the sampling area, trampling by

curious herders at the edge of the exclosures and perhaps rain

splash and bird droppings.

F ig u re 6.2.1. Location of the exclosures oi/e -lim it of zones of study

Taref

Garaatel Ichkeul Tindja ([ Felta '

yojDjebel Ichkeult&t?

Matroulr

State Farm km

Note: At site 6 ano 7 exclosures were not constructed because sediments were too soft in the Western canal for aniJTals to graze. The limits of the study area are approximates at Zaarour and Djebel Taref 186 6.4. Sampling

6.4.1. Size

Sample size depends on the type of vegetation under study. The

International Institute for Aero-space Survey and Earth Sciences

(ITC), Enschede, the Netherlands, recommended the following sample plot sizes which are used to estimate presence/absence, density/or cover of plant species (Gils et al_. 1985):

1. Short to medium-tall grass, forbland, and herbaceous component of woody vegetation 4 m2 2. Tall grass, forbland and dwarf shrubland ...... 25 m2 3. Shrubland and arable field 50 m2 4. Forest and woodland ...... 500 m2 5. S a v a n n a ...... 1000 m2

Merino and Vicente (1981) measured the biomass in plots 5m by 5m for scrub vegetation of sand dunes at the Donana Reserve in southwest

Spain. Papanastasis (1981) used 2m by 2m for grasslands in Greece.

While, Shimada and Milner and Perkins used 50 by 50 cm for grassland

(quoted in Milner and Hughes 1968). In Tunisia, Goldsmith and Smart

(1982) sampled in plots of lm by lm to measure Tamarix africana growth at Sebkhet El Kelbia because all the stems were counted and measured. In addition, Goldsmith et al_. (1986) consider that small quadrats (10 x 10 cm or 25 x 25 cm) are appropriate to study small plants and large ones to study scrub and woodland. Therefore, it can be deduced that, the quadrat size is decided by the type and morphology of the vegetation and the objective of the study

6.4.2. Shape

Traditionally squares are used in sampling grass vegetation (Milner and Hughes 1968). However, edge effects are slightly reduced with round quadrats (Goldsmith et^ al_. 1986). They, noted that edge effect increase with greater length/breadth ratio but the difference between various shapes is very small. In addition, large quadrats with elongated shapes offer better access (Goldsmith pers comm).

However, placing the quadrat device on a dense vegetation could produce distorted results. For that, edge effects could be minimized when . thin material or a rigid, open ended quadrat (Thieleniusis

1966, quoted from Milner and Hughes, 1968) is used to manufacture

the device. In this study, the sampling device was a wood quadrat of

25 by 25cm from inside and 1cm thickness.

6.4.3. Sampling method

Six sampling methods are used to study vegetation (Goldsmith et a l.

1986). These are selective, random, regular or systematic, restricted random, transects, stratified, and unaligned stratified systematic method.

Regular systematic sampling was selected. This consists of using a grid to allow a uniform spread of samples. This was chosen because

in some exclosures there was an uneven spread of vegetation which could lead to distorted results. Samples were equidistant from the centre of the exclosures along circles which were also equidistant.

Figure 6.4.1 presents the grid used to sample grass vegetation in the exclosures.

6.4.4. Number of sampling units

The sampling area within the exclosure is 4m x 4m , the quadrats are

25cm x 25cm, this makes 256 sampling units. Three methods to determine the number of samples were dicussed by Milner and Hughes

(1968) and Goldsmith et^ al_. (1986). The firs t consists in plotting the mean weight of vegetation against sample size. The adequate Figure 6.4.1. Grid used to sample vegetation in the exclosures

PT»

189 number is chosen where the oscillations of the curve damp down. The second consists of choosing 5%, 107., or 20% of the total sample size but a number of 30 samples are necessary for some statistical tests.

And thirdly the variance within a sample area should be less than the variance between the sample areas. The less the variance within a sample area the fewer is the number of samples. A 10% percent level of sampling the study area within the exclosure was taken, that makes 25 samples but for reasons of uniformity, as required by regular sampling, 27 (10.54 % of the study area) samples were taken

(Figure 6.4.1). However, in the humid.>rp,ar4t£ the. marsh (Scirpus and Typha) in the western canal, it was not possible to sample in this way because Typha and Scirpus were growing in very soft sediment and formed a very dense vegetation. Water depth was up to

50cm. Instead, an equivalent area of the 27 samples were taken (125 by 125cm p lu s 50 by 25cm) in t h is v e g e ta tio n .

6.4.5. Frequency and timing of sampling

The firs t fieldwork period was from mid January to the end of April

1988. Some time was spent investigating the area, choosing the sites, buying the material, and setting up the exclosures. A three week interval between cuts was selected. This allowed four'cuts. The firs t cut represented the cumulative NAPP. The other three values were the NAPP of three weeks. However, only three sites had four cuts. This was because 1988 was a very dry year. As a result all of the sites were heavely grazed except the Western Canal, Sedjenane marsh (or Oued Kloufi) and Dhaouda fallow land in Taref. Another sampling took place on the 28 August in the Typha and Scirpus vegetation. me cupped vegetation q t tn e jl/ samples was coiiecceo in one or more bags. Fresh biomass was weighted, then dried in an oven at 80 C

The dry vegetation was weighted on a AHAUS balance at Q.05g and the ratio of fresh/dry matter was calculated and plotted in Figure

O ■ J« a

6.5. Discussion of the quantitative data

The data collected are summarised in Table 6.5.1.

Table 6.5.1. Fresh weight and dry weight of sampled vegetation in the enclosures (February-end April and 28 August 1988)

Djebel Ichkeul F a llo w land Marsh grass (dry marsh) T a re f Sedjenane date FW

07.2 overqrazed(1) 14.2 513.30 144.30 16.2 400.60 109.95 28.2 218.55 51.65 07.3 194.05 43.45 08.3 200.70 51.90 21.3 393.90 84.75 28.3 203.00 55.70 29.3 179.50 53.50 11.4 203.25 70.65 18.4 172.45 64.30 19.4 end os damaqed(2) 28.8 dry vegetation 28.8 49.05 32.15 28.8 dry vegetation

Marsh grass (dry marsh) Marsh Scirpus; (dry marsh) Dj oumine Djoumine date FW DW FW DW

24.1 overgrazed overqrazed 14.2 58.95 21.70 68.05 28.80 07.3 143.15 39.85 15.75 06.27 23.3 249.05 60.20 182.70 57.50 18.4 25.06 10.44 dry vegetation 28.8 dry vegetation dry vegetation enclosure disappeared -

Western Canal leading to Ghezala marsh (wet marsh) Typha+Sci rpus S c irp u s date FW DW FW DW

21.2 4,918.89 979.15 949.55 295.70 14.3 985.90 (207. 90) 151.80 (44.70) 319.60 66.10 04.4 1,658.70 (284. 75) 266.35 (48.40) 543.75 111.20 25.4 3,372.05 (587. 00) 511.80 (108.90) 1,321.45 228.45 28.8 18,350.00 ,250.00 434.30 92.60

Note. FW: fresh weight, DW: dry weight

The area sampled is 1,6875 sg cm (25 by 25cm by 27 sample). The firs t clip is the cumulative NAPP of sampled vegetation at the onset of the exclosure. This was not taken in the fresh/dry weight ratio of Fiure 6.5.2. Notes on th e ta b le The FW and DW in brackets for the Western Canal are of Scirpus. It seems that, after the firs t clip and the drier conditions in March and April, water level in the canal decreased to less than 20 cm. Therefore, Scirpus appeared in combination with Typha. From May, some parts of the canal became accessible to animals and in June the sampled area was re p o rte d to be grazed and Typha was th e h e a v ily cu t by local people to provide fodder to their animals. On Djoumine, the damming o f th e canal in A p r il 1988 by lo c a l people had p ro vid e d appropriate conditions for Typha and Scirpus to grow during summer. As a result, the sample of 28 August was taken in this marsh.

(1) The vegetation was grazed at ground level. (2) The exclosure was damaged and animals had grazed inside (fresh droppings of animals and signs of grazed vegetation). However, the colour of vegetation was turning to yellow showing the end of the growing season. Also, there were wide cracks in the soil. The ratio of the fresh/dry weight of this exclosure was not taken in Figure 6.5.2 because it was sampled only twice.

Figure 6.5.1 shows that the importance of fresh NAAP in the five

excloures is in the following order:

1. Typha anqustifolia (mixed with Scirpus maritimus)

2. Scirpus maritimus

3. fallow land (grazed private land)

4. Djebel Ichkeul

5. dry marsh (grass vegetation)

After the erection of the exclosures setting, the production was on

the increase for all vegetation types. However, the increase for

Typha and Scirpus on the wet marsh was much more important. After

the second clip in March, NAPP on wet marsh continued even higher

but dropped in all other sites. There was nearly no growth on the dry marsh. It was only in August that growth declined on the wet

marsh. For Typha, the decrease of NAPP was only slight. The compared peak NAPP of the three samples shows that Typha (mixed with Scirpus)

was 8.5 times and 16.6 times more productive than those of Djebel

Ichkeul and fallow land respectively. Scirpus on wet marsh was 3.5 to 6.5 times more productive. Figure 6.5.1. Fresh weight of vegetation (14 February-28 August 1988)

fresh weight (kg) 4

T y p h a

S c i r p u s

fallow land d j e b e l

dry m arsh***"**'^ __ 0 0 2 3 4 5 14 February-14 March 2 1 March-4 April 11 25 April 28 August

visit number

Source: Fieldw ork 1988

Figure 6.5.2 Fresh/dry weight of vegetation (14 February-28 August 1988)

Fresh/dry weight ratio

T y p h a 6

d j e b e l S c i r p u s

fallow land 4

d r y m a r s h

2 -

2/14 2/21 2/28 3/7 3/14 3/21 3/28 4/4 4/11 4/18 4/25 8/28 date

Oates on the x axis are expressed in month/day Source: Fieldwork 1988

19 3 Figure 6.5.2 gives a quantitative assessment of the quality of grazing in the five sites through the fresh/dry weight. It shows t h a t :

1. the ratio is the highest for Typha angustifolia (mixed with

Scirpus maritimus) followed by Scirpus vegetation (probably

except for the djebel site from February to mid March);

2. the ratio on the wet marsh has continued to increase in April

when the vegetation in other sites was declining. Before this

month, dry marsh vegetation acted like a wet marsh (ratio rising)

and as upland vegetation (Djebel and Fallow land) afterwards;

3. from April the difference in ratios widened rapidly because of

the accelerated decrease of upland and dry marsh ratios. In

summer (August), the wet marsh vegetation ratio dropped slightly

while on other sites vegetation was dry (ratio=l).

The evolving NAPP and the ratio for wet marsh, dry marsh and upland vegetation could be explained by the continuous growth of the firs t as far as conditions are favorable and the seasonality of growth for the second and the third. This denotes the effectiveness of wetlands in converting solar energy into biomass. This allows a variety of grazing areas and provides most needs of animals the year round especially during droughts.

6.6. Discussion of the qualitative datai

Another method to account for the quality of grazing in the sampled vegetation is through the qualitative assessment of palatability of species. For that, a classification of plants according to their palatabiltity was made for upland, dry marsh and marsh vegetation

(Appendix 1). This was based on informal discussions with herders, observation of animals in the field, palatability of some species in published and non published work (FAQ 1973, El Hamrouni and Sarson

1974, 1976) and with the help of Chaabane Abdelaziz, a lecturer at the "Institut Sylvo-pastoral de Tabarka'*, Tunisia. Plants were

identified and labelled with a palatabilty class. Table 6.6.1

summarizes the palatability of species in terms of the number of

species occuring in each class. It shows that the dryland vegetation

(upland and dry marsh) is more diverse than wetland. However, about

a third of the species in dryland are unpalatable.

Tab1e 6.6.1 Summary o f species distribution per c la s s of palatability for dryland (upland and dry marsh) and w etla n d .

sites No. species NP SNP SP SMP MP MMP MVP VP

Upland: F a l1ow 1 and 24 8 6 •1' Djebel Ichkeul 19 5 4 1

Dry marsh Sedjenane(*) 35 11 3 2 2 4 1 12 Djoumine 13 5 1 1 1 5

Wet marsh o 1 1 1

(*> this is a private land situated on the upper part of the marsh fringing agriculture field. It is usually hired by local people for g ra z in g .

NP: non palatable SNP: slightly to non palatable SP: slightly palatable SMP: s l i g h t l y to medium p a la ta b le MP: medium palatable MVP: medium to very palatable VP: very palatable

Table 6.6.2. illustrates four aspects of grazing on dryland and wetland at Ichkeul. It shows that dryland and wetland can be complementary because while the firs t is seasonal, with more diverse species and more palatabilty, its overall contribution in the biomass production is less. This means that wetlands can be used in p e rio d s when g ra z in g is sca rce such as summer o r d rought y e a rs . T h is was the case in 1988 where grazing and fodder were provided by the marsh vegetation. Table 6.6.2. Characteristics of dryland and wetland grazing

grazing species diversity palatability NAPP

Dry land seasonal more more le s s w etland permanent less 1 ess more

T h e re fo re , after having studied the physical background of graz ing by showing especially the interconnect!on between grazing in upland, dry marshes and wet marshes, the next chapters move to discuss the use of the system of grazing and the socio-economic importance of the marshes for local people at Ichkeul. CHAPTER V I I . GRAZING SURVEY j METHODOLOGY

7 .1 . INTRODUCTION

The second part of the research design concerned the survey of local people. For that, a questionnaire was devised and tested. The questionnaire was used in combination with a participant observation method to gather more data on the social setting. The first was more directed to quantifiable data whereas the second aimed at qualitative information. Along with these methods informants were developed in order to have another insight on the local issues as well as to clarify or complement information from participant observation. Four objectives were set:

1. to investigate how the marshes are used in a system of upland

(agricultural land, Djebel Ichkeul and Djebel Taref) and lowland

grazing (marshes);

2. to evaluate the importance of income from animals in the

household budget in relation to other activities in the area;

3. to investigate the evolution of grazing for at least the last

three decades in respect to environmental changes induced by

significant "development" actions (dams, drainage scheme of the

plain of Mateur and the installation of the National Park);

4. to research the thinking (perception and attitudes) of the local

community about grazing on the marshes and the significance of

the environmental changes on their way of life . The multiple strategy method employed to collect data facilitated cross checks. It was the most appropriate approach for the social setting which dictates the socio-economic structure and the values of the local community. In this chapter, these methods are

introduced and discussed as well as the area of the study and other related aspects (access, period of fieldwork and sampling). Data

interpretation and the presentation of the results is in chapter

VIII.

7.2. Coverages Survey area

This study was conducted at Ichkeul Natior^i Park and its vicinity

(Figure 7.2.1). Administratively, the area is part of the

"Governorat" of Bizerte (county of Bizerte). It falls under the •nJl ^V-2. .2. authority of four "delegations" (Table 7.2.1^. These are in turn subdivided into "Imedats" or sectors. In each of these sectors extensive marshes (max 3,000 ha) were used by the local rural population for grazing (Direction des Forets 1976, 1980, El Ghezal

1983).

Table 7.2.1. Administrateve location of the different parts of the s tu d y area

Delegation sector study area grazed area

Mateur Mateur D jebel Djoum ine, Ghezala and southern suburb Ich ke u l marsh (Farch Aniba and Fadden)

Menzel Gabtna II Zaarour Djoumine marsh , agricultural B ourguiba Matrouh agricultural land (private and state owned)

Ghezala Ghezala F e lta Mel ah and G hezala marsh, D jebel Taref and agricultural land (private and private)

Ghezala El arab Taref Mel ah, Sedjenane marsh, Djebel Taref and agricultural land (mainly private) Ficjnre 7.2.1 . I.ocnl ion of the study area

limit of zones ol sluoy

taref

IGnraal el Ichkc f indja

Za ii i our

Malioulr

k tn

Note : Llie lim its of the area are approx imates at I lip I> i.n (ini and 0 ) ebo 1 l a r e f .

F ig u re 7.2.2. Adminj.strat.ive areas around the fchkeul National Park

of "Gouvernorat Med i to r rai lea i i Sea

imit. of "Delegation'

limit o f S ecto r South Bizerte

p jo i imi no

'Gouvernorat" of Beja 'Gouvernorat' of Ariana

Source: INS (1984)

1 9 9 7.2.1. FivldMgrk period

As for the exclosures studies, the period of the fieldwork for the questionnaires and participant observation was from mid January to the end April 1988 and from August to mid Sepetember 1988. During these two periods grazing was concentrated mainly on the marshes.

7.2.2. Access

Permission to study the area was obtained from the Forestry

Directorate (Direction des Forets). Contact with the local authority

(Arrondissement des Forets, CRDA Bizerte) was provided by the manager of the National Park. However, although connection with the local authority was unavoidable, the researcher distanced himself from the manager in the field in order that local people would not perceive the researcher as working for the local authority or the Ministry of Agriculture in Tunis.

7 .3 . The q u e s tio n n a ire

This section discusses the sampling unit, method of investigation, the design and testing of the draft questionnaire, and the method which was developed to check the questionnaire data.

7.3.1. Sampling unit

Heads of families were the target people. In Tunisia, it is the father who has this role. However, in case of absence,illness or death of the father, the eldest son or the closest parent (e.g. uncle) could replace him. In addition, the meaning of head of family in the Tunisian social context is wide, including moral, social and economic aspects. Moreover, because members of families share the responsibility of family income and thus animal raising, interviews were concentrated in itia lly with .those who were looking after 4-; tn O £ -H N u • 3 0 ■cu U JDr—i CP E 3 3 U HD C V ) C 3 C 0 -rH i— ( JC 3 JJ 43 0 O c r-1 0 73 JJ 0 (—i 3 3 T—( CP 0 £ i—! X! -H 3 0 TD C -r—i 3 3 Q 0 O U CD U 0 O 3 c *i—! 3 JJ E ' 33 rO 0 O 3 j J •i—i 0 c C T5 0 3 ID 4-1 CUC O U 3 Cu C 0 r—f o V-i 3 • r — ( £ .3 CU3 3 i—tU JD 3 •i—{ c >-i u JJ 3 0 ’ 3 JJ -H 3 3 Q 3 0 : 0 3: 3D ON 0 : ~ r" ON 0) t-< ’T r- m JJ IP r- 0 -H a) • • i- 1 M 3 0 *r4 3 r3 J-> E Cn CU O 3 •H Ui 2: 4-1 fa 3 animals and/or managing their finances (marketing and expenses).

T h e re fo re , in te rv ie w e e s were head or members o f f a m ilie s and were a t

least 20 years old.

7.3.2. Method of investigation

About 907. of interviewees were contacted on the marshes. The other

107. of interviewees were in local shops, the weekly market, local

g a th e rin g s it e s or "c a fe s ". No l i s t of names o r houses was used

because these were not available. Whoever, was available at any

time of the day, and sometimes in the evening, was asked. However,

special attention was paid to ensuring that any group of people in terms of dour (hamlet) and/or job was represented in the sample. For

instance, Table 7.3.2.1 presents the number of people interviewed per douar and Figure 7.3.2.2 the distribution of douars on Djebel

Ic h k e u l. Table 7.3.2.1. Sample size, number of families per douar and percentage of population sampled. area sample number of families '/. sampled s iz e per douar

Djebel Ichkeul: Soui ma 9 13 Nechmaa 2 3 Sidi Bel-Abdelkader 5 10 Sidi messaoud/Jdairia 8 22 Fadden 8 Farch D rid 5 13 Farch Aniba 16 23 Chardoudi 4 13 Farch H'sen n 6 T o ta l 62 126 49.207.

Zaarour 14 (1) Matrouh 37 T o ta l 27 52 51.927.

Fel ta 13 18 Zabbouz 3 20 (2 ) T o ta l 16 38 42. 107.

T a re f 17 70 24.287.

T o ta l 122 285 42.807.

(1) Zaarour is a relatively important settlement of a few hundred families. These are newly settled householdsworking in the industrial town of Menzel Bourguiba. However,the study was concerned with farmers (native) who are using the marshes for g ra z in g . (2) This settlment is a cooperative for workers of "Compagnie d'Elevage de Ghezala"

7.3.3. Design and structure of the questionnaire

After defining the objectives of the survey, the sequence of questions in a questionnaire should be designed in such a way to

(Oppenheim 1966):

1. avoid putting ideas in the respondent's mind early in the

interview to ensure spontaneous responses on the same points

afterwards;

2 . make th e q u e s tio n n a ire a t t r a c t iv e and in te r e s tin g to th e

respondent. For example, by starting with some easy, impersonal

questions and not ask for details such age, family occupation, 3. ask what is the influence of this question sequence on the

respondent? For instance are the questions worded in a friendly

way?

Once these issues are sorted out, further consideration should be given to the length of the questionnaire and the amount of time and effort that can be requested from an average respondent.

Oppenheim <1966, p.39) also recognised that 'each survey produces its own problems of question order which makes it d iffic u lt to offer general principles'.

In the case of this study the design of the draft questionnaire consisted of 7 sections (31 questions) and was based on five c r i t e r i a :

1. easy to handle in the fie ld where each section was on a new page;

2 . the flow of questions was made in a sequence from issues on

animals, land tenure, family background and income to community

t h in k i ng;

3. the important sections were placed at the beginning;

4. sensitive questions were not at the beginning;

5. wording and phrasing was carefully chosen to avoid biased and

loaded or leading questions.

The introductory section (section 1) presented the interviewer and the study. The main purposes of the study were hidden to avoid potential influence on the answers. The secrecy of the questionnaire was stressed. This was done to gain the interviewee's confidence. Section 2 dealt with the timing of grazing on the marshes and the upland. The purpose was to investigate the way the system of lowland-upland grazing was used. This section was not sensitive and was intended to develop the confidence of interviewees and stimulate interest in the questionnaire.

S e c tio n 3 was a s e n s itiv e p a r t. I t was d e a lin g w ith m a rke tin g and income as well as other products such as wool from sheep and milk from cattle.

Section 4 was also sensitive. It was on animal numbers and cost of fodder followed by an open question on the evaluation of current and past pastoral ism. This was intended to give interviewees the opportunity to voice their thinking and to show that this was also important in the interview.

Section 5 on land tenure and section 6 on household were less s e n s itiv e and was in te n d e d to make th e in te rv ie w e e le s s

"frustrated" by the sensitive questions in section 3 and 4.

Section 7 was on issues affecting the local community such as heath education, housing and communication. This section ended with a question on the prospect for life in the area in the future.

Therefore, the sections were organised from less (or non) sensitive to sensitive and then to general open questions (Figure 7.3.3.1).

This was to make the questionnaire evolve "smoothly" with the least

"frustration" for interviewees. Respondents were also given the opportunity to express their own views and underline the important issues they saw for themselves, their families and the local community. CD

V-* CD CD W O) o c C ( j . CD - E c£>~ S - ' g w 9 Q . CO ^ cn ^ C ^ C h- .O ^ 0 ) O l O H—1 ___ ■+—' O SI o r nj o r ... -4—» ^ a> c

O) Ll 7.3.4. The pilot surveys testing the draft questionnnaire

The first two weeks in the field were spent in arranging

accommodation, exclosure construction, getting to know local people,

piloting the draft questionnaire and observing the social setting

and the physical characteristics of the area in order to:

1. test the draft questionnaire and produce the final one;

2 . get used to the study area, check delimitation and gather more

information on the survey population in order to organise the

fie ld w o rk ;

3. get trained on the questionnaire, interviewing local people and

lim it the effect of the problems outlined below in section 7.6 as

well as handling new ones;

4. investigate potential informant(s) collaboration.

These 4 points are discussed below:

1. Testing the draft questionnaire

The draft questionnaire was conducted on 10 respondents (4 from

Djebel Ichkeul, 3 from Zaarour and Matrouh, 1 from Felta and, 2 from

Taref). The interview took about 45 minutes per person (2 minutes 25

seconds per question). There were three types of improvements

(complemented questions, altered or transformed questions, eliminated questions) to the draft questionnaire (Appendix 2a). The

introduction of section 1 was expanded f o r in te rv ie w e e s who were sceptical about the research and its outcome. In section 2, question

2 was complemented. Question 6,7,8,10 and 11 in section 3 about marketing of animals were found too sensitive. Some respondents answered vaguely and others did not reply or did not know.

Therefore, these questions were eliminated. In section 4 question 16

and 17 on the viability of grazing and the impact of land use

changes was not understood by interviewees. Therefore, these

questions were combined into one which compares current to past

grazing activity. In section 5 (land tenure) part of the question 19

and 20 were eliminated because they were inadequate questions. In

s e c tio n 6 (family background information) question 25 and 26 were

eliminated and replaced by household expenditure per month. This

information combined with that of question 24 and section 3 allowed

the evaluation of income from animals in the household finances. The

last section about thinking and perception on the use of the

marshes, changes in life -style and future prospects in the area were

understood only vaguely. But, this section was kept to evaluate the

local people's awareness of the land use and environmental changes occuring in the area.

A final questionnaire was produced with a reduced number of

questions (26) (Appendix 2b). Each question took between 1 minute 26

seconds and 2 m inutes 10 seconds i.e. the questionnaire took about

20 minutes to 30 minutes per person. 2. Delimitation and information on survey population

The area was v is it e d and th e survey p o p u la tio n was checked and delimited. Names of local douars were learned. The number of households was counted (number of houses) in order to estimate the size of the surveyed population. Afterwards, during the remaining part of the fieldwork these were supplemented with exact figures because some houses were occupied by more than one household. In each douar, three people were asked on different occasion to report on the number of families. In addition, local jobs were also reported. Table 7. 3 .4 . 1 p re s e n ts jo b s per douar at Djebel Ichkeul.

In the remainder of the study area local people were mostly farmers.

Table 7.3.4.1. Jobs per douar in Djebel Ichkeul

No. of quarry State N a tio n a l ONP other pastoralist fam i 1ie s Farm Park work

Souima 13 3 4 T, 1 0 11 Nechmaya 3 0 0 2 1 0 1 Sidi Abdelkader 10 6 1 3 0 0 6 Sidi Messaoud 10 0 1 1 1 4 7 Jedayrea 12 5 1 0 1 5 5 Fadden 23 10 3 1 1 0 16 Farch Drid 13 11 0 0 0 11 Farch Aniba 23 12 5 1 1 22 *T Chardoudi 13 5 i 0 .Jk 0 12 Farch H'sen 6 y t o 0 0 o 5

T o ta l 126 55 18 12 7 10 96

Note: 9 workers from the quarry, 3 from the State Farm, and 10 from other work were retired. 22 of these were raising animals. Only 2 workers in the National Park and 2 in ONF' were fu ll time. Other work include the guardians in the local primary school, and 4 workers in Mateur and Menzel Bourguiba.

3. Training on the questionnaire, ability to conduct interviews and handling problems

The interviewer had once experienced interviewing rural people. But his firs t experience was in a different setting in small settlements of scattered population in a North-Western forest in Tunisia. The questionnaire was translated to Tunisian dialect. However, it was found that, it was essential to learn some local words especially for plants of the marshes and the Djebel. It was also found that, people were very reluctant at the beginning to cooperate because of former surveys. Nonetheless, because of the introduction of the

questionnaire which expressed a link with research and not with the

local authority as well as the confidentiality without taking names,

intervewees were more open. This was further facilitated by the

interviewer living in the local area (Djebel Ichkeul) and because

local people reported his presence and his charateristics to each other. These aspects and more fam iliarity with local people, the wording of the questions and their sequence developed the interviewing capabiltities of the interviewer. Two interviewees refused during the pilot survey , but these responded positively when they were approached during the fieldwork. It seems that it was essentially local people's perception of the researcher, the research and the outcome of the research which influenced their reaction to the study. In this respect, the pilot survey has helped reduce the non response and increase spontaneity and re lia b ility of the answers.

4. Potential key informants

During the pilot survey, it was only possible to observe the local population in their daily activities and discussions. It was possible to recognise the leaders, the unemplyed, the workers of the quarries, the workers of the National Park and ONP. It was possible to learn the names of individuals in the local community especially at Djebel Ichkeul, the timing of the daily grazing on the marshes, local shops where they normally gather and weekly market(s) etc. However, key informants were selected later during the fieldwork period (section 7.5). 7.3.5. Checking the questionnaire data

The questionnaire was more directed to quantifiable data especially

on income. Therefore, a method was developed and applied to check

the data obtained. This method is described below.

1. About 907. of the interviewees were asked whilst they were with

their animals on themarshes. Because the marshes are open,

bionoculars were used to locate animals and herders from a distance.

Herders usually keep their animals separate from each other.

Therefore, this allowed the researcher to count the animals of each

herder and note them down before moving to ask them in the same

order as their herds were counted. The use of binoculars did not

raise the suspicion of herders because they had seen the researcher

watching birds several times.

2. When an interviewee was found not declaring the real numbers of

animals and by knowing the douar or his name, the researcher tried

to locate the respondent's house and made a second interview with

another member of his family. It was also found that most of the

family members knew about their animals. Because, even though one

member looked a f t e r anim a ls more than th e o th e rs , most o f them share

the responsibility for this activity. Even children during their

school vacation took some part. Therefore, if the number advanced by

the second was approximately the same as the one counted, the results of the second interview were retained. If the number was the

same or different from the firs t interview and the number counted, the questionnaire was kept for further checking with another member of the family and/or informal discussion because interviewees might not recall the number they had advanced. Three cases were encountered where the numbers differed (counted and given by respondents). However, in these cases checking did not go beyond the second member of th e fa m ily . A lso , i t was found a fte rw a rd s th a t th e herd was shared by several owners. One of the owners was from the nearby town of Mateur.

3. Those interviewed without their animals (107.) were found afterwards on the marshes and were checked with binoculars.

7.4.3. Participant observation

Participant observation is a research tool which allows data to be gathered by participating in the daily life of the researched

(Becker 1978). Therefore, the method is a highly individual technique (Moser and Karlton 1971). The worker is at the same time the research tool, the observer and the commentator on a situation in which he lives. This has questionned the objectivity of the method. For that, researchers advocated a strategy which takes into account the need to balance between involvement and detachment

(White 1955, Powdermaker 1966). In addition, although four roles could be adopted with this method namely, fu ll participant or full observer, participant as observer and observer as participant, only the two la tte r were commonly used (Jackson 1983, Burgess 1984). Full participant or fu ll observer involve problems of bias or too much detachment from the researched and the real situation. Other problems with this method relate to ethical issues (covert or overt re se a rch purpose and how p u b lic a tio n should be made) (Barnes 1979,

Jackson 1983, Burgess 1984). These problems are briefly discussed below (section 7.6).

212 Jackson (1983, p.44) noted that the method provides an attraction for social geographers because 'anattempt to transcend the epistemological gulf between "insider" and "outsider" can be made'.

The method has the advantage of seeing information without asking questions (Farnkenberg 1963 quoted in Evans 1988) but suffers from the lack of "real" participation by only using questions such as

"why do you think that?" and "what do you mean?" to get further information (Evans 1988). For that, this method was used in combination with the questionnaire. Because, firs t, the structured interview is to some extent an "artificial social situation" towards which interviewees may have a negative reaction. Secondly, since the interview is limited in scope and could not cover all aspects of the social situation (e.g. the community "internal political c o n f 1i c t s " ).

In the case of this study, interviewees were found more expressive of their feelings and thinking on issues which were not covered by the questionnaire but which helped understand the social framework in which people react individually or organise themselves to face a common threat to one or more aspect to their way of life. For instance, the degradation of the marshes and the "bad treatment" of the workers of the quarry by the administration were the cases in point. In the firs t example, local people collected money from the group of douars which used the Djoumine marsh and blocked the river flow to the lake. As a result, the overflow on the marsh allowed part of the vegetation to recover and helped herders to cut on fodder expenses in the subsequent months of 1988. This was probably the worst drought in the memory of the local people. In the second example, the workers of the gravel quarry decided to go on strike for a few days but their complaints were largely ignored and police were called to quell their action. Some of the workers expressed deep resentment at the way their life had been changed with special reference to the degradation of the grazing activity.

Participant observation was also used to check the answers from the questionnaire especially the open ended questions.

7.5. Key informants

In addition to participant observation, key informants were established. Key informant have been used in social and anthropological studies but as Jackson (1983) remarked not all researchers have had the luck to locate people as eloquent and intelligent as Whyte's informant (Doc). However, Dean and Whyte

(1978) pointed to the need to develop confidence in a relationship with care and understanding over a period of time. This suggests that informants are selected according to the researcher's judgement and with whom it is possible to cooperate (Burgess 1984). The informant's role is to report on the social situation which may complement the researcher's observation and point towards further investigation to understand social setting, social structure and social process (Burgess 1984).

However, in the case of this study, the period of field research

(about five months) was thought to be inadequate to develop

"reliable" informants. But, after about a month in the field, it was noted that some people were quite open to the research and were also respected by the local community. This was clear from the way people talk about or with them. In addition, it was seen that these were normal people, not leaders or wealthy or highly educated in d iv id u a ls . I t seems th a t i t was a judgem ent on t h e ir behaviour that gave them this status. These were approached more closely but

not noticeably to the local community.

Also, because the researcher was more in contact with Djebel Ichkeul

and Zaarour, informants were developed in these two areas, 3

informants in the first and 1 in the second. In Felta and Taref

friendly relationships were developed with interviewees. However,

the reporting of informants on social events was after the

researcher got acquainted with the local issues. Therefore, the

informants' role was restricted to the clarification of some

situations or to complement the information gathered.

7.6. Problems of research in the field

Three types of problems need to be discussed. These relate to the researcher, the researched and the context of research. The firs t problems were foreseen in advance of the fieldwork. Whereas, the two

others were experienced in the field.

7.6.1. Problems related to the researcher

As discussed in section 7.4.3, it was the problem of fam iliarity of a researcher with the social setting that could lead to

subjectivity. This was especially noted for researchers studying their own societies because it is difficult to recognise cultural patterns in familiar situations, interpreting meanings from events and recognising problems relating to participation, observation and fie ld relations (Stephenson and Greer 1981, Burgess 1984).

In addition to the continuous detachment and involvement during the research process advocated by Whyte (1955) and Powdermaker (1966),

Stephenson and Geer (1981) proposed that, for researchers studying their own societies, they should adopt an "a rtificia l naivety" viz. to have an " o u ts id e r view " and record as many d e t a ils as p o s s ib le regardless of their relevance.

In the same way, on the basis of his own experience Burgess (1984) recommended that:

1. researcher should continually pose questions about the settings

within which they are located;

2 . researcher should write as much as possible about details

observed;

3. observations should be regularly reviewed and cross referenced to

other activities and events so that themes can be developed and

linked with the theoretical perspectives deployed by the research

p r o je c t.

Alternatively, Evans (1988) in studying his own community considered himself as someone who is "marginal to the locality". Such a m a r g in a lity was e xp la in e d by being a member o f an academic community as well as a local community.

In the case of this study, the researcher's background indicates that the problem of familiary may have a very limited implication for the results of the research because:

1. the area under study is rural and differs to some extent from the

researcher's own urban background. In addition, the reseacher has

no experience of rural life ;

2 . the researcher is familiar with the problems of the area and

had a detailed knowledge of scientific work done on the National

Park (Chapter V); 3. besides his Berber-Arabo-Islamic culture, the researcher has

experience of life within other cultures (French, Dutch, and

British). This background situation can help the worker^ to

distance himself from his own culture and to be able to see

details, patterns in the social setting, and relate meanings to

e vents;

4. the reseacher had once conducted a questionnaire for inhabitants

of a forest in North West Tunisia.

These advantages from the researcher's characteristies may have alleviated many of the familiarity problems (bias, oversimplification, prior judgement, and inability to separate observation from feeling). In addition, it should have helped to keep these problems in mind.

The re s e a rc h e r was a ls o faced by th e problem o f s t a r t in g re s e a rc h .

For that, three models were adopted (Burgess 1984):

1. "going native" in which the researcher learns to behave as a

n a tiv e ;

2 . "under cover agent" where covert participation is often involved;

3. "advocate research" where the researcher is concerned to help

improve the situation of those studied. The second model has been criticised (Erickson 1967, British

Sociological Association 1970, etc.) because it involves ethical problems. However, Roth (1962) regarded covert participation as

part of the research process for three reasons:

1. researchers do not know from the beginning every thing they wish

to s tu d y ;

2 . some researchers want to hide the purpose of the research or to

make it diffuse between other objectives because they do not like

to influence the behaviour of those researched;

3. even if researchers give detailed explanation about their

research it w ill have different meanings for different people.

Solutions to overcome ethical problems are not easy to find because these problems are related to the researcher, the researched and the context of research. However, there is a need to examine them

according to the day-to-day field practice if solutions are to be found (Burgess 1984).

Under this study, it seems that "under cover agent" in combination with the "advocate research" model was probably the appropriate role for the researcher to take because:

1. the "going native" model needed a great deal of time to be

accepted as a member of a community. In addition, the study area

was formed of at least four "sub-communities". For that, it was

impossible to go "native" with each of them. Therefore, the firs t

model was dropped;

2 . although, there was an ethical problem with the second model, the

researcher did not interfere and/or manipulate the answers to the questionnaire or influence the behaviour of the researched. Also,

according to the previous experience of the worker in the area,

local people would tend to respond to questions which would

satisfy the researcher's expectations (probably for the non

sensitive questions). As a result this model is adopted;

3. th e t h ir d model was a ls o adopted because, i t was supposed th a t

after a period of time, perhaps people would start to wonder

about the real reasons of the study and they might stop

cooperating for lack of an answer. They may fear that something

would be imposed in the area by decision makers as a result of

the research. For instance, since the establishment of the

National Park, restrictions on grazing have been imposed. As a

result, a further explanation (not detailed) was provided. This

explained that the study is part of a research programme which is

running for a number of years on several aspects of the wetlands

(marshes and lake) and that because no studies were available on

the way of life of local people, this survey is undertaken in

order to include this aspect. But, there was no elaboration of

the researcher's thinking or probing for the benefits from the

s tu d y .

7.6.2. Problems related to the context of research

1. Communication and contact with the local community was easier

with Djebel Ichkeul and Zaarour than with Felta (about 5 km)

and Taref (about 10 km). The dike which forms the lim it of the

N a tio n a l Park on th e w estern s id e , was used to reach F e lta .

During and shortly after rain, travelling on the clayey dike was

not possible with the reseacher's moped. This was also the case

with strong winds. There were about two weeks of rain and a month

of strong winds during the fieldwork. However, while Felta could

219 be cut off, Taref could be reached via the dike by passing by

Felta during good weather or by the road Mateur-Ghezala. The former was about 10 km and the latter about 30 km.

Herds were taken to the marsh every morning about 10 a.m. They were taken back home at sunset. But, cattle could come to the marshes and could go back home on their own. In contrast, sheep and goats were always guarded. Therefore, in the firs t month herders with cattle were less covered in the sampled population than those who had mixedanimals or only sheep or goat.

Afterwards, the representativity of cattle herders was recovered for three reasons: a. cattle could go to graze on the State Farm. However, these

lands were well guarded so that most animals who went inside

were caught and the owners were heavely fined. Therefore,

herders with cattle started also to guard their animals; b. from the middle to the end of spring, the grassy fringes of

the state farm could be rented by local people. Herders,

constructed tents and stayed with their animals 24 hours a

day. This was the case in 1988 and allowed several

interviews to be conducted; c. as the daylight got longer, there was more time' to find

herders with cattle in the study area.

Some workers at the quarries were contacted at their working place during break time. But, these refused to be interviewed because: a. they saw no benefit from the study to them or the local

community; b. they expressed reservations and reluctance because of former

investigations. However, most of these were contacted later

and were more positive. 4. About 1/4 of the interviews were conducted in the presence of

other people. This may have affected the answers of some

interviewees or influenced the answers of subsequent ones. This

problem was d iffic u lt to overcome because, even when interviewees

were taken individually, discussions between individuals and

local people was taking place on the questionnaire, the

researcher and the study. This was noted because some

interviewees said they knew already about the questionnaire and,

because 8 others volunteered to be interviewed.

7.6.3. Problems related to the researched

1. It was d ifficu lt to check if respondents trusted the interviewer f with the explanation of the puj^rjose of the questionnaire.

2. Some open questions needed thought and might be raised for the

firs t time with interviewees. Consequently, there was no answer,

a quick one and/or a misunderstanding.

3. It was supposed that this questionnaire would take 20-30 minutes.

I t was observed th a t w ith some in te rv ie w e e s , th e la s t s e c tio n was

answered quickly. This might be because they were not used to

questionnaires or because of the length of the interview.

4. The interviewer had a different accent from the interviewed.

This could have failed to generate genuine answers with some

respondents.

5. At the beginning of the fieldwork, some local people expressed

their mistrust of the study. But, as they got more fam iliar with

the worker and acquainted to the purpose of the study, they

became le s s s u s p ic io u s and more h e lp fu l.

2 2 1 Finally, Table 7.6.3.1 presents the people who declined or accepted the questionnaire reluctantly during fieldwork.

Table 7 . 6 .3.1. People who declined or accepted the interview with d i f f i c u l t y

Area Animals owned Reason for refusal or reluctance

T aref refused Os 50g Oc The interviewee refused because he was told that a similar investigation was carried out at Djebel Ichkeul and that people refused to give true numbers of animals. He thought t h is stu d y was a t r i c k to g e t th e information which was not possible with the former investigation. refused A labourer who thought that this study was of no benefit to him. refused 140s lOg 0c The interviewee accepted under the influence then of h i 5 f r ie n d who was in te rv ie w e d b e fo re , accpeted accepted 35s Og 0c The intervewee accepted after a long with explanation but his answers were very d i f f i c u l t y b r ie f . He seemed not in te re s te d in th e questionnaire. The animals belonged to his b ro th e r.

F e lta refused 60s Og 20c The interviewee was very sceptical about the study. He saw 3 questionnaires but refused even when those interviewed invited him to do so. accepted 50s Og 0c The interviewee was very sceptical. He did with not accept to answer questions about d i f f i c u l t y

Ichkeul re fu se d Six workers of the marble quarry refused to then be interviewed. They were contacted later acqepted and were more positive. Two were interviewed. refused Two workers of the gravel quarry were not interested in the interview re fused A worker in National Fishery Council (ONP). A lso , he owned an im a ls b u t he d id not like to be interviwed for fear of taxation (probably fees of Direction des Forets on animals which qraze on the marshes).

222 re fu s e d 30s Og Oc The in te rv ie w e e was v e ry o ld and had a g re a t and difficulty understanding the questions, accepted refused An unemployed man who saw no benefit from the and stu d y. accepted

Zaarour re fu se d 60s Og 5c The in te rv ie w e e was in a bad mood. refused A worker in the National Fishery Council was in a bad mood. He a p o lig iz e d f o r not accepting the interview and asked if it could be for another day. But it was not possible to meet him again.

Note: s means sheep, g means goat and c means c a t t le .

Most of the people who showed a negative attitude to the questionnaire saw no benefit for them. They were looking mainly to immediate actions such as lessening the administrative control on the area or some help with forage for their animals.

223 Chapter V I I I . GRAZING SURVEY: RESULTS OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE AND

PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION

8.1. Introduction

This chapter presents the results of the questionnaire in order to meet the four objectives outlined in chapter VII. The interpretation of these results in the discussion are supplemented with the participant observation. Figure 8.1.1 shows the organisation of the analysis of the questionnaire which also forms the structure of this chapter. This consists of five parts. The first four are inter-related and sets the physical conditions and the socio-economic importance of grazing for the local community. These follow in a sequence of land ownership in the area, socio-economic activities, herd structure and level of income. The fifth part presents the views of local people on the environmental changes and their impact on their way of life. Then the chapter finishes by a qualititave summary of these views in relation to past "development" actions in the area. This latter section is to improve on the questionnaire results by drawing information from documentary sources. But before moving to the presentation and discussion of the results, the section below presents the pre-analysis phase of the d a ta .

The answers of the 122 interviwees were examined, classified into variables and coded (Appendix 3). However, the answers to section 2 of the questionnaire on grazing sites were the same for all interviwees and therefore were omitted from coding. In addition, five more variables were devised (62 to 6 6 ). Variable 62 was to 05 CD as d CD ‘o5 o CO o CO CD o as *05 CO JZ CD ■O V— CD CD CO CO i— j z CO CO >_ ZJ -I—I CD as 05 as •4— * CO 05 z 05 a5 * o . £ LO C E C c 05 CD E os os CD CD as C CD CD JO 'c CO x : JZ > o as z o co •— — c \j CO

CD 05 E E 05 o o > o C5 CD c CO c ’ co as c 05 T 05 05 s z as v_ "D z CO £ E c o \_ c o 05 Z3 0) o 05 SZ i_ ■*—* o c CO 05 .2 Ll as CO o Q ’ c o& 05 05 E E zc E CO CO CO o o CO O CD "cd £ £ 05 H "2 cz C\J o 05 o 05 o CO CO JZ CO E o aS a5 as k_ OS CL o Q_ o a . as CO s— _Q5 JD CO . 2 *k_ "co as > as c c "O as . 2 . cz as as co ■O i_ c c _as CD Q5 ■o os C Cl £ X o CD differentiate between three categories of people:

1. landless without animals;

2 . landless with animals;

3. land owners with animals.

Variable 63 was on net annual income from all activities. However, income from farming was not included because it was very d ifficu lt to obtain this kind of information from farmers. Variable 64 was to differentiate the four types of occupation found in the study area

(pastoralism, farming and pastoral ism, other work, other work and pastoral ism). Variable 65 classified respondents' annual income into

6 income groups:

1. le s s than 500 TD;

2. 500-999 TD;

3. 1,000-1,499 TD;

4. 1500-1,999 TD;

5. 2,000-2,499 TD;

6 . more than 2500 TD.

Finally, variable 66 was on n e t income from a n im a ls. The coded questionnaires were analysed using the Minitab package.

8.2. Land ownership and a ctivities

Two types of people were found in the study area, the landless and the landowners (Figure 8.2.1 and Table 8.2.1). The first were confined mainly to Djebel Ichkeul and the second came from the surrounding areas (Zaarour, Felta and, Taref). At Ichkeul, people did not own or rent land in or outside the study area except for one ^ *"q3 0 )zz 03 c3 |_; i ? c « 03 LO SZ CM I n o> i c w l l c m CL CD kT C 3 o SZ CM 00 1 2 CD a> o 03 T— X 5 o3 c 5 c3S N LD o i Z3 "D 'T— c CD 03 C\J SZ CO o CD CD 3 -Q .O ) . 9 i u _ Q

co co CD

T3 CD

CD O 3 O CO herder who inherited 2 ha and another who rented 7 ha. In these two cases the land was outside the study area. These were pastoralists

or workers in the quarries (marble and gravel), the National Park,

the National Fishery Council (ONP), the Agricultural Complex Mateur

Ghezala, the Company Mateur-Ghezala for raising Animals (Table

8.2.2, see also Table 7.3.4.1). This was because the National Park

(D jebel Ic h k e u l, marshes and la k e ) was owned by th e S ta te . Whereas,

in the surrounding area most of the people are farmers and

pastoralists (Table 8.2.1). In these areas, besides working on their

land, few farmers were renting land (two farmers 2ha, two farmers

3ha, two farmers 4ha, three farmers 7ha, 30ha and 40ha respectively). They were cultivating their land as well as raising

animals (Table 8.2.2).

Table 8.2.1. Land and animal ownership per area

no land St no land St own 1 and St T o ta l no anim als own animals own anim als

Ich ke u l 11 50 1 62* Zaarour 1 5 21 27 F e lta 3 4 9 16 Taref 1 1 15 17 T o ta l 16 60 46 1 ??

Note: For Zaarour, those without land, animal, or without both were new settlers. All farmers at Zaarour were land owners and raise animals. For Felta, the 3 interviewees without animals and land were workers at the Mateur—Ghezala Company for raising animals and live in the Zabbouz settlement. This settlement was built in the 1960's when t h is compagny was a c o o p e ra tiv e . The 4 in te rv ie w e e s w ith o u t land and with animals consisted of 3 from Zabbouz and 1 herder employed by a farmer at Felta. All farmers at Felta were land owners and raise animals. For Taref, the two herders without land were employed by farmers. Table 8.2.2 Number of people per occupation per area.

pastorali sm other work other work and fa rm in g and t o t a l (*) pastorali sm pastoral ism

Ichkeul 9 11 41 1 62 Zaarour 3 1 o 21 27 F e lta 0 3 4 9 16 Taref 1 1 0 15 17 T o ta l 13 16 47 46 122

(*) other work include quarrying, ONP, National Park, agricultural complex of Mateur-Ghezala and the Mateur Ghezala company for raising anim als

8.3. Upland-1 owl and grazing system

The answers on the use of the grazing grounds during the four seasons of the year were essentially the same. The system of grazing is represented by three vegetation zones namely, Djebel Taref and

Ichkeul, the private and state owned agricultural land and the marshes. These were used in turn during the four seasons (Figure

8.3.1). However, because 1988 was a drought, herders pointed to the difference in grazing cycle between this year and a normal one.

In the normal cycle, winter and autumn were the grazing seasons on the mountains at Ichkeul and Taref. Farmers at Taref Felta and

Zaarour graze their animals on their fallow lands and field edges.

In addition, in late winter animals could be le ft to graze on cereal fields to stimulate vegetation growth for better production and allow herds to feed on green vegetation which is more nutritious according to farmers. However, autumn and winter were considered the "harsh period" by herders and especially winter. Therefore, fodder was given to animals (Table 8.5.3) but it was only used as a supplement during bad weather especially for pregnant females. For farmers, the grazing of their animals on their own fields cut down on the cost of fodder. Figure 8.3.1. Upland (mountains and agricultural land)-lowland (marshes) cycle of grazing in the study area —H 73 XJ XJ XJ c 0 d 3 O d 3 z d £ ? L.- u 0 O' d C N O' ) JD M-| w ’ to d a) . d E C 3 O' U tn c 4 a> >■* & O' — £ K’ *c !* ) CO 3 0 u E d a v Li d a) v) d c e u d O' N 0 D—( >, '— D — E •H J O U ~-l U' C O D u 73O *0 > x) ^ ^ —1 2 j >O > V £ XJ = E E J= jz ^ 'O M H J X jj 4 31- <910-U 3 0 • • < C -< > 0 n JZ -Cn— C C 4 5 0 0 0 XJ > U ) d d d a) d 3 nj tn Z • cn o» u n x xJ xJ no ) J ) c u xJ u ) c d ) H ) ) T O d H Da cn < H JDH a

d d d d m c a

—< — 73 *0 0 J c u XJ 3 Li d C XJ C d d Li O IU XJ £ 0 0 u d xJ d O 0 x x -1 J OJ Oi ) ) w c x d xj >* O Ql -H

U 3 Z J —1 xj cn 3 0 5 0 0 0 ) ) JJ ) ) Li

O P XJ - u h 0 13 13 < (J — u 0 )

w(i^ > Z QJJZ J O XJ «— —1 C— «M I O' — 73 XJ «H <— jz C >» •C T) -H IM XJ 0 h Li > 3 rn u O L< O d 3 u 0 —I — W d Z xJ Z O' U d H — U U O 3 5 d O 0 cn * * )

O d po *‘0 ~4 - *0 —1 cn h 0 d c 3 0 O' 3 3 QJ ) In spring, the vegetation (grass) was at full growth on the mountains and the marshes. But, on the mountain grass vegetation was short lived. Therefore, grazing was concentrated on the marshes.

This season was of major importance for fattening animals and providing milk for the young.

In summer, the harvested agricultural land was used for grazing in combination with the marshes especially because of the availability drinking water and the perennial vegetation. The state farms were also grazed by the animals of local people of Djebel Ichkeul, Felta and Zaarour. Summer is also the season for selling animals and copulation before starting the "harsh period" of autumn and winter.

In contrast to this normal cycle, autumn and winter 1988 were exceptionally dry. At Djebel Ichkeul, the mountain vegetation was very poor and animals were grazing on the marshes for most of the time. In the surrouding areas, most farmers left their animals to graze for a longer period on their fields. By late winter, they realised that the harvest was largely lost. Therefore, animals were allowed to graze the vegetation to exhaustion.

In spring, there was some rain in February which allowed some vegetation growth on the marshes. This was quickly exhausted and herders were providing fodder even during this usually plentiful season. This prompted local people at Ichkeul to block the canal of the Djoumine marsh in late spring. The low flow of the river flooded part of marshes and allowed permanent grazing for Djebel

Ic h k e u l, and Zaarour h e rd e rs in summer.

231 In summer, the provision of fodder for animals continued at Taref and Felta. The state farm was also used by animals from Zaarour,

Felta and Djebel Ichkeul.

Therefore, in a normal cycle of grazing, the importance of the marshes is in spring for the fattening of animals and the provision of milk for the young and to some extent for grazing in summer. In a drought year such as 1988, this importance is strategic for the survival of the herd when fodder is hard to obtain or beyond the fin a n c ia l means o f h e rd e rs.

Also, in a normal year, the decision made by the herders to provide fodder or to move their animals seems to be a function of the growth cycle of vegetation on the mountains, on the marshes, on their fallow or cultivated land;; time of flooding in the marshes; time of retreat of the flood; time of ploughing and the harvest time for c e re a ls .

8.4. Herd's structure within the study area

The cycle of grazing is also dependent on the species owned by herders. Table 8.3.1 is a general illustration of the use of the system by the three type of animals.

232 Table 8.3.1. Time schedule of the use of upland and lowland grazing for sheep, goats and cattle (farmers and herders do not stick firm ly to this timetable because the system of marshes-mountain and agricultural land is strongly dependent on rainfall).

Type of animal Marsh Mountain Agricultural Land

Sheep S pring Winter Winter Autumn Summer

Goats Spring Winter Summer Autumn

C a ttle S pring W inter Summer early Autumn la te Autumn

Notes Cattle graze mainly on the wetter parts of the marsh whereas sheep and goat graze on the drier parts. Goats use the mountains more than the other two species.

The sheep were fed on grass and were more confined to agricultural land, upland pasture and dry marsh. They were the least flexible in their feeding requirements so they were provided with fodder. Goats can feed on a wider range of vegetation (grass and shrub and trees).

Goats were more confined to mountain vegetation and had a flexible diet. They did not need fodder. Cattle were adapted to the marsh vegetation when it was accessible with low water levels. Cattle needed forage for part of the autumn and in winter.

Sheep were preferred by farmers because they were sold on average 5 to 8 months after they were born. Goats are also sold after the same period but their value is lower. A sheep of 5 to 8 months old was valued at 50-70 TD in the Mateur weekly market in Summer 1988. A goat was 40-50 TD. However, the price of sheep could rise by further

50X when it coincides with the religious feast of "Aid El Kebir".

This was the case in 1988 when herders seized this opportunity. A one year old cow was sold at the Mateur weekly market in summer 1988 for between 250-300 TD. The cattle were very rarely used in religious feasts.

233 707. of the 106 herders have mixed herds. At Djebel Ichkeul, the average number per household was 33.1 (16.0 sheep, 8.9 goats and 8.2 cattle) with 20'/. interviewees combining all three species. At

Zaarour, the average herd was 62.8 animals (51.9 sheep, 6.1 goats and 4.8 cattle) with 507. of them combining sheep and cattle. At

Felta, the average herd consisted 48.6 animals (38.6 sheep and 10.0 cattle) with 697. combining sheep and cattle. At Taref, the average was 41.6 animals(26.7 sheep, 9.3 goat and 5.7 cattle) with 307. raising cattle and 237. the three species.

Sheep predominated in all four areas. However, when the data for

Djebel Ichkeul were analysed at the douar level, about 807. of animals were cattle and goat for residents facing the Djoumine marsh

(Souima, Sidi bel Abdelkader, Sidi Messaoud and Jdayeria) and

Ghezala marsh (Farch H'sen and Chardoudi) (Figure 8.4.1). However, there was a large predominance of sheep for the three douars

(Fadden, Farch Drid and Farch Aniba) facing the former Djoumine delta (dry m^rsh). Moreover, when asked to compare the past and present situation, all interviewees in these latter douars indicated that in the early 1960s, before the Djoumine river was diverted to the east into the lake, they raised cattle because of the

"luxurious" vegetation of Scirpus maritimus. The shift to sheep was explained as an adaptation of the local people to the changing condition of the marshes.

In summary, the pastoralists have a complex utilization of a range of pastures on which they adapt the herd structure in order to have an optimum income. 8.5. Net income to the rural community

The mean n e t income in 1988 was 1,708 TD per household which was

rearing animals in the study area (Table 8.5.1) with an estimated

68% of the population drawing between 60-100% of net income and less

than 2% had less than 20% (Figure 8.5.1). Therefore the

contribution of animal rearing in the household budget was

significant. In fact, the activity of animal rearing was seen by

both the land owners and by the landless as a flexible and reliable

activity. It also acting as a "bank account" which could be used

whenever a need arose. This could be when someone was sick, at the

beginning of the education year, or when someone get married.

Therefore, animals were carefully kept and fodder was provided. For this, farmers found themselves at an advantage over the landless

because their animals were fed from their field and/or they relied

less on the market for fodder. As a result, expenditure on animals

at Ichkeul seems to be one of the main reasons which made people

change the structure of their herds and/or shift to other

activities. These activities were in turn acting as a substitute to

the land and supported both the animals and the people.

The mean net income per household was about 1.3 times the minimum

annual wage for agricultural workers and 1.4 times the minimum

annual wage for non agricultural workers as fixed by the Tunisian

Government in 1988 (Table 8 .5 .1 ) . Figure 8.5.1 Animal contribution to household income in the study area

Source: Fieldwork 1988 Table 8.5.1. Mean net income per household

from all activities from anim als SMIG(l) SMAG(2)

N 91 (96) 104 Mean net income 1,708 (1619) 1,177 1,260 1,152 Max 6,836 6,485 Min 100 77 Upper quartile 2,010 1,290 Lower quartile 870 436

Note: all values are in Tunisian Dinar (TD). The mean net income was c a lc u la te d from 91 fa m ilie s among th e 106 who have animals. However, 15 of these did not declare their income or their expenditure on fodder and therefore were omitted from the calculation. Five families with 2 persons contributing to the household income were found in the study area. For the purpose of comparison with the SMIG and SMAG these fam ilies were counted twice (91+5=96) and the corresponding mean net income is put into b ra c k e ts .

(1) SMIG: The minimum annual wage for non agricultural workers (105 TD/month). (2) SMAG: The minimum annual wage of agricultural workers (96 TD/month)

The mean net income and mean net income from animals per household

at Djebel Ichkeul, Zaarour, Felta and Taref were above the level

of minimum annual income of agricultural workers except for Djebel

Ichkeul's net income from animals (Table 8.5.2). Only in Taref was

the mean net income from animals above the minimum annual wage of

non agricultural workers.

Table 8.5.2. Mean net income and income from animals at Djebel Ichkeul and its surroundings in 1988

mean net income mean net income in TD from animals in TD

Djebel Ichkeul 1,741 1,017 Zaarour 1,324 1,281 F e lta 1,668 1,155 T aref 2,992 1,514

Table 8.5.3 shows that people who combine pastoralism and work had

a higher income level than those with work or pastoralism only.

Farmers belonged to both high and low income levels. This was an

aberration for farmers because only income from animal was considered and not income from the harvested yield. Farmers were very reluctant to declare their income from farming. Therefore, the

figures advanced above for mean net income from all activities and

mean net income from animals were underestimated for farmers of

Zaarour, Felta and Taref.

Table 8.5.3. Income level versus occupation

income other work pastoral ism other work fa rm in g * T o ta l c la s s and and TD pastorali sm p a s to r a li sm*

O -499 3 0 6* 11 500-999 4 1 6 4* 15 1000-1499 3 7 13 3* 26 o 1500-1599 1 13 0 * 16 o 2000-2499 0 8 2* 12 2500+ 1 0 4 6* 11 T o ta l 12 14 44 21* 91

*: income from farming was not included 31 interviewees did not reply to the question on income. 25 were farmers, 3 had other work and pastoralism, 1 had animals, 2 had other work.

Income from animals came mainly from sheep (507.), secondly from cattle (427.) and thirdly from goats (87.). Income was affected by

the loss of animals from disease and age but mainly from the drought. The 1987/88 winter was exceptionally dry and many of the

herders claimed a loss of animals. The calculated mean for the loss of the three types of animals per pastoralist was 3.92 (2.75 for

sheep, 0.79 for goats and 0.37 for cattle). The majority of this

loss affected the very young animals especially after birth. Some

ewes, cows and nanny-goats were unable to provide their young with

the necessary milk. However, although it was d ifficu lt to evaluate

the current economic loss coming from the drought because there was no market price for very young animals, the potential loss was

evaluated. It was made on the assumption that if these animals had survived they would have had a value of 28,960 TD (14,600 TD for

292 sheep, 3,300 TD for 84 goats and 11,000 TD for 40 cattle). To cope with the drought, fodder was provided for a longer period and twice a day instead of once for a period extending from

October/November to March/April. Zaarour has the highest mean expenditure (725 dinars) followed by Felta (428 Dinars), Djebel

Ichkeul (428 Dinars) and Taref (133), This did not truely reflect reality because the herders of Djebel Ichkeul are landless, therefore they have to buy fodder. Whereas, those of Zaarour, Felta, and Taref were farmers having from 1 to 40 ha (Figure 8.2.1), and they provided fodder from their own fields which also were used for grazing in summer. No data were provided by these farmers on their yields. In this respect, farm land was supporting animals which in turn were supporting the farmer when they were.sold at the market.

Table 8.5.4 presents expenditure of land owners and landless on fodder. However, on one hand farmers were very reluctant to declare yields and income from farming and on the other they said that not all the fodder was cominq from their own fields.

Table 8.5.4. level of expenditure on animals of landless and landowner

no fe e d in g low med i urn high t o t a l 0 (1-499 TD) (500-999 TD) (1000+ TD)

1 andless 6 36 11 6 59 land owners 10 11 17 7 45

To underline this importance of grazing to herders, the discussion turn to the views of herders in regard to the changes which had occurjed or were underway in the study area. 8.6. Views of local community

This part reviews the views of the local community on the past and present situation for animal rearing and how it has been impacted by

"development" actions, the perceived benefits of the marshes, the perceived change in the standard of living and future prospects in the area. This is intended to relate the perceptions of local people on the benefits of the marshes to causes of degradation from development actions, to understand how these were adapting to the new physical setting and what might be the situation in the future.

8.6.1. Changes in animal rearing

Table 8.6.1.1. shows that the herders of the Djoumine marsh were more concerned with the changes of the river flow and the hydrology of the marshes than those of the Ghezala and Mel ah. These changes were induced by the diversion of Djoumine river in the 1960s to the east straight to the lake, the dredging of the Djoumine canal in

1981, th e dredging of th e R iv e r Mel ah in 1987 and th e damming o f th e

D joum ine r iv e r in 1983 and Ghezala r iv e r in 1984 and th e re c la m a tio n of grazing areas for agriculture.

T able 8 .6 .1 .1 . Comments of h e rd e rs on th e h yd ro lo g y of th e marshes

Djoumine Ghezala Mel ah T o ta l no chanqe 3 2 16 21 positive change 0 0 0 0 negative change 21 4 0 25 not mentioned 40 3 17 60

T o ta l 64 9 •JO 106

Notes the 16 workers in the study area were not concerned with this issue. These had given up animals

Among the 51 interviewees at Djebel Ichkeul 11 mentioned one cause of degradation whereas 10 mentioned two or three causes. The diversion of the Djoumine river was mentioned by 15 individuals (7 times alone, 8 times combined with other reasons). The explanation is the reliance of the Djebel Ichkeul herders on the marshes together with the dramatic changes when the canal was dredging in

1981 (Hollis et_ al_. 1986) and the river dammed in 1983.

At Zaarour only 3 interviewees gave a negative opinion about the dredging of the canal and the Djoumine dam.

On the Melah, interviewees were not concerned with the changes partly because they relied on grazing on their own land and partly because of the extensive of winter 1986/87 floods. According to the local people, Felta was cut off and the m ilitary had intervened to rescue farmers and/or to provide food by helicopter. After the recession of the floods, a decision was made to dredge and widen the river bed in line with the drainage project of the Plain of Mateur

(SCET Tunisie 1982, CRDA Bizerte 1987).

The effects of these hydrological changes, particularly expressed at

Djebel Ichkeul (Table 8.6.1.2), were concerned with vegetation

quantity and quality, grazing space, and herd structure and number.

Table 8.6.1.2. Perceived effects of the hydrological changes on the marshes on p a s to ra lis m

v e g e ta tio n grazing space herd herd s iz e s tr u c tu r e per fa m ily no chanqe 19 O1 oo 21 positive change 0 1 2 5 negative change 55 31 7 13 not mentioned 32 53 75 67 T o ta l 106 106 106 106

52'/ of interviewees thought that vegetation quality and quantity had declind and considered that grazing conditions (marshes and upland) had been better 10-30 years before. They said that in the old times, especially before the diversion of the Djoumine river, fodder was not needed. There was always green vegetation on the marshes. However, 18*/ declared that there had been no change but these were from Taref and Zaarour.

Everywhere local people recognised the reduction of grazing space because of agriculture. The h ills and the marshes were reclaimed for c e re a ls , o liv e s and f r u i t tre e s .

Concerning animals, 12/ answered that in the last years (probably

5-10 years) there were less animals per family but 637. did not mention this aspect. Few interviewees (8.5/) talked about the mixture of animals but those at Djebel Ichkeul had been forced to increase sheep at the expense of cattle and goats.

8.6.2. Usefulness of the marshes

Table 8.6.2.1. shows that grazing was overwelmingly expressed as useful by 93.5/ of the interviewees. There were no negative opinions on grazing. 16.5/ considered bird and w ildlife as useful whereas 5/ regarded hunting as useful. The frequency with which reed harvest, agriculture and, fishing were not mentioned (63-71/) suggests that these aspects were unimportant in the life of herders although reed used to be widely exploited by Djebel Ichkeul inhabitants for the roofing of their houses as well as by the surrounding areas for the thatching of animal sheds. On the Taref side, Scirpus maritimus harvest is s till wide spread but was reported to be used less because the leaves are now shorter. Table 8.6.2.1. Perceived usefulness of the marshes for different aspects cr grazing reed agriculture fishing hunting Q. S* o th e rs c u ttin g wildlife (1)

not u s e fu l 0 29 30 30 30 25 33 u s e fu l 114 14 10 8 6 20 5 not m entioned 8 79 82 84 86 77 84 t o t a l 122 122 1 ?2 122 122 122 122

(1) others means eduaction and recreation

8.6.3. Change in the standard of living

Interviewees were also asked about changes in the local community's way of l i f e (Table 8 .6 .3 .1 ) .

Table 8.6.3.1. Perceived change in the standard of living

housing income s c h o o lin g h e a lth food commun i ca t i ons no change 45 31 39 42 52 positive change 31 38 27 19 38 6 negative change 3 13 0 0 6 2 not mentioned 43 40 56 61 46 62 t o t a l 122 122 1 122 122 122

Compared to the last 10 years and before, and according to the six characteristics used in Table 8.6.3.1, 33X of interviewees considered that there had been no change in the standard of living,

22V. were positive and 3/i were negative. Among these characteristics, it was income and food which were the most positively perceived.

33-51/i did not mention any of these characteristics. Many interviewees were reluctant to talk about the standard of living and went for the no change option to stop further explanation.

The results of Table 8.6.3.1 accorded with observations made since

1982. In 1988, it seemed that there were more educated people as well as better housing except for some households on Djebel Ichkeul.

However, communications (roads, telephones), health fa cilitie s (in n e ig h b o u rin g towns) and food (n o t o n ly t r a d it io n a l) seemed t o be unchanged. In considering housing, as the most appropriate indicator of a better income, the standard seemed to be improving because there were more stone houses than in 1982. In addition, the local community had obtained more TV antennas on the houses, more mopeds and bicycles, as well as more cars.

277. of interviewees, but 507. of those from Djebel Ichkeul, asked for help from the government to cope with their rising needs. They emphasised that this could be within the framework of the Rural

Development Programme.

8.6.4. Future prospects in the area

When asked about the prospects of rearing animals and if they expected their children to take over pastoralism, 227. out of the 106 herders were positive (207 at Djebel Ichkeul), 727. wished their children to do something else and, 67 did not know. A further c l a r i f i c a t i o n was demanded to th o se who hoped fo r anothe r occupation. 307. prefered to combine agriculture and pastoralism (all at Zaarour, Felta and Taref) and 427. wished to have a job locally or outside Djebel Ichkeul.

Observation showed that animals were tended by old and retired people, unemployed youths, children (10-18 years) and others who were not fit to do other work. Therefore, it seems that animal rearing was gradually and slowly losing importance in the life style. This was probably a result of the degradation of the physical setting and a higher standard of living. As expenditure on the household increased through the education of children and better living conditions, and the new adaptation to the physical setting of animal rearing failed to cope with the needs, people shifted to work in the quarries, the state farms, the National Park and ONP. If this trend is going to continue they may also migrate outside the area.

More than five people le ft Djebel Ichkeul to look for a job between summer 1988 and summer 1989.

8.7. Views of local people versus past events in the study area

This part of the discussion is a qualitative summary of the views of local population on the changes in the area or the region. It draws essentially from participant observation, informal discussions and documentary sources. It is an improvement on the questionnaire results because it relates past events to the current situation

(Table 8.7.1).

Table 8.7.1. Reaction of local people to "development" actions

Event reaction of local people

1965 'Ukrguiprovodkhoz' drainage project: a. Diversion of Djoumine river ** b. creation of the western canal draining oued Guelta, + draining oued Guelta M'saken, El Jemma, and Ghezala c. dredging this canal to the lake (Ghezala river) 0 d. dredging oued Mel ah 0 e. dredging other smaller rivers 0 creation of Ichkeul National Park in 1980 ** 1982 drainage project: a. dredging Djoumine Canal ** b. dredging Ghezala Canal (on the upper part of the marsh) 0 c. dredging Melah river + d. dredging smaller rivers o e. construction of pumping stations (under construction) 0 Djoum ine dam 1983 and Ghezala dam 1985 ■* Sluice (under construction) 0

0: no reaction *: negeative reaction **: very negative reaction positive reaction

Three events attracted the attention of local people (Diversion of the Djoumine river, creation of the National Park and the dredging of the Djoumine Canal) and to lesser extent the construction of the

Djoumine and the Ghezala dam. All three were mostly raised by the inhabitants of Djebel Ichkeul.

The diversion of the Djoumine river was the most repudiated especially by the elderly. They emphasized that cattle had once been raised on the "luxrious" Scirpus vegetation as well as on the other marsh vegetation. Fodder was not needed for animals and construction materials for roofing and animal sheds, as well as some plants for human food, were also collected. The location of the most populated douars (Farch Aniba, Farch Drid and Fadden) faced the former

Djoumine delta and confirmed the importance of these marshes to local people. After the diversion of the river, the marshes were leased to local people and converted to agriculture. The land was managed in a c o o p e ra tiv e system . In th e la t e 1960's, i t was taken over by the adjoining state farm of Ghezala-Mateur and in 1937 was returned to the National Park, but this land was largely barren or had unpalatable vegetation.

The creation of the National Park in 1980 was coupled with restrictions on grazing. The National Park was proclaimed by the

Ministry of Agriculture from Tunis without the prior knowledge of the local people. It was regarded as another lim itation on grazing in favour of wintering waterbirds. As a result, resentment of the

National Park was widespread in the study area especially from the residents of Djebel Ichkeul.

The dredging o f th e Djoumine canal was r e c a lle d by Djoumine and

Zaarour herders. They stressed the damage done to Scirpus vegetation. However, in 1988 the prolonged feeding period into spring prompted herders from Djebel Ichkeul to block the river flow. In turn, this had allowed the vegetation to recover on some p a r ts o f th e marsh (max lOOha) and g ra z in g ground was a v a ila b le th ro u g h o u t th e summer.

It seems that it was the drought of 1988 which attracted attention to the dams. The people referred to the Djoumine dam as important to irrigated agriculture at their expense.

The continuous reduction of grazing space from reclamation or degradation was compounded by an increase in the number of animals

(see chapter V, Table 5.2.4.1). This was contrary to the claim by 13 interviewees from Djebel Ichkeul that there were more animals but fewer beasts per household, a view largely shared by other residents. Table 5.2.4.1 (p.169) shows that there was about three times increase in the size of herd in both total number and holding per Household between 1976 and 1988. This increase came largely from sheep and goats.

Some past events were regarded positively. These include the

Western canal and the dredging of Oued Mel ah. The firs t had provided in 1988 fodder from Typha angustifolia and Scirpus maritimus during winter, grazing grounds in late spring and for sometime in summer when the water receded. The second was regarded positively by the farmers of Felta because of the 1987 floods.

There were no reactions to the dredging of other smaller rivers probably because of their limited impact. The construction of pumping stations and the sluice. The latter two events were under contruction and local people did not know about their future use. 8.8. Summary and conclusion

The investigation into grazing activity in the study area revealed that pastoralism was adapted to the physical setting in terms of:

1. cycle of grazing between upland and lowland grazing grounds and,

2. the herd structure.

The cycle of grazing involves the animals moving to Djebel Ichkeul and D jebel T aref in la te autumn and w in te r , to th e marshes in

spring, late summer and early autumn and to the agricultural land in summer (Figure 8.3.1). This cycle of grazing was in line with the

growth pattern of vegetation demonstrated through the ratio of fresh/dry weight (Chapter VI, Figure 6.5.2).

The herd structure was dominated by sheep (16-52 sheep per pastoralist household). However, on aggregate, Zaarour and Felta

were mainly raising sheep and cattle, whereas, Djebel Ichkeul and

Taref raised sheep, goats and cattle.

e Nevertheless, the system of grazing was threatened by development actions such as the drainage of the Plain of Mateur and the

c o n s tru c tio n of dams. The re a c tio n o f lo c a l people was t o change their herd structure. This was especially illustrated for the douars of Fadden, Farch Drid, Farch Aniba which faced the former Djoumine delta south of Djebel Ichkeul from which the river was diverted in

the 1960's. In addition, because,_.changing conditions induced fodder purchase and affected income negatively, 112\out of the 126 fam ilies

(Chapter VII, Table 7.3.4.1) worked locally within the quarries,

National Park, the state farm and the Fisheries National Council in

1988. This allowed herders from Djebel Ichkeul to continue pastoralism by supporting their animals from the income of local

work. On the surrounding area, farmers continued supporting their

animals from their agricultural fields.

About 68/C of pastoralist fam ilies drew at least 607. of their income

from animals. The net income from all activities, with farm income

not included, was 1,708 TD (1,177 TD from animals) for the study

area. This level of income was 1.3 times higher than the annual

minimum salary of non agriculutral workers (1,260 TD) and 1.5 times

higher than annual minimum salary of agricultural workers (1,152

TD). Probably, that is why farmers were not attracted by other work

and most Djebel Ichkeul workers did not give up animal raising. Only

16 of the latter were without animals and living from other work.

Local people regarded grazing as a flexible activity which could be

relied on when need arose. Pastoralism acted like a "Bank account".

The standard of living was found to be on the increase for almost

all the local population.

They viewed the changes as a real threat to the future of grazing.

The reaction was negative towards the diversion of the' Djoumine

river, dreging of Djoumine canal, the dams upstream and the creation

of the National Park which was imposed from Tunis. The latter was

regarded as another lim itation to grazing space. Some actions in the

area were perceived as positive. The dredging of the Melah canal was

regarded positively as flood alleviation by the douar Felta and the creation of the western canal provided fodder and grazing grounds in

late spring and for sometimes in summer. For other developments there was no reaction because they were on a smaller scale (dredging of smaller rivers) or because they did not know or were not informed about them (pumping station and sluice).

The survey used a range of sources, questionnaire, participant observation, informal discussions, informants reports and documentary sources as well as past experience with the area.

Although, significant changes in the hydrology of the marshes had

most local people tried to adapt to the new physical setting by changing the structure of their herds, providing fodder and/or shifting to local activities. They did not give up pastoralism. This highlighted the importance of grazing in their way of life. However, if the changes of the physical setting continue and there is an increasing standard of living, pressure w ill intensify on the degraded marshes. Accordingly, the expenditure on fodder (especially at Djebel Ichkeul) w ill also increase and most local people will probably shift to other activities inside or outside area of Djebel Ichkeul.

Therefore, building on these results and trying to stem the degradation on the marshes five recommendations for "sustainanble grazing'1 are devised, tested with local people, decision makers and

Non Govermental organisation (NGOs) and discussed in chapter IX. CHAPTER IX. The SUSTAINABLE USE OF THE MARSHESs RECOMMENDATIONS AND

THEIR TESTING

9.1. Introduction

There is a widespread thinking especially within the international organisations (IUCN, WWF, UNEP etc) that the sustainable development approach to the problems of nature conservation and participation of local people is the correct one for National Parks. Therefore five recommendations were derived from the questionnaire results, participant observation, exclosures results, a literature synthesis and former experience with the National Park. These were formulated within a report (recommendations plan, Appendix 4) and were pre-circulated to decision makers and Non Governmental

Organizations (NGQs) in Tunisia and to foreign organizations (NGOs and others). For Tunisians the recommendations were presented in

French. They were also proposed orally to local people at Ichkeul.

The recommendations plan was divided into two parts. The firs t part provided factual information on the socio-economic importance of grazing and its interaction with the resource base of vegetation.

This all derived from earlier parts of the thesis. It included:

1. definition of the problem of grazing;

2. the characteristics of the local population (household, animals

and incom e);

3. upland-1 owl and g ra z in g c y c le ;

4. exclosure results related to the grazing cycle;

5. compared economic value of animals (1976, 1979 and 1988) at Djebel Ichkeul;

6. economic value of animals in the study area in 1988;

7. a brief review on the institutional and legal aspects of the

National Park.

The second part dealt with the five recommendations. These included th e :

1. restoration of the hydrological regime of the marshes by

in fillin g the Djoumine and the Mel ah canals and releasing water

from the dams according to the volume suggested in Hollis et a l.

(1986);

2. preparation of a grazing management plan which integrates upland

(mountain and agricultural land) and lowland (marshes) pastures;

3. integration of pastoralism with farming and other work in order

to sustain the income of the local community and grazing on the

marshes;

4. cooperation of the central and local authority (including the

manager of the National Park) with the local people in the

implementation of the grazing management plan;

5. formation of the local committee to participate in management

issu e s.

Guidelines were outlined for a grazing management plan, the integration of activities in the area, and the formation of the local people's committee. A sequence of actions for the implementation of the recommendations and two scenarios with the likely effects of the implementation, or not, of the recommendations on the local economic activities, ecological consequences and the international status of Ichkeul National Park were provided. The derivation and the justification for the recommendations and their guidelines are going to be discussed in this chapter.

The purpose of the recommendations was to e lic it the response of selected officials, NGOs (national and international) and local people to judge the likelihood of the recommendations' implementation and the problems to be encountered. The recommmendations are contrasted to those of the international seminar for the conservation of Ichkeul National Park held in Tunis from the 16-18 February 1990. The experience of this seminar also gives evidence as to the likely implementation of the recommendat i ons.

9.2. The recommendations plan

9.2.1. restoration of water to the marshes

9.2.1.1. Restore the hydrological regime of the marshes by fillin g of the Djoumine and Mel ah canals

The dredging of the Djoumine canal in 1981 reduced the flooded area and ground water table. As a result, this had decreased the marsh productivity and the length of the growing season for vegetation

(Hollis et^ a l. 1983). This was confirmed by transect data carried out from 1982-1986 (Stevenson and H ollis 1986), and mapping of live

S c irp u s m a ritim u s from Landsat f o r summer 1975 to 1982 (F ig u re

5.2.2.2). The Djoumine dam exacerbated the degradation of S. maritimus in terms of extent and abundance. It converted most of the marsh to the unpalatable Ammi visnaqa. Therefore, the fillin g of the canal is necessary for the recovery of the marsh vegetation. In

1983, the filling of the canal was agreed at the coordinating meeting held at Directorate of Environment, M inistry of Agriculture. The decision was based on the SCET Tunisie study which advocated that the filling would be without significant effect on the agricultural land. However, the decision of the coordinating meeting was n o t im plem ented.

In April 1988, the prolonged drought prompted local people at

Ichkeul to block the canal. As a result water flooded part of the marsh and g ra z in g was p ro vid e d th ro u g h o u t th e summer. Typha a n g u s t if o lia grew s i g n if ic a n t ly behind th e " 's m a ll dam" - and in to th e two smaller rivers of the Djoumine marsh. A high growth of Scirpus and Typha was also witnessed in the western canal of the Ghezala r i v e r .

While the problem of filling of Djoumine canal was still in c o n tro v e rs y , th e Mel ah was dredged in 1987. I t seems th a t, t h is was as a r e s u lt o f th e 1987 flo o d s .

9.2.1.2. Reservoir releases

The second point concerning the marsh hydrology are reservoir releases. These were estimated at an average of 5.4 m illion cubic metres once every five years with the dyke built around the north east of the lake to reduce between 20 and 357. of the lake area after the completion of the Sedjenane dam (Hollis et^ a l. 1986).

The Djoumine and Ghezala dams were com pleted in 1983 and 1984 respectively. The Sedjenane dam is due to be resumed in one or two years. The releases of water are essential to maintain the ecology of the lake but are also helpful for the recovery of the vegetation of the marshes. 9.2.2. A grazing management plan for the marshes

Since 1976, it has been believed that the marshes and Djebel

Ichkeul are unable to support the existing animals in the area

(T able 9 .2 .2 .1 ) . A management p la n was recommended (D ire c to ra te of

Forest 1976) and further reiterated in JORT (1984).

The need for animals is for the 4 seasons. Therefore, if the 908,993

FU produced by the system mountain-marshes (Guedraoui 1988) is compared to the 4,007,750 FU needed byanimals in 1988 (Table

9.2.2.1), it can be seen that the production of the system could roughly satisfy the needs of the animals in the study area for one season. The difference has to come from fodder and agricultural land. For simplification and to address the urgent problem of grazing management, the Djoumine and Ghezala marshes are taken for demonstration. These marshes are already affected by dredging of the canals and dam construction upstream. They are taken under the 1988 drought conditions (probably the worst case). Table 9.2.2.2 presents the needs of animals at Ichkeul and Zaarour. Table 9.2.2.1. Standing crop i (FU), needs of animals and deficit

Direction des Forets 1979 Area (ha) FU/ha Total FU/year

Djebel Ichkeul 1,035 200 207,000 marshes 800 500 400,000 T o ta l 1,835 607,000

Species FU/species Number Total needs FU/year

c a t t 1e 1,500 736 1,104,2 00 sheep 250 940 235,000 crr-ier qoat 250 iJ jL x J 131,250 o th e rs 1,500 132 198,000 buffalo 2,500 13(+4 young) 32,500 T o ta l 2,333 1,700,750 Def i c i t 1 ,093,7 50

1983 (El Ghezal 1984) Total FU/year

needs of animals inside the park 1 ,500,0 00 needs of animals outside the p ar k 575,000 needs of buffalo (30) 125,000 Total 2,200,000 Djebel Ichkeul 200,000 marshes 627,000 Production in the park 827,000 Deficit 1,372,500

Guedraoui 1988 Area FU/ha Total FU/year

F o re s t and pre-forest vegetation 1,371 260 355,646 marshes 2,670 207 553,347 T o ta l 4,401 908,993

Ayache 1988 F U /sp e cie s/ye a r Number Total FU/year c a t t le 1,500 1,452 2 ,1 7 8 ,0 0 0 sheep 250 5,877 1,469,250 qoat 250 1,442 360,500 Buffalo and other animals are not included T o ta l 8,771 4 ,0 0 7 ,7 5 0

FU: forage unit. The estimation of the FU of Djebel Ichkeul and the marshes as well as per species were not explained in Direction des Forets (1979) and El Ghezal (1984). Those of Guedraoui were based on the lis t of plants prepared by El Hamrouni and Sarson (1976). For the plants which were not on the lis t, the UF was compared with plants of the same fa m ily . The FU per sp e cie s were a ls o a f t e r El Hamrouni and Sarson (1976). Table 9.2.2.2. Needs of animals at Djebel Ichkeul and Zaarour

Djebel Ichkeul FU/species/yr Number T o ta l FU c a t t le 1,500 787 1,180,500 sheep 250 1,536 384,000 goat 250 854 213,500 B u ffa lo and other animals are not included T o ta l 3,177 1,394,384

Zaarour FU/speci es Number T o ta l FU c a t t le 1,500 237 355,500 sheep 250 2,565 641,250 qoat 250 300 75,000 T o ta l 3,102 1,071,7 50

Grazing at Djebel Ichkeul is made over 9 months in the National

Park and 3 month outside. Animal spend winter and two months of autumn on Djebel Ichkeul (fodder is also given), spring and one month of Autumn on the marshes and summer on a g r ic u lt u r a l la n d .

Therefore, the real needs of animals are: 1,394,384*3/4= 1,045,788

FU.

The Zaarour herders use the marshes for four months. Animals spend s p rin g and one month of autumn on th e marshes and summer on th e agricultural land. They are fed in winter and two month of autumn.

Therefore, the real needs of animals are: 1, 071,750*1/3= 357,250FU and the total needs for Djebel Ichkeul and Zaarour are

1 ,4 0 3 ,038FU

An estimation of the vegetation production of the system is presented in Table 9.2.2.3.

257 Table 9.2.2.3. Estimation of vegetation production in 1988

Area FU/ha (3) Total FU

F o re s t and pre-forest vegetation 1,371 (1) 260 355,646 l i v e S. m a ritim u s 150 (2) 500 75,000 d ry marsh and other marsh vegetation 2,307 (2) 145 335,184 T o ta l 3,828 - 765,830

Def i c i t = 1,403,038-765,830 = 637,208 FU

(1) Guedraoui 1988 (2) the 150 ha was estimated during fieldwork 1988 on the Djoumine after the canal was blocked by the local people and on the western canal. This was estimated by two groups of two workers. These started at the same point from the edge of the Scirpus marsh using a tape of 20 m and a compass to keep a 90 degree angle and proceeded end u n t i l th e end of th e marsh. The same p ro ce d u re was used fo r grass vegetation on the marshes of Djoumine and Ghezala. (3) Direction des Forets (1979), Skinner and Rousseau (1983) and Guedraoui (1988)

The deficit resulted in the degradation of the marshes and Djebel Ichkeul (overgrazing coefficient).

Real offtake: Cl=Needs of animals FU/Number of hectare C2=366.5 FU/ha Balanced offtake: C2=FU vegetation/Number of hectare C= 200.0 FU/hectare overqrazing coefficient: S=(1-FU vegetation/ FU to animals)*100 S= 457.

Therefore, the system has to produce 166.5 FU/ha more or to reduce

the number of animals. Since even with water restoration Scirpus w ill not spread from the firs t year to the former situation (pre-dam

/ and pre-canal situation), the second option must be taken.

The d e f i c i t o f 1988 corresponded to 424 c a t t l e o r 2,548 sheep o r

2,548 goats. A firs t proposed solution to encourage local people of

Djebel Ichkeul to cut number is to lease them part of the former

□TD land. This land is now within the National Park. This w ill allow them to diversify their activity by introducing agriculture and as a return they should cut their animal numbers.

The c u ttin g of animal numbers would a ls o mean: 1. improving the productivity per animal by:

a. cutting of expenditure on fodder,

b. expanding the lactation period,

c. increasing quantity of milk per cow,

d. increasing yield of wool per sheep,

e. increase the weight per animal sold.

2. building up the number of animals once conditions of the marshes im prove.

Local people would probably bevery reluctant to cut animal numbers unless there was a move from the central authority to restore the water regime of the marshes.

Once this is done , guidelines of Table 9.2.2.4 could be followed.

Table 9.2.2.4. Proposed solution for reducing animals in Djebel Ichkeul and Zaarour based on available grazing land

Souima This group of douars are grazing on the Djoumine Nechmaya marsh and Djebel Ichkeul. Cattle and goats are Sidi Bel more suitable. A proposed solution would be to Abdelkader reduce sheep number. Sidi Messaoud

Fadden This group of douars are mainly using^dry marsh Farch D rid and th e form er s ta te fa rm . Sheep a re most Farch Aniba suitable. A proposed solution would be to reduce cattle (and probably goats because they are on the system side which is very degraded).

Chardoudi This group use the Ghezala marsh and Djebel Farch H'sen Ichkeul. Cattle are more suitable for a reduction. A proposed solution is to reduce sheep.

Zaarour These are farmers using agricultural land and the Djoumine marsh. A proposed solution would be to reduce goats.

Note: All these douars were raising sheep, goat and cattle. This information was derived from the questionnaire (Chapter VIII)

The share of cuts for each household will be the matter of discussion between the local committee (see recommandation 5) and the managers of the National Park. In addition, animals w ill have to graze according to a timetale (Table 9,2.2.5).

Table 9.2.2.5. Timetable for the use of the marshes according to the 1988 conditions

Area(ha) P e rio d Number Number/ha

Live Sicrpus 150 M a rc h /A p ril 50 cattle 1 cow/3ha mar i t i mus to November

Dry marsh and other vegetation 2307 year round 225 cattle 1 c o w /1Oha o r o r 6 sheep/lOha 200 cattle & 150 sheep e tc .

Table 9.2.2.6 sketches a balanced carrying capacity of cattle grazing on l i v e S. m a ritim u s areas in drought years (1988 and 1978) and before the dredging of the Djoumine canal in 1981.

Table 9.2.2.6. Two scenarios with and without water restoration of the marshes.

No Water Restoration With water restoration

Year 1988 1981 1980 1979 1978 L iv e S. m a ritim u s : 150 ha 383 ha 515 ha 613 ha FU: 500/ha number o f c a ttle s 52 128 172 205

Note. 1978, 1979, 1980 and 1981 are a f t e r H o llis e t al_. 1983 1988 estimation from the field (after the damming of Djoumine canal by local people).

260 9.2.3. Integration of socio-economic activities and the grazing management plan fo r the sustainable use of the marshes and sustainab le income of lo cal people

The key issue for the success of the management plan is to secure an adequate income <=mean net income per household of 1700 TD) for local people and the conservation of the marshes.

9.2.3.1. Integration of farming and pastoralism for the residents of

Djebel Ichkeul

This can be achieved by introducing small scale farming and the exploitation of the former Djoumine marsh. However, it has to be noted that:

1. this integration is part of the life style of the surrounding

area of the National Park;

2. a number of families are exploiting small gardens around or near

their houses. This can be extended to all households at Djebel

Ichkeul. Plots of 0.25-1ha can be allocated in relation to family

size. However, it has to be noted - that care has to be taken to

stabilize the population at Ichkeul at least at its-.present

1e v e l.

3. the former Djoumine delta stretching from Fadden to Chardoudi can

be reconverted to agricultural uses (more than 500ha). The land

can be leased to local people. However, the modality of its use

(collectively or individually, plants to grow etc) can be decided

between the local people and the local manager and/or the local

authority. Nonetheless, its use has to be integrated within the

grazing activity by being improved as part of the cycle of grazing which has to be outlined in the grazing mangement plan.

4. encourage herders to have less animals by improving productivity.

This can be done by improving feeding conditions (restoration of

the marsh hydrology, integration of farming and pastoral ism and

application of the management plan). Less animals w ill bring

longer periods of grazing on the marshes (spring and part of

summer). Therefore, a longer period of milking, a higher income

from selling animals and the recovery of the natural resources

(m arshes). The number of anim als to graze on th e marshes can be

discussed with the local committee.

9.2.3.2. Integration of pastoralism, farming and other local work

As dicussed in Chapter V (section 5.3.2), the promotion of tourism in the National Park w ill bring new jobs to local people. At least

30 jobs were estimated by the manager of the National Park (Baraket pers comm). This can be done by advertising for the Park and providing facilities for the visitors (restaurant, cafeteria, a shop to buy souvenir items on the park etc).

/ The quarries have to be maintained for a period of time because they are providing income to 55 families (see table 7.3.4.1) in

Djebel Ichkeul and probably another 100 for the nearby towns. The closure w ill bring resentment, jeopardize cooperation with local people and the grazing management plan because more animals w ill be kept by those who lose their job. However, quarry exploitation should be made in respect these arrangements:

1. limit production to a certain quota/year (according to

Directorate of Forest contract); 2. no employment of new workers even to replace those who reach

retirement;

3. discuss the issue of closing the quarries with the regional

authority to find work for those coming from nearby towns and

include Djebel Ichkeul workers in the National Park.

9.2.4. Cooperation of central and local authority in the implementation of the grazing management plan

Decisions on the National Park issues are mainly made at the central level and implemented locally by the manager of the National Park.

This situtation has to change by the involvement of local people in decision making concerning the implementation of the grazing management plan and other related issues. The central authority has to delegate more power to the manager of the National park which should promote cooperation with local people but he has also to organise this within a local committee.

9 .2 .5 . Role of local community

The wise use of the marshes imply the participation of local people in the implementation of the the management plan. For that, local people can be organised into a committee of 12-18 members for Djebel

Ichkeul and Zaarour (1-2/douar). Felta and Taref can have another committee. The functions of the local committee should include:

1. representation of local people;

2. maintenance of continous contact (discussions) with local

manager(s) in the process of implementation and evaluation of

th e management p la n ;

3. contribution to the solution of the problems which can arise

from the implementation of the management plan such as: a. size of households' gardens to be allocated;

b. agricultural uses and users of the former Djoumine delta;

c. number of animals to be allowed to graze (who, where apd for

how lo n g ? );

d. animal numbers to be reduced for each species;

4. defence of local people's grazing and/or residence in the area.

Djebel Ichkeul residents are considered illegal settlers.

However, 95*/. of them are natives;

5. assistance to researchers to have access to local people and

cooperation for the improvement of management procedure for the

marshes.

In summary local people through their local committee should cooperate to implement and contribute to the evaluation of the grazing plan.

9.2.6. Action plan for the implementation of the recommendations

To enhance the chances of "rational utilization" of the marshes, this sequence of actions need to be implemented:

1. restore inundation to the marshes;

2. form the local people's committee(s);

3. provide and apply the grazing plan;

4. cooperate with local people to implement the mangement plan and

keep discussion on local socio-ecomic activities;

5. cut animal numbers, keep cattle as a p rio rity for those using the

marshes;

6. ensure an adequate household income by the integration of

pastoralism with farming and other work. 9.2.7. Visiting the catchment area of Ichkeul before starting

in te rv ie w s

The dams , the irrigation schemes, farming along the rivers and the

National Park were visited a week before starting interviews to

investigate the latest changes in 1989. This led to new elements to support the recommendations and to understand the reaction to them.

F ir s t , i t was found th a t seepage w ater from Djoumine Dam was collected downstream. As a result, irrigation by pumping water from the river for a number of farmers was jeopardized. In addition, just outside east iiateur, two pipes were discharging raw sewage.

This was normally diluted in the river and carried to the lake. But, because only a trickle was left, the health hazard from stagnant sewage was likely to increase. Second, it was found that the dry marsh vegetation had expanded to cover almost all of the former

Djoumine Delta and Djoumine marsh. This seemed to have direct

impact on the state farm where large tracks of dry marsh vegetation were seen mixed with cereals. Winds from the east, north east, and north west were likely to have carried the seeds to agricultural fields. Therefore, the extensive dry marsh area (probably 500-1000 ha) became a supplier of weeds to the surrounding area. This would mean increasing costs of cultivation through the purchase of herbicides. Third, the five pumping station which were planned for the drainage schemes of the Plain of Mateur was in their final phase of construction and there was no agreement on how the water as possible would be pumped into the Park area. The stations are located on the edge of the National Park. However, it was proposed that canals would be built across the marshes from the pumping station (El Hadj pers comm, DGR Mateur) to the main canals in order to drain as much water as possible by gravity and so reduce costs.

In this situation the marshes w ill themselves be drained and the problem of the dredging of the canals would be compounded. Fourth, two tents and a large herd of sheep were seen on the former Djoumine delta. These were not from the surrounding area of Ichkeul. There were-- great resentment of local people because of the scarcity of grazing ground. In addition, they had been told that because of the

National Park, their grazing should restricted and herd size reduced. The manager of the National Park recognised that he has authorised these new users into the Park. But, some of the resident of Djebel Ichkeul pointed that it was the local leader who brought them in with the Knowledge of the Manager and the local authority at

Bizerte. This fact, highlighted some priority position of the local leader and connection with local authority. This point has helped understand the "local politics". 9.3. Salection and role of intarviawaai

9.3.1. Ministry of Agriculture

Interviewees from the Ministry of Agriculture (Figure 9.3.1) were selected from the participants at the coordinating meetings held since 1982 at the Directorate of Environment (Table 9.3.1).

Table 9.3.1. interviewees position in the Ministry of Agriculture

General Directorate Sub-Di rectorate Deputy of Forests (DGF) for Hunting National D ire c to r Parks S.H. Kacem General Directorate of Great Directorate of Water D ire c to r Hydraulic Studies (DGEGTH) Planning and K. G halleb Hydraulic Studies General Directorate of Division of Hydraulic Head of Rural Engineering (DGGR) Agricultural Studies D iv is io n R. B o u t it i Directorate of Environment D ire c to r (DE) H. Baccar General Fisheries Aquaculture Division Head of Commission (CGP) D iv is io n N. Missaoui National Fisheries D ire c to r Council (ONP), Bizerte M. Mehrez Regional Commission for D istrict of Forest Agricultural Development Ichkeul National Park Manager B iz e rte H. B araket

The DGF (Figure 9.3.2) is charged with the management and exploitation of forests and pasture land as well as the conservation of natural resources. Other areas are also under the forestry regime (e.g. Sti pa tenaci ssima and dunes). The

Sub-Directorate of Hunting and National Parks activities (Ministry of Agriculture 1987) include:

1. elaboration and implementation of management plans for forests

and National Parks;

2. elaboration and implementation of measures relating to the

conservation of wild fauna and flora and protection of nature in

general, and to oversee the application of hunting regulations.

267 Figure 9.3.1. Organisation of the Ministry of Agriculture CO O Q > J < < ) o U) Q O ui 5 a

y O Q < * >

Source: Ministry of Agriculture (1987) Figure 9.3.2 Organisation of the General Directorate, of Forest

DIRECTION DES FORETS

La Saus-Dirccdon La Sous-Direction La Sous-Direcdon La Sous-Direcdon de I’Tnvencaire L a Sous-Direcdon La Sous-Direcrian des Etudes des Reooisecnencs des Parcaurs de la Chasse et des de 1’Inspection ecde. de la Programmadon d'Anienagemenc at du suivi Parcs Nadonaux la Reglenicncadon Foresdere i

(e service le service des pares de la chasse nadonaux

Figure 9.3.3. Organisation of the General Directorate of Great Hydraulic studies

DEGTH

La Direction de la La Direction de Planification des (’Exploitation des Eaui tt des Etudes Barrages et des Ouvrages Hydrauiiques Hydrauiiques

La Sous-Direcdon La Sous-Direcdon La Sous-Direcdon La Sous-Direcdon La Sous-Direcdon des Erudes dc la planincaaon desGrandes iravaux de I’Exploitadon et de la maintenance Hydrauiiques des Eaux Hydrauiiques de la Gesdon des Barrages des barrages et et Ouvrages Hydrauiiques Ouvrages Hydrauiiques

Figure 9.3.4. Organisation of the General Directorate of Rural Engineering

DGR

La Direction de La Direction de I’Hydraulique (’Eau Potable Agricoie Rurale et de I'Equipement Rural

La Sous-Direction La Sous-Direction La Sous-Direcdon La Sous-Direction de i'A iim en cation des Etudes Kydro- des Araenagemencs de I'Equipemenc :n Eau Pocable Agricoies Hvdro-Asricoles Rural

2 6 9 The Deputy Director for hunting and and national parks was contacted (Table 9.3.1).

The DGEGTH (Figure 9.3.3) is charged with the exploitation and the management of water distribution from the dams. The Directorate of

Water Planning and Hydraulic Studies (Ministry of Agriculture 1987) duties include:

1. g e n e ra l h y d ra u lic s tu d ie s ;

2. the planification of water resources and their utilisation for

domestic, industrial and agricultural needs;

3. s tu d ie s of g re a t h y d ra u lic management p la n s and sm all h i l l la k e s ;

4. studies of irrigation perimeters;

5. s tu d ie s of la rg e dams;

6. studies for the protection of rural settlement from river

d is c h a rg e s and flo o d s ;

7. other studies involving topographic, photogrammetric,

cartographic, geologic work etc.

/ The DGGR (Figure 9.3.4) is concerned with the smaller scale engineering works (irrigation, drainage, rural communication,

housing and creation of associations of local farmers in hydrological perimeters). The Directorate of Agricultural Hydrolgy d u tie s ( M in is tr y o f A g r ic u ltu r e 1987) in c lu d e :

1. studies, realization, control, and equipment of irrigation

perimeters as well as drainage projects;

2. monitor the utilisation of water for irrigation and planning for

new resources to cope with the current and potential needs; 3. c re a tio n and fo llo w up o f a s s o c ia tio n s o f fa rm e rs in the

hydrological perimeters.

In the National Park, DGGR were in charge of the pumping stations, the sluice construction. Five pumping stations were built at the

lim it separating the National and the Agricultural Complex Mateur

Ghezala to pump water from the state farm to the marshes. The sluice

is to control...the water level and salinity within the ecological

lim its set out in Chapter V (section 5.2.2). However, the authority to operate and the mangement of the sluice is not yet decided.

The head of Division of Hydraulic and Agricultural Studies was contacted (Table 9.3.1).

The DE is charged with (Ministry of Agriculture 1987):

1. sensitization to fight environmental degradation;

2. studies of the impact of various socio-economic actvities on the

natural environment;

3. coordination of administrative action on the subject of the

environment with other interested departments of the Ministry of

Agri culture;

4. pursuit of actions in the control of water and marine pollution;

5. pursuit of international activities relating to environmental

protection.

The DE is subdivided into three services but have only 5 staff

including the director. In relation to their role DE was coordinating the meetings held since 1982 on the conservation of

Ic h k e u l N a tio n a l Park. The la s t one was h e ld in January 1989. The Director of DE was contacted (Table 9.3.1).

The Commission of Regional Agricultural Development (CRDA) at

Bizerte represents the Ministry of Agriculture. The District of

Forest (DF Bizerte) manages and administers the National Park through a manager (MNP) and two assistants. The Division of Rural

Engineering at Mateur supervised the construction of the sluice and five pumping stations on the western and south western side of the

N a tio n a l Park. The MNP and th e head of D iv is io n o f Rural e n g in e e rin g were contacted

CGP is charged with the duties concerning all aspects of fishing in

T u n is ia . These in c lu d e (Nau et_ al^. 1937):

1. conception of fisheries development policy;

2. regulation of fishing;

3. training and popularization of fishing;

4. analysis of fisheries production (an annual report is produced);

5. construction and maintenance of harbours;

6. research and overseeing of state institutions (e.g. ONP and the

Marine Firm for Construction and Reparation (EMACOR));

7. promotion of fisheries.

Fisheries exploitation of lakes are delegated to ONP. Both CGP and

ONP have regional representation. The head of the Aquaculture

Division was contacted in Tunis because regional representation of

CGP was not concerned with fishing in lakes. ONP Bizerte was contacted (Table 9.3.1) In 1988, a National Agency of Environment Protection (ANPE) (Journal

O fficiel de la Republique Tunisienne (JORT), 2 Aout 1988) was created. This agency is under the supervision of the Prime

M inister's Office. The agency has the mission to (JORT 1988):

1. participate in the elaboration of the general governmental

policy in fighting pollution and environmental protection and its

implementation by specific, sectoral and global actions within

the framework of the national development plan;

2. propose to the concerned authorities any particular or global

measure destined to ensure the implementation of state policy in

fighting pollution and environmental protection notably any

measure tending to ensure the security of the environment, to

reinforce all mechanisms leading to it, and in general promoting

preventive measures against risks and natural or industrial

catastrophes;

3. elaborate a national plan for urgent intervention in case of

accidental pollution or exterior risks threatening the

environmental balance and the quality of life ;

4. oversee the implementation of the urgency plan and eventually

its adaptation in the light of new information;

5. promote environmental legislation and the quality of life ;

6. fight all sources of pollution and environmental degradation;

7. establish, in collaboration with concerned departments and

organizations, norms for thresholds for pollution of industrial,

energetic, urban, agricultural and transport projects and to

oversee their application;

8. authorise investment in any project dedicated to fight pollution

and protect the environment;

9. coordinate national and international programmes to fight pollution and protect the environment;

10. control and follow polluting discharges and treatment plants;

11. represent Tunisia at the international level in matters

regarding the fighting of pollution and environmental protection;

12. oversee the implementation of Tunisia's obligations;

13. follow, in collaboration with the concerned ministerial

departments and organizations, scientific, technical and

economic research having relation with the environment;

14. promote any action for training, education and research to study

pollution and environmental protection.

Accordingly, ANPE organised the International Seminar for the

Conservation of Ichkeul National Park which was held in Tunis from

16-18 February 1990.

ANPE was contacted and a meeting was arranged to discuss the recommendations. However, it was not possible to meet the Director but only a senior officer (M. Ghorabi) who was very recently charged with the Ichkeul National Park problem.

9.3.3. Social organisation of the local residents at Djebel Ichkeul

The social structure of local people at Djebel Ichkeul consisted of two leaders and the rest of the community. The firs t headed the local party representation and has the largest herd (mostly cattle) at Djebel Ichkeul. Because of his connection with the political party, he has secured a job in Mateur as a civ il servant but did not give up herding. He has always opposed fees or restriction on grazing because this was free. The second leader with his brother, were the only permanent workers in the National Park. They gained this work because of their father who headed the local party. This leader was also, for some time, head of this struture. The manager of the National and the local authority at Bizerte has entrusted him with the appointment of occasional workers to the National Park. The relationship of the local people with their leaders and the manager of the National Park was based on fear and mistrust. This was understood from the the process which has led to the fillin g of the

Djoumine Canal.

During the 1988 drought, the desperation to find fodder with increasing prices led the local people to block the Djoumine canal without prior knowledge of the local leaders and the manager of the

National Park. The few who had the idea started by contacting people who could be trusted to them until they got most herders using the

Djoumine marsh to agree to th e id e a . Then money was c o lle c te d and the leader working at the National Park was approached to hire a

"truck" for the fillin g of the canal. This latter man has used his connection to get the "truck" free of charge without returning the cash to local people. Later, the people found out about it and were fu r io u s .

This situation highlights that local people were aware of the appropriate solution to their problem by having the idea to block the canal and the process which led to its implementation. It also, highlighted that local people could not avoid contacting the local leader because without him they would not be able to carry this activity in the National Park. Probably they also needed him to avoid the retaliation of the manager of the National Park or the local authority in Bizerte because these seem to have given some freedom of action to the local leader (see section 9.2.7). Interviews and discussions were concentrated at Djebel Ichkeul and

Zaarour (Figure 9.3.3.1) for the following reasons:

1. use effectively the two weeks allocated for the fieldwork;

2. the interviewer had already developed a friendly with both Djebel

Ichkeul herders and Zaarour farmers because of the 1988

fie ld w o r k ;

3. the area was the most affected by the degradation (diversion of

Djoumine river, dredging of canals and construction of Djoumine

and Ghezala dams);

4. this part was the most controled by the guardians of the National

Park.

16 intervewees were contacted from Zaarour and each douar of Djebel

Ichkeul (see Table 9.5.2.1 below). Informal discussion was also held in these douars.

9.3.4. Tunisian Non Governmental Organizations

The promotion of nature conservation by voluntary organizations in

Tunisia is s till in its infancy although the Tunisian Association for the Protection of Nature and Environment (ATPNE) and the

Association of Friends of Birds (AAO) have existed since the 1970s.

The former was created in 1971 and the latter in 1975. Apart from the AAO participation in the High Council for Hunting which decides the opening and closing dates of a number of hunted species of birds, their influence in the arena of decision making is very lim ited. This may be because they are largely funded by the state.

The President of ATPNE (M. Abrougui) and a senior member of the AAO

Ichkeul has attracted the attention of several international organizations. Representatives from these organisations were contacted (Table 9.3.5.1.)

Table 9.3.5.1. Interviewees from International Organisations and o th e rs

Institution interviewee background

United Nations Educational, Scientific Scentific expert and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) B. Bousquet

Ramsar Convention Conservation Coordinator M. Smart International Waterfowl and Wetlands D ire c to r Research Bureau (IWRB) M. Moser

International Union for Conservation of Coordinator Wetlands N ature and N a tu ra l Resources (IUCN) Programme P. Dugan World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) Vice president L. Hoffmann European Economic Community (EEC) S e n io r o f f i c e r DG XI R. K le in United Nations Environment Programme(UNEP)/ Scientific expert Activity Centre (RAC) for Especially A.J. De Grissac Protected Areas in the Mediterranean basin

French Centre National de Recherche Scientific expert Scientifique (CNRS) A. T a m isie r 9.4. Contacting interviewees and making interviews

The recommendation report was sent to decision makers, the two

Tunisian NGOs and international organizations, whereas with local people, the recommendations were presented and discussed orally.

Interviewees were contacted and a meeting was arranged. However, three replies were received by mail (EEC DG XI, UNESCO and ATPNE).

The meetings normally lasted from half an hour to one hour but were about 30 minutes with local residents. The five recommendations were discussed in turn and notes were taken on the outcome of the interviews.

9.5. Results and discussions

9.5.1. Decision makers

Table 9.5.1.1 Reaction of decision makers to the recommendations

f i 11ing re le a s e s g ra zin g in te g r a te a u th o r ity lo c a l ca n a ls from dams management a c t i v i t i e s r o l e commi tee

DGF n r n r + +? +? +? MNP + + + + + + DGEGTH - + + +? + DGGR +? + + +? +? , + GR, Mateur ni ni ni ni ni - ni CGP & □NP + + nc nc nc nc DE +- + -t- + + + ANPE nc nc nc nc nc nc

Note: recommendation one is composed of the fillin g of the canals (Djoumine and Mel ah) and the releases of water from the dams to help restore the hydrological regime of the marshes.

+ positive answer to the recommendation +? positive but sceptical about the recommendation ? does not understand the reason for the recommendation - negative answer to the recommendation nr no reply nc no comment ni no interview As Table 9.5.1.1 shows, the reactions to the recommendations were v a rie d .

DGF was contacted through the Sub-Directorate for Hunting and

National Parks. There as no reply to the in fillin g of the canals as it was considered the concern of DGGR and DGEGTH. However, there was a positive reaction to the grazing management plan. This was seen by the Deputy Director as one of the priorities of the National

Park. The integration of activities was doubted because there was a pressure to close the quarries and create new jobs by promoting tourism in the National Park but the ideas were not finalized.

There was scepticism on the role of authority and the local people.

Co-operation between the authority and local people was understood as herders complying with the rules of the National Park

(restriction on grazing and prohibition offirwood cutting) and not with discussion to find way(s) to conserve both local people's interests and the National Park.

Sim ilarly, although the manager of the National Park was in favour of all recommendations, he was not in favour of damming the Djoumine

Canal by local people in April 1988. He referred to this at the

International Seminar held on conservation Ichkeul in Tunis, 1990 as

"an experiment made by the administration to see the recovery of the marsh vegetation". He regarded the local people's initiative as part of the process which could lead them to acquire the right to reside and to do other activities in the National Park. In fact, these were considered by central and local authority as illegal, but tolerated, settlers on the state domain (Djebel Ichkeul). The farmers of the surrounding area were seen as intruders by grazing on the marshes. However, the Forest Act (1988, article 43) stipulated that the users of forestry domain could form associations representing group interests (Association Forestieres d'Interet

Collectif) in order to participate in the protection and exploitation of forestry resources. This legal aspect was ignored by central and local authority. Probably, the damming of Djoumine Canal was seen as a threat to their role in running the National Park.

In addition, the manager of the National Park had little room for decision making. This was mostly taken at the central level in Tunis and the rest at the D istrict of Forests in Bizerte. The Manager was largely regarded as "an agent of execution" of decisions taken at higher levels.

DGEGTH concentrated on reservoir releases. They pointed to the seepage water through Djoumine dam (250 litre/sec) and other dams.

Consequently, the release of water was not accepted. Therefore, it was put to the interviewee that there was a collection system of water downstream Djoumine dam for irrigation. Points were also put on the like ly effects on farmers, and the health hazard from sewage.

But, he was not convinced by the arguments. In addition, in the

January 1989 coordinating meeting, DGEGTH agreed that if the water released is valued in monetary terms then it could be included in w ater d is t r ib u t io n from th e dams. T his new argument was not evoked in the previous coordinating meetings. Earlier meetings concentrated on the choice between the five possible method(s) proposed by H ollis «at al_. (1986) to conserve Ichkeul National Park

(Table 9.5.1.2 and Chapter IV). The first and the second propositions were rejected because they involved cancelling the dams on th e Melah, Tine and D ouim is. The fo u r th and th e f i f t h s o lu tio n involved reservoir releases and were largely opposed. The third Table 9.5.1.2. Five possible methods of conserving Ichkeul National Park

Scheme Time A BC D E

Now Fill the canal on the Djoumine Marsh

After the Simple weirat Build Bird sluice Fish sluice Simple weirat Build dyke and sluice Djoumine Dam 50cm inTindja Min. 50 in Tindja 50cm inTindja around 20% of NE corner of the lake

After the Allow natural Allow natural Fish sluice Allow natural Allow natural Rhezala Dam sedimentation sedimentation sedimentation sedimentation

After the Build Bird Sluice Reservoir Change manage- Build dyke and sluice Allow natural Sedjenane Dam Min. 50cm in releases when mentof thesluice around 20% of NE sedimentation Tindja Reservoir the lake is <-5cm to Bird sluice corner of the lake release when the NGT Min. 50cm Res. lake is <-5cm NGT Rel. at<-5cm

After the last Do not build the Do not build the Build a dyke Reservoir releases Reservoir releases three dams last three dams last three dams around 20% of when the lake is when the lake is NE corner of lake below-10cm NGT below-10cm NGT to leave stagnant salt lake

Hollis et al. (1986)

2 8 1 along with the fourth and fifth solution involved the building of a

dyke to reduce the lake surface by 20X. It was the third which was

the most discussed but the engineering, financial and aesthetical

problems had halted progress towards a final decision. Therefore,

only reservoir releases were sought as the last resort to conserve

Ichkeul. The introduction of the economic rationality for water

releases can be explained by the blockage of funds for the pipeline

D joum ine-Sedjenane by th e German Government in 1989 which showed

concern over the deterioration of Ichkeul.

The other recommendations were briefly discussed, but as with DGF,

DGEGTH was sceptical about the cooperation of central and local

authorities with the local people.

DGGR was very sceptical about the infilling of the canals and

considered that these were necessary for the evacuation of water

from the drained agricultural land and the maintenance of a ground

water table at 70cm below the surface to allow an optimal growth of

cereals. However, on earlier study (SCET Tunisie 1983) pointed to

the limited effect of the in fillin g of the canal at some distance in

the marsh on the agricultural land. But the SCET study' was not

convincing for DGGR which sought the solution in the water coming

from the newly built pumping stations and the probability of

infilling the lower part of the marsh but details has to to be

finalized. The canal from the pumping station has been refered to as

one proposition. There were positive reactions to some release of

w a te r from th e dams but th e d is c u s s io n was b r ie f and i t was argued

that details had to be discussed with DGEGTH. DGGR considered that priority in water allocation has to be given to:

282 1. urban needs

2. irrigation needs

3. environmental protection needs

Scepticism was expressed about the integration of pastoralism with farming and other activities as well as of the role of local and central authority. However, the formation of the local committee was seen as a positive step to allow participation and cooperation with local people.

On the local level, GR Mateur had no opinion since his knowledge was very lim ited and DGGR in Tunis were more concerned. Therefore, there was no in te r v ie w .

CGP and ONP welcomed water releases to the lake. The CGP Division of Aquaculture were newly formed to promote fishing and aquaculture in the lakes of Tunisia. This activity has been promoted because there are fears of declining stocks in the sea as well as to p romote the export of lake species such eels and mullet (Chapter

III, section 4,2.2). However, in reality some lakes in Tunisia were already degraded such as Lake Kelbia, or reclaimed for other uses such as Lake Tunis. In addition, the Aquaculture Division at CGP was formed in the last five years. Therefore, they were not involved in the Ichkeul conservation problem. However, ONP has been represented in the coordinating meetings since 1982 but they had a low profile in these meetings. Probably they were concerned with exploitation of the lakes but not with the conception of conservation issues. The CGP's non participation in the coordinating meetings could be seen as a major handicap in taking decisions concerning the conservation of fishing in lake Ichkeul. DE was positive to all recommendations and asked for the evaluation of the uses of the national park (grazing, fishing and tourism) in line with the outcome of the last January 1989 coordinating meeting.

But, there were no tangibleresults from the outcome of these meetings. As Chaker (1978) explained this could be the result of the distinction between management, conception and coordination issues which led to the marginalization of the coordinating structure.

ANF’E are newly formed and had little knowledge about Ichkeul. They declined to give comments.

The reaction to the recommendations outlined above is related to the role of the most important institutions in the Ministry of

Agriculture. These roles are influenced by the priorities of the development plan (Chapter III). Growing population <6.4 m illion in

1984 and 7.9 in 1989) (MEED 1990), increased food imports; a booming tourist industry; and an expanding irrigated area led the mobilization of water to be the major focus of development (Chapter

III). Ths has mostly been undertaken in the North through the building of dams. Therefore, DGEGTH and DGGR were more iinfluential

in decision making than DGF, DE and ONP. In addition, the

institutional divide between the Directorates and the local and central authority of the Ministry of Agriculture exacerbated the non awareness of the negative effects of development. The scale of degradation of the marshes was unknown to both DGEGTH and DGGR. DGF was also unaware of the scale of degradation, e.g. the Deputy

Director did not know that the diversion of the Djoumine river has transformed the former Djoumine delta into a dry land. This institutional divide had also led to the marginalization of the DE

284 which was arranging the coordinating meetings. Also, ONP's sole concern with exploitation led this institution to keep a low profile

in the coordinating meetings. The decision to conserve fishing in

Lake Ichkeul was the concern of CGP which was absent from these meetings. Moreover, the top-down decision making in Tunisia meant that the outcomes of these coordinating meetings were submitted to

the Minister who did not take a decision. Therefore, there was no

i mplementation.

The low priority of nature conservation and the indecision about

Ichkeul's protection was reflected in three respects. First, in the

in flu e n tia l role of DGGR and DGETH which decide on water management and land use in the catchment of Ichkeul making other institutions powerless to argue the case of Ichkeul for the release of water and

in fillin g of the Djoumine Canal. Second, in the marginalisation of the coordination structure established by DE (and probably ANPE in the future). The only tangible decision of these meetings to fill the Djoumine Canal was not implemented. Third, in the weakness of the management structure of the National Park formed by one manager, two assistants, two guardians and about 15 occasional workers to manage and c o n tro l 12,600 ha and th e c e n t r a lis a t io n o f d e c is io n making in DGF who were unaware of the re a litie s of the Park. 9.5.2. Local ptoplf

Table 9.5.2.1. Reaction of local people to the recommendations douar Number filling releases grazing integrate auth. local in t e r v . c a n a ls from dams manag. a c t i v i t i e s r o le commitee F Q 0

Soui ma 2 + + + + + + + + S.B.Abdel 1 + + + ? n r + + + S.Messaoud 1 + + + ? n r + + + Fadden n + + + +• + + + - Farch D rid 9 + + + + +? + + + n Farch Aniba jU + + + + + ? + + + Chardoudi .ji + + +? ? + + + - Farch H'sen 1 + + +? ? + + + + Zaarour + + + nc nc nc +

Note: recommendation one is composed of the filling of the canali (Djoumine and Mel ah) and the releases of water from th e dams ii order to restore the hydrological regime of the marshes •

F: farming, Q: quarrying, 0: other wor k (N a tio n a l Par k, state f arms f i sheri es)

As Table 9.5.2.1 shows, the in fillin g of canals (Djoumine canal for

Djebel Ichkeul and Zaarour) and reservoir releases were welcomed by local people. The proposition for a management plan with i decrease in anim al number was accepted f o r most douars except Farch H 'sen and

Chardoudi (Figure 9.3.3.1). Unlike herders on the Djoumine marsh, these were using Ghezala marsh without restriction from the manager of the National Park. Therefore, they saw no need for external intervention by Park staff or others. The integration of activities (quarry, pastoralism, agriculture, work in the National

Park) in order to keep the current level of income with the possibility of improvement later, was regarded positively. In addition, most prefered farming to quarrying and considered grazing as-an activity for sustainable income. Those who did not reply were

workers in the quarries and have no animals. The Zaarour farmers did

not comment because they were, already integrating farming and

pastoral ism. Cooperation with the local authority was positively

received but the formation of a local committee was rejected by two

"leaders" of the local community. One headed the local party

representation at Ichkeul and the second was a guardian in the

National Park but was appointing temporary workers. These might have

seen the local committee as a challenge to their position within

the local community. In Zaarour there was questioning about the role

of the committee since there was the party representation.

Overall, there were positive reactions to the recommendations.

However, it has to be noted that interviewees were not critical of the recommendations. They expressed a desire to form the local

committee as soon as they could. These were also unaware of a rticle

43 of the 1988 Forest Act (JORT 1988a). 9.5.3. Tunisian NGOs

Table 9.5.3.1. Reaction of national NGOs to the recommendations

f i 11in g re le a s e s g ra zin g i ntegrate authori ty local ca n a ls from dams management a c t i v i t i e s r o le commi tee

AAO + + +? + + + ATPNE(*> + + + + + +

Note: recommendation one is composed of the fillin g of the canals (Djoum ine and Melah) and th e re le a s e s o f w ater from th e dams in order to restore the hydrological regime of the marshes. (*) reply by mail + positive answer to the recommendation +? positive but sceptical about the recommendation ? does not understand the reason for the recommendation - negative answer to the recommendation nr no reply nc no comment

As Table 9.5.3.1 shows, the recommendations were positively accepted by AAO and ATPNE. A meeting was arranged with AAO but ATPNE was not available and instead sent comments on the recommendations. AAO thought that, the management plan could have problems with

implementation if the National Park has no management structure. In addition, the formation of a scientific committee was suggested to

assist the manager with the relevant studies and suggestions. The creation of an administrative structure for the National Park was originally proposed in the 1976 Pre-Management plan (Direction des

Forets, 1976) and recommended at the January 1989 coordinating meeting. ATPNE considered the integration of pastoral ism with farming and other activities to keep an adequate level of income

for local community as the most important recommendation. They regarded the safety of local people's income as the best guarantee for conservation.

However, the influence of these NGOs has been very limited in the past. It is only AAO which sits at the annual meeting of the Hunting

High Council to decide on the opening and closing dates of hunting

2 8 8 season f o r game b ir d s and anim als. The weak in flu e n c e o f these associations could be related to their funding by the Ministry of

Agriculture and to their priority objective to raise public awareness of environmental protection. In addition, these two associations were created by well known politicians. Moreover their influence was hindered by the low membership figures. ATPNE has o n ly a few hundreds and AAO had 425 members in 1988 o f whom o n ly a hundful of members were active. There were hardly any advertisments in th e media and p o te n tia l members r a r e ly hear about them (see

Chapter 5, section 5.2.3). From the censuses undertaken at Ichkeul

National Park, the most important role to sensitize people to environmental protection seems to be satisfactorily undertaken by schools which were more active than the two associations. It seems that these associations have little or no public support for their activity. With the nature of the political system with top-down decison making, these NGOs seem to be simply propaganda voices for the government. 9.5.4. International organizations (NGOs and others)

Table 9.5.4.1. Reaction of international organizations (NGOs and others) to the recommendations

f i11i ng releases grazing integrate authority lo c a l ca n a ls from dams management activities role commitee

IUCN + + + + + + WWF + . + + + + + CNRS + + + + + + UNEP/RAC nc nc nc nc nc nc UNESCO<*> + + +? + +? +? IWRB nc nc nc nc nc nc Ramsar + + + + + + EEC + + + + + +

Note: recommendation one is composed of the fillin g of the canals (Djoumine and Mel ah) and the releases of w ater from th e dams in order to restore the hydrological regime of the marshes. <*) r e p ly by m ail + positive answer to the recommendation +? positive but sceptical about the recommendation ? does not understand why the recommendation negative answer to the recommendation nr no reply nc no comment

Although, Ichkeul is well known within international organizations,

some do not have a detailed knowledge and have never visited the

site. Therefore, these organisations placed emphasis on the ideas

and how they integrate to form a framework for sustainable

utilization. Table 9.5.4.1 shows that the reactions were largely

positive and found in concordance with the policies of most of these

organizations.

The coordinator of the IUCN wetlands programme (P. Dugan) expressed

the need for a very solid structure to oversee implementation of the

recommendations. The meeting with the Vice President of WWF (L.

Hoffmann) revealed support for the recommendations. The CNRS

researcher (A. Tamisier) suggested that the report could be simplified for decisions makers. The UNEP/RAC expert (A. J. de

Grissac) remarked that it could be modified to be presented as a ministerial decree (sets of rules and actions to be executed in the

National Park) by the Ministry of Agriculture. The adviser to the

UNESCO on Ichkeul National Park (B. Bousquet) found that the

recommendations were in line with the concept of a Man and Biosphere

Reserve. This is defined by UNESCO as a protected area with m ultiple

functions fulfilling at the same time sustainable exploitation and

an effective conservation of natural resources. However, he raised a

number of questions. First, he found that there is a major

lim itation to the management structure since most decisions are

made by the central authority in Tunis and/or by the local authority

in Bizerte. The manager of National Park has little power to take

decisions and launch initiatives. Second, the fillin g of the canals

and probably the improvement of grazed land as well as the promotion

of tourism need funding. Third, from the technical aspect he

suggested the zoning of grazing areas on the marshes to allow part

of the marshes for wintering birds as well as the cyclic movement of

animals between the different zones according to a timetable.

Fourth, from the legal point of view, he wondered about the type of

rules to be developed between the management structure and the

local people (or local committee). The director of IWRB (M. Moser)

made no comments because he had a brief experience with Ichkeul and

the conservation coordinator of the Ramsar Bureau (M. Smart) and EEC

representative (R. Klein) were positive and brief to all

recommendations.

The interest shown by these organisation could be explained in five

respects. First, the recommendations were in line with the

objective of sustainable development. This approach to natural renewable resources is adopted by most of these organizations.

Second, since the launch of the World Conservation Strategy in 1980 more has been added on the theoretical than on the empirical side.

The la c k o f f i e l d p r o je c ts was p ro b a b ly a m ajor im petus f o r t h e ir support. Third, the degradation of Ichkeul is a threat to the credibility of the three international conventions (Ramsar, MAB

Reserves and World Heritage) under which Ichkeul is listed. Fourth, on a regional scale, UNEP's Mediterranean Action Plan and the creation of the Regional Activity Centre for Specially Protected

Area (RAC/SPA) demonstrated the commitment of this organization.

Five, the concern of EEC about the impact of development actions funded by this institution on the the environmental degradation of

Ichkeul. For that the community funded the studies carried out by

University College London, CNRS and SOGREAH in order to have evidence of the degradation and to propose solutions. The EEC commitment to this policy is further underlined by a decision to give a grant of 18 m illion US dollars for envirornmental projects including Ichkeul's conservation in 1990 (MEED 1990).

9.6. Impediments and possible solutions to the implementation of the recommendations

The impediments to the implementation of the recommendations can be traced to the central authority, local authority, local people and the role of Tunisian and international NGOs. At the central and local level, these can be categorised into impediments from:

1. the divide between central and local authority reflecting the

centralisation of decision making within the Ministry of

Agriculture in Tunis;

2. the divide between Departments or Directorates of the Ministry of

Agriculture reflecting a narrow disciplinary thinking of the

education and training received and the absence of appropriate mechanism of integration;

3. ignorance of central authority about the local realities;

4. inadequate background of the manager of the National Park (a

forester) to deal with the local people.

At the level of local people, the structure of the social organisation is itself an impediment because it is largely influenced by the role of local leaders. For NGOs, it is their lim ited role in lobbying decision makers which is an impediment.

The implications of these impediments for the "rational utilization" of the marshes for grazing by local people are evaluated and possible solutions are outlined.

9.6.1. Central authority and local authority

In the last few years, there has been concern by the government about the overriding problems of the central administration in Tunis in coping with their duties. As a result a new law was created (JORT

1989) to displace most decision making to local authorities

(Gouvernorat level). The new legislation placed the responsibility for the elaboration of the management plans of forests, National

Parks and grazing zones in the hands of the head of "Bizerte

Gouvernorat" CRDA level (Forest D istrict). However, the movement of decision making about Ichkeul National Park to the D istrict of

Forest in Bizerte which already shares some decision making with

DGF, would not change the situation. Instead, there should be more decision making by the structure of the National Park and the local people. In addition, it seems that even a year after the publication of the legislation, most decisions are s till made in The solution to this impediment lies partly in the formation of a management structure for the National Park. This should be a light and autonomous structure and having the status of some organisations within the realm of the Ministry of Agriculture (e.g. Office de Mise en Valeur de la Vallee de la Medjerda and Office Sylvo-Pastoral du

Nord Ouest). The structure could be formed by three persons: an administrative manager, an ecologistand an educator. The administrative manager duties include looking after the workers and the infrastructural needs of the park. This job can be taken by the present manager of the National Park. The ecologist should be concerned with the grazing management plan, the sluice and conservation of habitats in the marshes, the lake and the Djebel.

The administrative manager and the ecologist should promote cooperation with local people. The educator should be concerned with the interpretation centre, advertisement of the National Park and educational issues such as developing a programme of education or integrate some lessons in the curriculum of the schools around the

National Park. These three key people can be supplemented by assistants. The National Park structure can be self financed from the entrance fees, the touristic and educational fa cilitie s and TV, films and radio programmes. As for the case of "Office de Mise en

Valeur" , the structure reports to the Minister of Agriculture. This structure should also be supported be a team of scientists for solving problems and helping improve the management of the Park.

These scientists should already be fam iliar with the complexity of conservation which needs some knowledge in several scientific disciplines.

Another problem concerned background of the manager of the National Park (a forester) and his attitude towards local people. He largely regarded the formation of local people's committee as a hinderance to his control over the area. This is a major limitation for

"genuine" cooperation between the manager or future structure for the National Park. This can be resolved by initiating or educating the manager or the future structure in social science. In addition, he or they have to be informed about, the new ideas on the "wise use" of wetlands to stimulate and build adequate participation of local people.

The staff of the new structure has to be based at or near Ichkeul and provided with adequate means of transport to avoid the problems which had been encountered by the manager of the National Park who was based in Bizerte (30 kms from Ichkeul). Sometimes he was not seen fo r a month because he was not p ro v id e d w ith means of transport. Therefore, there was no day to day presence and contact with the local people to solve the problems and other local issues.

The institutional divide between the different departments of the

Ministry of Agriculture is also a major impediment to the

"sustainability" of grazing. This was reflected in the ongoing problem of the Djoumine canal, the digging of the Melah canal when the firs t was under controversy and the unknown authority to operate the sluice. The complexity of the issue of conservation of Ichkeul was recognised by the establishment of the coordinating meeting held at the DE. However, DE was only concerned with the organisation of the meetings. Therefore, there should be an integrating mechanism among the concerned departments of the Ministry of Agriculture. DE or ANPE could be the forum through which the different issues on the protection of the Park can be dicsussed but the structure of these institution(s) should be strengthned with adequate personal and given the power to oversee and evaluate the implementation of the results of the meetings. The scientists involved with the Park and representatives of local people should be part in these meetings.

9.6.3. Local people

The social structure of the local community was found an impediment to the implementation of the recommendations and sustainabilty of grazing. The two local leaders at Djebel Ichkeul were against the formation of a local committee because they considered that it was a threat to their position and privileges. However, it is likely that these w ill be included in the committee and they would probably try to control this structure. They might try to influence the future use of the former Djoumine delta to intensive agriculture in which they would be the main beneficiary or when problems arise between douars for the leasing or sharing of grazing land or for the appointment of new workers for the tourist activity. Therefore, probably the local committee as described in the recommendation plan would not be enough to safeguard "genuine participation" of the local people unless the manager of the National Park and the local authority at Bizerte terminate their support for these local leaders. In this respect, the removal of the privileges of the leaders is a prerequisite for a workable structure for the local p eople .

Another, problem at the local level is the confusion which has been noted w ith some in te rv ie w e e s o v e r:

1. the distinction between the local party and the local committee;

2. the management grazing plan and the former restriction imposed on grazing.

The role of the local committee and the purpose of the management

should be made clear to local people by the staff of the National

Park. It should be stressed that the committee is a local forum to

cooperate with Park management structure and that the mangement plan

is necessary to make sustainabi1tity of grazing possible.

Local people at Felta and Taref can be approached in the same way to form their respective local committee(s).

9.6.4. Tunisian NGOs

National NGOs are keeping a very low profile on the issue of conservation in Tunisia. These are the creation of the political system from which they are larg ely subsidized. Their future lie s in their ability to attract new members and to be self financing. This w ill make them more active and allow them to meet the objective fo r which they were created. In addition, they w ill be able to influence decision making by lobbying politicians. International NGOs have a ro le in helping them.

2 97 9.6.5. International organisations (NGOs and others)

Similar to Tunisian NGOs, international NGOs were having very lim ited influence on aspects of conservation in Tunisia. Small scale projects with local participation are gaining ground with international NGOs because of their relevance to sustainable use of the resource base. For instance, IUCN (1988) defined a number of economic incentives to promote conservation of biological resources at the community level. Small scale project for grazing could be developed and partly or fu lly financed by NGOs. Other organisations like the EEC can lobby decision makers for more "green" policies in order to avoid further deterioration. In this respect, the EEC made a positive move for the protection of Ichkeul in assisting in the setting up of ENDA, Tunisie in 1990. This an NGO in Tunis which took

Ichkeul as its first priority.

9.7. Conclusions

The reactions to the recommendations have highlighted the lim itations in making grazing sustainable at the level of central authority, local authority, local people and Tunisian and international NGOs. The likely reasons for these reactions was ✓ explained by the exploration of the role of institutions and NGOs in decision making. The conclusions are:

1. If sustainability is to be attained there is a need to work at

every level especially with those who are using and managing the

natural resource base (DGEGTH, DGGR, DGF, D istrict of Forest at

Bizerte, manager of the National Park and local people). The

understanding of the concept of sustainabi1ty by DGEGTH and DGGR

and its consideration in the thinking of development is of

paramount importance. This implies taking concern of the environmental impacts of the developments actions in the

catchment area of Ichkeul. For that, a departure from the narrow

disciplinary approach reflected in the institutional divide is a

prerequisite. Coordination between these different institutions

is the way to make the consultation possible. The DE or ANPE can

be the forum for the coordination and mutual understanding but

these must be adequately staffed and empowered to oversee

implementation of the results of coordination. In addition, the

integration should include scientists already aware of the

complexity of environmental management and the development in

thinking in environmental conservation. These can be involved in

undertaking studies to help solve problems and improve the

management process. Local people should also be represented in

coordinating meetings.

2. The National Park should be endowed with an appropriate

management structure and supported by a scientific team. This

structure should not be another bureaucratic body but staffed

with the essential personal as described in section 9.6.

3. The local people should form their committee with a clear

definition of its role and relation with local and central /

authority. Care should be taken with potential conflicts or

control of this structure by the local leaders.

4. NGOs should cooperate and probably organise a general public

awareness campaign to help popularize the problem, improve their

p o s itio n to a t t r a c t more members and lobby d e c is io n makers.

In summary, the example of grazing in the Ichkeul National Park shows that sustainability of a natural resource is a complex process.

It requires a social organization, an appreciation of the inter linkage of development and conservation, a legal and institutional framework which defines roles of different organizations, and national and international cooperation.

9.8. The recommendations of the International Seminar on the

Conservation of Ichkeul National Park and the tested recommendations of the thesis

The International Seminar was held in Tunis from 16-18 February 1990 by ANPE under the supervsion of the President of the Tunisia. The seminar was organised into four working groups:

1. hydrological components of Ichkeul National Park

2. natural resources of Ichkeul National Park

3. protection of the hydraulogical system Bizerte-Ichkeul

4. evaluation and management of Ichkeul National Park

The four working groups produced recommendations which were presented and discussed at the closing meeting of the seminar. A final set of recommendationswas produced for Ichkeul National

/ Park, the agricultural plain of Mateur and the'-.surrounding urban centres. For Ichkeul National Park these recommendations are (La

Presse 1990a):

1. constitute a permanent interdisciplinary scientific team to

monitor the macrosystem (catchment, agricultural plain, national

Park and Lake Bizerte) under the authority of a national

organism, to create a data base to help decision making in the

form of a Geographical Information System; 2. create an autonomous management structure for the National Park

integrating all activities with the objective of protection and

p ro m o tio n ;

3. entrust to the management structure the establishment of a

detailed management plan taking into account the several

components of the National Park (population, housing,

socio-economic activities, developemnt of tourism, grazing

mangement p l a n . . . ) ;

4. proceed as early as possible with the closure of the quarries and

the management of their sites for recreational activities;

5. convert the quarry workers into the National Park activities;

6. ensure an adequate provision of water and nutrients to allow an

optimum development of the flora and fauna of the marshes and the

1 ake;

7. make a clear delimitation of the National Park;

8. establish a buffer zone around the National Park;

9. conceive ecological tourism, scientific and educational

activities in the National Partk. For that, the formation of

specialized guides, the management of a light structure for the

reception of visitors, the multipiication of sign posts on the

park and its fauna and flora should be given priority;

On the agricultural land the seminar recommended (La Presse 1990a):

10. stop the creation of new irrigated peri metres consuming large

quantity of water and source of pollution to the ground water

ta b le ;

12. study the evolution of production systems;

13. study the calendar of water distribution; 14. study the dynamics Df pollutants in the soils, ground water table

and their transfer to lake Ichkeul;

15. study alternative scenarios for the management of agricultural

w ater;

16. update the hydrological studies after the compensatory measures

for the National Park;

17. study the effectiveness of the pumping stations;

18. introduce "windpumps" in the drainage of agricultural land;

19. develop the "agro-forestry" on the hills under erosion;

In the urban centres (La F'resse 1990a):

20. study population dynamics in the catchment area;

21. take into account the requirements for the protection of the

National Park in the review of urban management plans (create

buffer zones around Tindja and Menzel Bourguiba).

22. study urban hydrology of the major towns andpollution from

sewage.

After the seminar the President of Tunisia ordered the formation of a commission to oversee the implementation of the recommendations

(La Presse 1990b).

However, in comparing the recommendation of the seminar to the those of this thesis, several differences can be outlined:

1. the seminar recommendations were wider and concerned a llaspects

affecting the National Park including those from the catchment

area and urban centres. Whereas, the thesis recommendations were centred on the grazing management plan and the participation of

local people;

2. the seminar recommendations were oriented for the protection of

the National Park probably with a meaning of preservation. The

thesis recommendations were oriented for the wise use or

sustainable use of the marshes;

3. The seminar recommendations were for a structure of the National

Park without describing it. Whereas, the thesis recommendations

emphasized more role of the manager of the National Park or the

future structure in decision making in parallel with the

formation of the local people's committee. This committee should

also have a role in decision making and implementation of the

recommendations.

Nonetheless, most of the thesis recommendations were reiterated in the seminar recommendations though im plicitly for most of the time.

The fillin g of the canals, reservoir releases, pumping station and the operation of the sluice could be understood from recommendation

6, 16 and 17. But, the effectiveness of the pumping station suggested that there was concern in respect to agricultural drainage rather than recovery of marsh vegetation. A grazing management plan was included in the responsabilities of the future structure of the

National Park. The integration of activities was recognised in the conversion A\ the quarries workers to the National Park and the promotion of tourism and educational activities. In this respect, th e th e s is was more e x p l i c i t and a ls o proposed sm all s c a le agricultural plots for households. This could be helpful in maintaining income levels. The role of the future structure of the

National Park was given significant responsibilities. This is a forward step for appropriate management of the National Park but local people were dismissed from the recommendations of the seminar

although the working group on the evaluation and management of the

National Park recommended the creation of a management structure

for the National Park and the involvement of representatives from

local people and NGOs in decision making.

9.9. The future

The integration of the needs of Ichkeul National Park in the Master

Plan of water resources of the north was largely recognised in the

seminar. A management structure for the National Park and a

scientific team at the level of the catchment were all positive

steps. However, the recommendations were general and were lacking a number of specific recommendations e.g. for the sluice, the pumping

station and the canals. In addition, there was no timetable for

implementation of these recommendations. The commission ordered by

the President of Tunisia came after the seminar. These are likely to

be drawn from civil servants which will probably reiterate the

thinking of the influential DGEGTH and DGGR. It would probably have

been more appropriate to consider of this commission during the

sem inar. The members would have been chosen by th e p a r tic ip a n ts to

the seminar.

Regarding sustainable grazing on the marshes, several d ifficu ltie s

seem to l i e ahead:

1. the recommendations were produced on the assumption of the

protection of the National Park and not sustainable utilization;

2. local people's involvement was not cited in the recommendations

of the seminar and the commission which would oversee the

implementation of these recommendation is like ly to dismiss them; 3. it seems that there is a hurry for the closure of the quarries.

This w ill mean a loss of work for the 55 families living entirely

or partly from them. To avoid this situation, the formation of

the management structure, the setting of fa c ilitie s to accomodate

the visitors and the compensatory measures should be in parallel

or ahead of the closure of the quarries. Otherwise, this w ill

mean more families without work but very likely with more

animals. Therefore degradation w ill continue.

These are significant drawbacks for the sustainability of grazing and local participation. These potential problems could be reversed by maintaining discussion with the future management structure or the present manager of the National Park. Chapter X. Conclusions

10.1. Introduction

The concluding chapter summarizes the findings of the thesis, outlines the impediments to sustainabi1ty for grazing and proposes possible solutions to overcome these limitations. It also draws main elements for a National Wetlands Policy in Tunisia based on the

"wise use" of wetlands as advocated at the Third Meeting of the

Contracting parties to Ramsar Convention at Regina, Canada, 1987.

10.2. Development concepts and implication for the conservation of w e tla n d s

The discussion on economic and sustainable development pointed out that there is a concensus that economic development is the major cause of environmental degradation. However, sustainable development as presently proposed seems to have several lim itations which are related to its definition and means of implementation. For the firs t, the definitions developed by the WCS and WCED and widely accepted by the international organisations (IUCN, UNESCO, UNEP, WWF etc), were found man-centred; benefit and trade offs between generations were not sufficiently considered (Tisdell 1983); they failed to integrate economics and environment (Pearce et a l. 1989); and did not address political and economic forces behind unsustainable pratices (Redclift 1987). Therefore, these documents raised issues on environmental degradation rather than forming a practical guide to policy implementation. Pearce et^ al_.'s (1989) concept of sustainable economic development, which includes the cost of environmental degradation in the economic

evaluation of development projects, was found too optim istic. This

is because sustainable development needs fundamental changes in

social structure and entails a substantial burden on current generations for the benefit of future generations (Bowers 1990).

The ideas suggested by Riddell (1981), Chambers (1986) and Barbier

(1987) to depart altogether from conventional economic development

and with priority on social and environmental factors are s till not considered in practice. In the case of LDCs, the implementation of

the concept within the framework of small scale projects with grassroot participation is still not considered although some evidence (Schumacher 1972, Richards 1985) suggested that this is the most relevant to sustainable development in these countries.

Therefore, in the light of this background, the conventional economic development is s till to be the overriding choice for some

time to come.

For wetlands, the "wise use" concept advocated for the conservation of wetlands within the framework of a National Wetlands Policy

(NWP) and participation of local people is at its beginning.

Evidence from the Third meeting of the Contracting Parties to the

Ramsar Convention held in Regina, Canada 1987 and the Leiden conference on the "Pople's Role in the Management of Wetlands", June

1989, The Netherland, suggests that local participation is s till

induced from above and not stimulated by local people themselves and the effectiveness of this kind of participation is reported poorly or not at a ll. However, it has been argued that participation can be promoted by persuation, understanding and sharing in the explanation its plans to mobilize 95 V. of runoff water by adding another 21 dams, 200 reservoirs and 1,000 h ill lakes especially in the north by the turn of the century. This w ill coincide with the doubling of tourist capacity to 200,000 beds. However, these programmes do not take into account the enviromental and social effects while continuous deforestation and erosion are threatening the very basis of agricultural development programmes. For instance, 3 m illion out of the 5 m illion ha of agricultural land is threathened by erosion

(Moussa 1989).

At the same time, evidence from traditional water and land use practices showed that the maintenance of the ecological character, of natural resources (e.g. water table level) was a social phenomena

(Valensi 1977, El Amami 1984). The binding rules of rural people, the system of production, and community decision making over the resource base were the factors governing sustainability. This has not been recognised in the thinking of development and therefore

Tunisian development w ill continue to be oriented for short term economic benefit.

10.4. Tunisian wetlands

Dn wetlands, the priority of the economics over sustainabi1ity has been reflected in the reclamation of the former protected North lake

Tunis, the continuous development of other wetlands (South lake

Tunis and Ghar El Melh) and the low profile commitment of the government for the conservation of the Ichkeul National Park. In addition, the scattered responsibitlies on wetlands within several ministries and departments as well as the scattered legislation on

om wetlands allows activities inc^patible with wetlands conservation.

Also, it did not help attract attention to their ongoing degradation or point to their functions and values. For instance, in the

Ministry of Agriculture the departments concerned with water studies and management (DRE, DGEGTH), drainage of land (DGGR), conservation

(DGF), exploitation of wetlands (CGP, ONP) and studies (INSTOP, CNA) have weak contact or no contact between themselves. DE was created created in 1977 to- coordinate these departments but it has only 5 staff and none of them have prior experience with environmental problems. The problem of communication with other ministries is further exacerbated. Regarding legislation, the 1988 Forest Act addressed wetlands protection specifically but there were only three articles. One was on definition, a second on protection of flora and fauna and the third on protection against pollution. This latter allowed the reclamation of wetlands for the "national interest".

This situation seems to indicate that proper wetlands conservation in Tunisia does not exist. This problem is compounded by the lack of a complete inventory of wetlands and an understanding of their functions and values. Therefore, for the future conservation of wetlands there should be more coordination between departments and ministries concerned with wetlands and an adequate coordinating structure. Legislation should be collected and extended with more articles on "wise use" and more importantly conservation of wetlands should be regarded as in the "national interest", not against it.

In contrast to this neglect, wetlands have a number of functions and values in Tunisia. For fishing, they are habitats for economically valuable species such eels and mullet. In 1988 eels export accounted for 190,000 TD. They are more productive than the continental shelf and the open sea. The productivity of North Lake Tunis before its conversion was 32 times higher and Lake Ichkeul 5 times higher than the continental shelf. Salt production was about 500 tons in 1989 with 8571 for export (9.7 m illion TD). It employed more than 500 people. For flood control, although the importance of wetlands has been im plicitly recognised in the alleviation of flood damage through the storage of flood water (Kallel 1974), agricultural land and infrastructure, no evaluation was made of the likely or ulterior benefits. However, Tunisia is suffering from recurring floods. The latest flood in January 1990 claimed 30 lives, 21,000

liv e s to c k , 38,000 damaged houses and 307 schools (AED 1990a, 1990b).

The cost was 200 m illion TD. Wetlands are significant for wintering populations for water birds. 47.5% of the population of wigeon, pochard and coot of the Western Palearctic, 50% (0.5-0.6 m illion) of the Mediterranean waders and 1/3 of the flamingo population of west

Africa and the Mediterranean along with a number of endangered species (great white egret, spoonbill, slender curlew, and white-headed duck) are found in Tunisian wetlands. Some wetlands are

internationally important such as Ichkeul and the intertidal areas of the Gulf of Gabes. Hunting is another aspect pertaining to wetlands. The number of hunters has more than doubled and earnings to the state from taxes has grown more than six times in the last

10 ye a rs . However, h u n tin g is c o n ce n tra te d on games sp e cie s especially the wild boar. This species was also endemic to wetlands.

In addition, hunting was known in Tunisian wetlands but no studies were carried out to assess the importance of this activity in these sites. Similarly, grazing, agricultural use, waste disposal and water purification, recreation, education were studied weakly or not at all. Therefore, except for fishing, salt extraction, and birds especially wintering waterbirds, no other functions are adequately studied. Accordingly, there is a need in the future to direct research to the evaluation of the other functions if the case of Tunisian wetland conservation is going to be argued in a positive way.

10.5. Ichkeuls a case study of a Tunisian wetland

At Ichkeul fishing has been an important activity. The income from t h is a c t i v i t y was 808,000 TD in 1988 w ith 453,000 TD from th e e x p o rt eels. It has employed 115 workers supporting 626 people. Wintering waterbirds were 100,000-200,000. This placed it as one of the most

important wetlands in the Mediterranean as waterfowl habitat.

Consequently, it has been listed as a Biosphere Reserve, a World

Heritage Site, a Ramsar Site and a National Park. Ichkeul is also

increasingly important for visitors. In the two censuses conducted in March 1988 and 1989, 2,694 were counted in 1988 and 5,936 in

1989. 77% in 1988 and 68% in 1989 came on Sundays and bank holidays with 43% in 1988 and 25% in 1989 were school parties. There were also a few foreign tourists, 218 in 1988 and 236 in 1989. The travel costs for all visitors was evaluated at about 8,000 TD in 1988 and

14,000 TD in 1989. However, the park was not promoted for visitors.

An estimation of the cost of facilities for visitors, research and the wages of workers could be covered in three years from the generated value of travel cost and fees from visitors coming to the

National Park for five months. From the economic point of view, this alone can validate the promotion of education, recreation and research in the Park. There are in addition the intangible benefits.

The new orientation of the state to diversify tourist attractions and therefore to increase the occupancy rate of hotels validate even more the promotion of the Park. Grazing was found to be important for the local coomunity. About 9,000 animals were counted on the marshes. These contributed to the income of more than 285 families involving 1,567 people. Collection of plants as fodder, human food, firewood, housing construction or sheds for animals and prevention

of wintering birds grazing on agricultural fields were reported from

the fieldwork. Other related benefits, but pertaining to the river

system, include treatment of the Mateur sewage and replenishment of

watertable in the Plain of Mateur.

These functions and values were poorly reported or documented except

for fish and birds. Because of this and the prevailing economic

development climate, the conservation of Ichkeul has not been

properly considered by decision makers in Tunisia. This was

exacerbated by the fact that Ichkeul was in a strategic area for

water mobilization and agricultural development. Consequently, the

National Park as habitat for waterfowl and its protection under

three international agreement was clearly not a convincing argument

for decision makers. Therefore, there is a need to build on the

findings of this thesis by extending the functions and values

assessment for Ichkeul to argue the conservation of this site.

10.6. Grazings a case study of a function at Ichkeul

The exclosures were used to examine the growth cycle of grass on

dry land (upland and dry marsh) and wetland's vegetation' by the

ratio of fresh/dry weight. This was relatively higher and sustained

throughout the period of sampling (February to September) for

wetland vegetation compared to the dry land vegetation. The biomass of wet marsh vegetation was 16 times higher than that on the dry

land. This denoted the effectiveness of wetland in converting solar energy. However, dry land vegetation was more diverse and more palatable than wet marsh vegetation but the growth of these plants was seasonal whereas the growth in wetlands was perennial. This

growth pattern accorded with the cycle of grazing as used by the

local community.

During a year of normal rainfall, the mountains of Djebel Ichkeul

and Djebel Taref are used in winter and autumn. The grazing is on

scrub and tree vegetation. In spring, the short lived grass vegetation on the mountain concentrates grazing on the marshes for

most of t h i s p e rio d . In e a r ly summer, anim als move to th e h a rv e s te d fields and then return to spend the rest of this season and early autumn on the marshes until they are flooded. Therefore, grazing on the marshes is significant for the local community because it both fatten the animals and is available during the dry season when grazing opportunities are otherwise very limited. This importance can be further increased during a dry year such in 1988 when animals grazed, or were supplied with fodder from the marsh vegetation, for

almost the whole year. Because cattle are more suited to graze on the marshes than sheep and goats. People using the Djoumine marsh raise mostly cattle. Those using the former Djoumine delta and the farmers have more sheep. Sheep were also the predominant species in th e whole stu d y area because of th e lo c a l demand in th e m arket.

Sheep are also more suited to the drier conditions of the marshes but they need fodder more than cattle. For that farmers were at advantage compared to the landless because they produce fodder from their own fields and leave their animals to graze on the same land during a short period in late winter and in summer after harvest.

The landless, however, have to work in the quarries, the fisheries, the state farm and the National Park to augment their income and be able to support their animals in periods when fodder is needed. In this respect local work was a substitute for land. The contribution of grazing to household incomes was significant for both the landless and the landowners. 68% of the population draw at least 60% of their income from animals. The net income from all activities, with farm income not included, was 1,708 TD with 1,177

TD from animals. This level corresponds to 1.3 times the annual minimum salary of non agriculutral workers (1,260 TD) and 1.5 times the annual minimum salary of agricultural workers (1,152 TD). In addition, animal rearing is a flexible activity acting as a "bank account" that can be used whenever a need arises.

Local people at Ichkeul perceived the former diversion of Djoumine river, the dredging of the Djoumine canal and the creation of the

National Park as the most significant threats to grazing activity.

The firs t has completely transformed the former Djoumine delta to

"waste land" with very little to graze on, the second made a significant degradation of the vegetation on the Djoumine marsh, and the third imposed restrictions on an already reduced space for g ra z in g .

Therefore, although significant changes in the hydrology of the marshes had occulted and are s till occuring, most of the local people tried to adapt to the new physical setting by changing the structure of their herds, providing fodder and/or shifting to local activities. They did not give up pastoral ism. This highlighted the importance of grazing in their way of life . However, if the changes in the physical setting continue and there is an increasing standard of living, pressure w ill intensify on the degraded marshes.

Accordingly, the expenditure on fodder (especially at Djebel

Ichkeul) w ill also increase and most local people w ill probably shift to other activities inside or outside the area of Djebel

Ic h k e u l.

10.7. Future for the “wise use" of the marshes for grazing at

Ichkeul

Building on the knowledge gained from the exclosures, the questionnaire and the literature reviewed, five recommendations were devised and discussed with key decision makers, local people, national and international NGOs and other institutions in order to find the obstacles to the sustainable utilization of the marshesfor grazing. These recommendations are:

1. restoration of the hydrological regime of the marshes by

in fillin g the Djoumine and the Mel ah canals and releasing water

from the dams according to the volume suggested in H ollis et^ al_.

(1986);

2. preparation of a grazing management plan which integrates upland

(mountain and agricultural land) and lowland (marshes) pastures;

3. integration of pastoral ism with farming and work in the

quarries, the National Park, the State farm and fisheries in

order to sustain the income of the local community and the

grazing on the marshes;

4. cooperation of the central and local authority (including the

manager of the National Park) with the local people in the

implementation of the grazing management plan;

5. formation of a local committee to participate in management

is s u e s .

These were supplemented by guidelines for the grazing management plan, the integration of activities in the area, and the formation of the local people's committee as well the sequence of actions that has to be followed for the implementation of these recommendations.

The reactions of interviewees revealed that the real ease of water and the blocking of canal were opposed by DEGTH and DGGR. The management plan was accepted as w e ll as th e in te g r a tio n o f activities but the quarries were unacepted because there is pressure for their closure. However, central authority (DGF), local authority, the manager and the local leaders were against the formation of a local committee. This is despite the Forest Act

(article 43) which allows the formation of such a grouping and the recognition by DGF that the failure in this domain was because of former dismissal of local people in decision making. It seems that, these authorities saw the integration of local people in the management of the National Park as a lim itation to their "absolute" authority. NGOs were a ll positive about the recommendations but they are marginalised from decision making and lobbying. However, it seems that international NGOs were potentially in a better position to lobby decision making (e.g. through the EEC).

The results of the interviews revealed a number of impediments to the successful implementation of the recommendations and "wise use" at the level of decision makers, local authority, local people and

NGOs. First, there is lack of a mechanism for integration between the different departments of the Ministry of Agriculture with

DGEGTH and DGGR having a significant influential role in decision making. DGEGTH has been managing the water resources of the dams and DGGR devised the agricultural development on the plain of

Mateur. Second, the divide between the central authority and local authority has highlighted the centralisation of decision making in Tunis and the ignorance of the people there about the local

realities. Third, the background of the manager as a forester is

inadequate to understand local people's role and needs, and to

built a relationship based on cooperation rather than coercion.

Fourth, the social structure of local people promoted by the local

authority in Bizerte and the local manger is another obstacle

because of the overwelming role of two leaders in decision making

for the local community. Fifth, there is the weakness of Tunisian

NGOs to make a sound contribution in conservation of natural

resources because of their dependence on funding from the state.

Compared to the recommendations of the International Seminar held in

Tunis in February 1990, the propositions of the thesis were

concerned with sustainable grazing and addressed specific problems

whereas those of the seminar were concerned with generalities. These

include the creation of an administrative structure for the

National Park, the provision of water to the National Park, the

closure of the quarries, the promotion of tourism and other

recommendations related to a more effective system of production

demanding less energy, less water and producing less pollution from

the agriculture. It was also recommended to take account of the

National Park in the management plans of the surrounding urban area

and pollution from these areas. However, in the same way, local

people were dismissed from any role and it seems that the shifting of decision making to the National Park would not make significant changes towards "sustainable grazing" on the marshes. For that, sustainabiltity should be attained through;

1. coordination between the different departments of the Ministry of

Agriculture with the involvement of local people and some key

scientists who are acquainted to the new ideas in conservation.

This can be done through DE or ANPE by the extention of their

staff and duties to oversee implementation of the propositions

from this coordination;

2. the formation of a local people's committee in a manner that it

w ill diffuse the overwelming role of the local leaders;

3. the formation of a light structure for the National Park

comprising three key persons; a administrative manager for the

running of employees and needs of the park, an ecologist for the

conservation of the park and an educator for the visitors. The

present manager of the National Park can take the administrative

jo b ;

4. Tunisian NGOs with the help of International NGOs could play a

role raising general public awareness about the environmental

degradation of Ichkeul.

Therefore, the analysis of the reactions and the evaluation of the impediments to "wise use" of grazing on the marshes of Ichkeul show that the implementation of this concept is a complex process which requires an understanding of the inter-relationships of development and conservation, a social organisation incorporating managers and users, and national and international cooperation. 10.8. Towards a National Wetlands Policy in Tunisia

Building on the findings of this chapter and the suggested approach at the Regina conference that “wise use" of wetlands should be made within the framework of National Wetlands Policy, a firs t proposal for a NWP in Tunisia may include:

1. the formation of an office for wetlands possibly based at ANPE.

This office would have the duty to:

a. identify the functions of Tunisian wetlands. The information on

the functions and the research needs in Chapter IV could be the

starting point for this kind of investigation; b. extend Hughes's 1990 inventory of Tunisian wetlands to include

wetlands of less than lOha, individual springs, marine wetlands

and a q u a tic beds; c. incorporate information on functions and values in the

classification of Tunisian wetlands in Hughes's 1990 inventory

to help identify measures of "wise use" in future decision

making; d. monitoring of the state of wetlands and involvement in the

apparaisal of projects which, affect particular wetlands; c. contribute in the preparation of development plans in Tunisia in

order to stimulate change in the thinking about development and

argue the case for wetlands conservation in terms of

sustainability; e. organise the coordination of wetlands conservation when a problem

arose and take responsibi1ty to pursue implementation of the

decisions taken and the evaluation of their application. Similar offices for habitat types can be formed within the same agency.

2. The legislation on wetlands should be collected and extended

with more articles on "wise use". This legislation should depart

from full protection of fauna and flora and should seek

cooperation with local users. Other related legislative texts

such as the definition of National Park should be improved. For

instance, a National Park can be defined as 'an ecosystem where

habitats presenting scientific, genetic, aesthetic, educational,

recreational and geomorphological interest should be "wisely

used" with the cooperation with local people'.

3. Tunisian NGOs should have a greater role in raising public

awareness through the attraction of more members and the media as

well as influencing changes in the educational system. This

should be done with support from international NGOs. They should

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NP: non palatable SNP: slightly to non palatable SP: slightly palatable SMP: s l i g h t l y to medium p a la ta b le MP: medium palatable MVP: medium to very palatable VP: very palatable

species Palatability class Wet marsh cover:80-100% Typha anqustifolia ...... SP (cows) Scirpus maritimus ...... MVP Praqmites communis...... MVP Tamarix africana (on dry marsh)...... SMP

Exclosure Djebel Ichkeul cover: 50% Plantaqo sp ...... VP Urtica doica ...... NP Stellarea medea...... SNP Geranium mollae...... SP Chenopodi 11 ium mural le ...... NP Astragalus hamosa ...... VP Lamachia...... SMP Hordeum maritimum...... SMP Cynoclossum pictum ...... NP Emex S pinosus ...... SMP (cows) Niqella damasuila...... SMP (cows) Euphorbea sp ...... NP Capsulla bursa capsellus ...... MP Poa annua ...... SP Malva silvestris...... VP Microloncus duriaei...... SP Erodium gruinum...... SNP Calandula arvensi s...... SNP Euphorbea helioscopea ...... NP

Exclosure Djebel Taref/Dhaouada cover:60% Malva sylvestris ...... SP Beilis sylvestris ...... NP Plantaqo laqopus...... MP Rumex bucephalopholus...... NP Convolvulus arvensis ...... SP Echium plantaqeneum ...... NP Medic ago sp...... VP Hordeum leponeum ...... MPP Phleum prat ansae ...... MPP Cynoqlossum pictum...... NP Lotus ornothopodoedes?...... VP Raphanus maritimus...... SP Raphanus raphanistrum...... SP Taraxacum o ffic in a lis ...... MP Geranium sp...... SNP Lanyum amp 1 e x i l e ...... NP Erodium quinum ...... SNP Poa a n n u a ...... MP Trifolium repens...... VP S ile n e s p ...... SP Linarea pedonculata...... NP Campanulla sp ...... NP Chrysanthemum palludosum ...... SP Cerastium pentandrum ...... NP (human food)

Exclosure Sedjenane/Oued Kloufi cover: 80-100% Medicaqo murex ...... VP Ornithopus compressus...... VP Erynqium maritimum...... NP Atriplex halimus ...... MP Plantaqo sp? ...... SNP Leucanthemum sp...... SP Astragal us/Hypochri s ...... SMP Trifolium subterraneum ...... VP Athrocnemum qloucum...... NP Picris echoiedes ...... SNP Loi i urn perenne ...... VP Saqina apetela? ...... SP plantaqo coronacus ...... MP Trifolium campestre ...... MVP Erynqium triquiturn ...... NP Trifolium fraqirum ...... VP Qphris sp...... NP Medicaqo hespida ...... VP Plantaqo b illa rd ii ...... MP Medicaqo minima ...... VP Galactite tomentosa ...... NP L o tu s s p ...... VP Suaeda fruticosa ...... SNP Scopurus muricaqus ...... MP Loi i urn riqidum ...... VP Euphorbea helioscopea ...... NP T r if o liu m sp ...... VP Senicio sp...... SMP Anagalis arvensis...... NP Medicaqo sp...... VP .Qrmenix mixta...... NP Romulea columnae ...... NP Ranauculus sardous ...... NP Cynodon dactyl on ...... VP Allium cupani ...... NP

Exclosure Djoumine grass cover:50% Hordeum maritimum ...... SMP Rumex p u lc h e r ...... NP Scolumus hispanicus ...... NP Scolumus hispanicus...... NP Dipsacus fullonum ...... NP Ammi v is n a q a ...... NP (abundant) Medicaqo sp ...... VP (ra re ) Lolium riqidum...... VP (ra re ) Lolium perenne...... VP (ra re ) Geranium sp ...... SP Plantaqo sp ...... MP Trifolium sp ...... VP (ra re ) Cynedon dactyl on ...... VP (ra re ) Appendix 2a. The d r a f t q u e s tio n n a ire

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR THE INVESTIGATION OF THE RELATIVE VALUES TO A RURAL COMMUNITY OF WETLANDS AND UPLAND GRAZING (confidential)

This is the draft questionnaire which had been tested on 10 persons at Ichkeul National Park and its vicinity (Zaarour, Felta and Taref) A final one was developed and conducted from February to end April and August to mid September 1988. The questions of the draft questionnaire were affected with a note <*,ft,@) to indicate that:

(*> : th e q u e stio n was complemented. (Pt): the q u e stio n was a lte re d o r tra n sfo rm e d in t o a new one. (@): th e q u e stio n was e lem inated becauseit d id notmake sense or wasambiguous to interviwees.

In te rv ie w No: Date: L o c a tio n : S ite :

S e ctio n 1. INTRODUCTION TO CONVERSATION WITH INDIVIDUALS

Assalamou alaika/Good morning/Good afternoon

My name is Fethi Ayache. I am a student from London University conducting a study in the area about some aspects of people's life here. The aim is to produce a 'book' on the use of the Garaat. I would be very grateful if you would agree to be interviewed. Before I start I would like to stress that anything you tell me will be treated as confidential. If you are unhappy about answering a question, please feel free to say so and we w ill move on to the next one.

343 SfCtion 2. ANIMAL GRAZING

First of all, I would like to ask about grazing activity.

1. Do you ra is e anim als ?

: sheep : goat : cattle :

yes :

*2. If yes, where do they graze ?

for lowland (wet and dry marshes),

name(s) of the marshe(s)

sheep :

goat

c a t t le :

for upland,

name(s) of upland(s)

sheep

goat

c a t t le :

3. I f yes, which months do you keep them on th e marshes ?

sheep

goat

c a t t le

4. If yes, for how many months do you keep them on the upland ?

sheep

goat

c a t t le Section 3. MARKETING

Now I would like to move to other questions which are related animal marketing.

5. Can you te ll me when did you sell animals ?

date/season number price/head market

sheep : • • •

goat : • : •

c a t t le : : • •

@6. This year how many animals do you expect to sell ?

number price/head

sheep :

goat

c a t t le :

@7. Compared to la s t summer do you th in k th e p r ic e w i l l be:

th e same h ig h e r(h o w much) low er(how much)

sheep : • :

goat : : •

c a t t le : ■ :

@8. Why do you think this ?

9. Do you c u t wool from sheep and ewes la s t year ?

i f yes,

a. How many kgs o

b. What was th e p r ic e ?

c. Was any used for house use ? If yes, how may kgs ?

d. What quantity do you expect this year ? e. What p r ic e compared to la s t year ?

th e same

higher-how much

lower-how much

@10. Do you m ilk your ewes ?

yes no

i f yes,

a. Quantity (litres) ?

b. Price per litre ?

c. Quantity for house use (litres) ?

@11. Do you milk goats ?

yes no

i f yes,

a. Quantity (litres) ?

b. Price per litre ?

c. Quantity for house use (litres) ?

12. Do you milk your cattle ?

yes no

i f yes,

a. Quantity (litres) ?

b. Price per litre ?

c. Quantity for house use (litres) ?

345 Section 4. ENUMERATION AND OTHER ASPECTS OF ANIMAL RAISING

Having seen the benefits from grazing animals I would like to ask you a few more questions about their number, structure and, other related aspects.

13. Can you te ll me how many animals you have at the present time ?

sheep

goat

c a t t le

14. How many have you lost this year (from last autumn) ?

number reason

sheep :

goat : :

* c a t t le s •

15. Do you provide supplementary feeding ?

yes no i f yes,

kind quantity period of number of times fe e d in g per day

• sheep : ■ • a

a goat : • • a

c a t t l e : t a

Ftl6. Does your grazing activity on its own, provide you with a viable income ? yes no I f no, why not ?

347 Section 5. LAND TENURE

Now, I would like to turn to land tenure.

18. Do you own land ?

yes no i f yes,

a. would, you te ll me where your land is located ?

b. what is the area of your land ?

c. how do you use your land ?

* agriculture

* g ra zin g

others (specify)

19. Do you rent land ?

yes no

i f yes,

a. where it is located ?

b. what is the total area rented ?

c. how do you use it ?

*- agriculture

* g ra zin g

others (specify)

d. how much do you pay fo r i t ?

@e. and for how long ?

@20. Do you use public land ? yes no if yes, a) where is it located

b) Do you pay to use it ?

yes no

c) if yes, how much do you pay ? S fC tio n 6. PERSONAL INFORMATION

I move now to other questions dealing with your personal life .

21. firs t of all, are you married ?

yes no

22. Can you te ll me to which following age categories you belong ?

20-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 +60

23. Do you have any children ?

yes no

i f yes,

more than 20 yrs unmarried less than 20 yrs

male

fem ale

24. Can you te ll me if you have any other work apart from raising anim als yes no

i f yes,

name of work : place : income (/day,/week,/month)

ft25. Could you estimate the proportion of family income from herding per month ?

1 1/10 1/6 1/5 1/4 1/3 1/2

Ft26. Could you estimate the proportion of family income from other acti vi ti es

1 1/10 1/6 1/5 1/4 1/3 1/2 Section 7. THE LOCAL COMMUNITY THINKING

27. How long has your family been in this area ?

28. Thinking back over the last few years have there been any - changes in the way of life around here ? can you te ll me why ?

29. If you did not raise grazing animal, How would you earn a l i v i n g ?

30. Could you tell me what is the* general opinion around here on the usefulness of Garaat ?

31. Are there any particular problems around here you would like to see something done about ?

yes no

If yes, what are they,

32. Do you know who owns the Garaat ?

33. Can you te ll me who is looking after the Garaat ?

34. Do you anticipate any of your children will take up raising a n im a ls ?

35. How do you see your future and that of your children in this area ?

Thank you very much for your help.

Interview er's comments: Appendix 2b. The Final Questionnaire

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR THE INVESTIGATION OF THE RELATIVE VALUES TO A RURAL COMMUNITY OF WETLANDS AND UPLAND GRAZING (confidential)

Interview Nos Date: L o c a tio n : S ite :

Section 1. INTRODUCTION TO CONVERSATION WITH INDIVIDUALS

Assalamou alaika/Good morning/Good afternoon

My name is Fethi Ayache. I am a student from London University conducting a study in the area about someaspects of people's life here. The aim is to produce a 'book' on the use of the Garaat (1). I would be very grateful if you would agree to be interviewed. Before I start I would like to stress that anything you te ll me w ill be treated as confidential. If you are unhappy about answering a question, please feel free to say so and we w ill move on to the next one.

(1) For interviwees who were not satisfied with this introduction, the researcher, explained that this study was part of research programme which was running for several years on several aspects of the wetlands (marshes and lake) but no studies were available on the way of life of local people. However, no ulterior benefits were advanced and the research aspect was stressed. S ection 2. ANIMAL GRAZING

First of all, I would like to ask about grazing activity.

1. Do you raise animals ?

: sheep : goat : cattle :

yes : :: :

no : :: :

2. If yes, where do they graze ?

f o r low land (wet and d ry marshes),

Djoumine Fadden Farch Aniba Ghezala melah sedjenane

sheep : : : : :

goat m m * : :

cattle: : : : : :

for upland,

agricultural land D j. Ichkeul Dj. Taref

sheep 5 : s

goat : : •

c a t t le : : :

. I f yes , for which months do you keep them on the marshes ?

sheep

goat

c a t t le

4. For how many months do you keep them on the upland ?

sheep

goat

c a t t le Section 3. MARKETING

Now I would like to move to other questions which are related to animal marketing.

5. Can you te ll me when did you sell animals ?

date/season number price/head market

sheep : * * :

« • goat : 9 • a

c a t t le : : a a

. Did you c u t wool from sheep and ewes la s t year ? yes no i f yes,

a. How many kgs (or jizza) ?

b. What was th e p r ic e per kg (or per jiz z a ) ?

c. Was any used for house use ? If yes, how may kgs ?

7. Do you. milk your cattle ? yes no i f yes,

a. Quantity (litres)/day ?

b. Price per litre ?

c. Quantity for house use (litres) ? Section 4. ENUMERATION AND OTHER ASPECTS OF ANIMAL RAISING

Having seen the benefits from grazing animals I would like to ask you a few more questions about their number, structure and, other related aspects.

8. Can you te ll me how many animals you have at the present time ?

sheep

goat

c a t t le

9. How many have you lost this year (from last autumn) ?

number reason

sheep : :

goat : :

c a t t le : :

10. Do you provide supplementary feeding ?

yes no i f yes,

kind quantity period of number of times feeding per day

sheep : • :

goat : • : ■’

c a t t le : • : : -

11. Can you te ll me if there are changes in raising animals between the present time and the past ?

yes no if yes, what are these changes ? Section 5. LftND TENURE

Now, I would like to turn to land tenure.

12. Do you own land ?

yes no i f yes,

a. would you te ll me where your land is located ?

b. what is the area of your land ?

c. how do you use your land ?

* agriculture

* g ra z in g

13. Do you re n t land ?

yes no

i f yes,

a. where it is located ?

b. what is the total area rented ?

c. how do you use it ?

* agriculture

* g ra zin g

d. how much do you pay for it ? Section 6. PERSONAL INFORMATION

I move now to other questions dealing with your personal life .

18. firs t of all, are you married ?

yes no

14. Can you te ll me to which following age categories you belong ?

1 2 3 4 5 20-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 +60

15. Do you have any children ?

yes no

i f yes,

more than 20 yrs unmarried less than 20 yrs

male

fem ale

16. Can you tell me if you have any other work apart from raising anim als yes no

i f yes,

name of work place income (/day,/week,/month)

17. How much do you spend on your fa m ily each month ?

3 56 S ection 7. THE LOCAL COMMUNITY THINKING

18. How long has your family been in this area ?

19. Thinking back over the last few years have there been any .changes in the way of life around here ? can you te ll me why ?

20. If you did not raise grazing animal, How would you earn a l iv in g ?

21. Could you tell me what is the general opinion around here on the usefulness of Garaat ?

22. Are there any particular problems around here you would like to see something done about ?

yes no

If yes, what are they,

23. Do you know who owns th e Garaat ?

24. Can you te ll me who is looking after the Garaat ?

25. Do you anticipate any of your children w ill take up raising anim als ?

26. How do you see your future and that of your children in this area ?

Thank you very much for your help.

Interviw er's comments: Appendix 3. Questionnaire coding framework column V a riab le Question code Explanation number

Workfile name: Intro, dat 1 1 1-122 Interview number

Area

djebel Ichkeul Zaarour ?/ Matrouh Felta & Zabbouz djebel Taref

L o c a tio n

11 Souirna 12 Nechmaya 13 Sidi Bel Abdelkader 14 Sidi Messaoud/Jdayria 15 Fadden 16 Farch D rid 17 Farch Aniba 18 Chardoudi 19 Farch H'sen n Zaarour Matrouh ?< Staket 4 F e lta 5 Zabbouz Taref Workfile name: Marup.dat

1 4 1 Type of animal

0 no animals 1 only sheep 2 o n ly goat only cattle 12 sheep & goat 13 sheep S< ca ttle 23 goat cattle L 23 sheep, goat & cattle

Name of the marsh

0 no grazing 1 Djoumine 2 Fadden (old Djoumine) 3 Farch Aniba (old Djoumine) 4 Ghezala 5 Melah 6 Sedjenane 12 Djoumine Fadden 23 Fadden & F. Aniba 34 F. Aniba S< Ghezala 45 Melah & Ghezala

358 123 Djoumine, Fadden & F.Aniba 99 any lowland

Name of upland

0 no g ra z in g 1 agricultural land o djebel Ichkeul djebel Taref 4 Complex's land 12 agr land & dj. Ichkeul 13 agr land 2< d j. Taref 24 dj. Ichkeul •!•< compl. land 99 any lowland

W o rk file name: m arke.dat

1 7 3 Marketing of sheep

0 no sheep kept 1-n $ income from sheep sold 99 no re p ly

2 8 3 Marketing of goat

0 no goat kept 1-n $ income from cattle sold 99 no r e p ly

Z 9 3 Marketing of cattle

0 no c a t t le kept 1-n $ income from cattle sold 99 no r e p ly

4 10 4 Marketing of wool

0 no sheep kept 1-n $ income from wool sold 99 no r e p ly

5 11 5 Marketing of milk

0 no cattle kept 1-n $ income fro m m ilk 99 no r e p ly

W orkfile namerExpan.dat

1 12 6 Number of sheep

0 no sheep kept 1-n number of sheep kept 99 no re p ly

Number o f goat 13 6 0 no goat kept 1-n number of goat kept 99 no ra p ly 3 14 6 Number of cattle

0 no cattle kept 1-n number of cattle kept 99 no r e p ly

4 15 7 Sheep lo s t

0 no sheep kept 1-n number of sheep lost 99 no r e p ly

16 7 Goat lo s t

0 no goat kept 1-n number of qoat lost 99 no r e p ly

6 17 7 Cattle lost

0 no cattle kept 1-n number of cattle lost 99 no r e p ly

7 18 8 Supplementary feeding (cost for all animal)

0 no animal kept/no feeding 1-n $ cost of feeding 99 no r e p ly W o rk file name: Change.dat

1 19 9 Change: Flow of river

0 no grazing/no change 1 changing river course o dredging river course 3 dam construction 12 changing dredging river 13 changing S< damming r iv e r 23 d re d g in g ?< damming r iv e r 123 changing, dredging ?< dam 7 not mention

change: Structure of anim als

0 no grazing/no change 1 before more cattle & goat and le s s sheep o before less cattle & goat and more sheep 7 not mention 21 9 Change; Animal number (qualitative)

0 no grazing/no change 1 now more anim als 2 now le s s anim als 7 not mention

Change; Space for grazing

0 no grazing/no chnage 1 now more space for grazing 2 now less space for grazing 7 not mention

5 23 9 Change: Vegetation q u a lit y and q u a n tity

0 no grazing/no change 1 d je b e l Ich ke u l was b e tte r 2 d je b e l T aref was b e tte r 3 marshes were better 4 before no forage 13 dj. Ichkeul & marshes were b e tte r 23 dj . Taref & marshes were b e tte r 34 marshes were b e tte r ?< no forage supply 134 dj . Ichkeul 2< marshes were better ■!< no forage supply 234 d j. T a re f S< marshes were better & no forage supply 7 not mention

W o rk file name: Land.dat

1 24 10 Land ownership: Location

0 none owned 1 Zaarour 2 Matrouh 3 S ta k e t .4 F e lta 5 T a re f 6 o th e rs 99 no reply

25 10 Landownership: Area

0 none owned 1-n number o f ha owned 99 no reply

Landow nership: Use

0 none owned 1 wheat & barley 2 fo ra g e 3 g ra z in g 4 o th e rs 12 wheat b a rle y and fo ra g e 13 wheat & barley and garzing 123 wheat & barley & forage and g ra z in g 99 no r e p ly Land rented; Location

0 none rented 1 Zaarour M atrouh . ji S ta k e t 4 F e lta 5 T ra re f 6 o th e rs

23 11 Land rented: Area

0 none rented 1-n number of ha rented 99 no r e p ly

6 2? 11 Land rented: Use

0 none rented 1 wheat & barley O J. fo ra g e g ra z in g 12 wheat & barley and forage 13 wheat ?< b a rle y and g a rzin g 123 wheat & barley & forage and grazing 99 no r e p ly

7 30 11 Land rented; $ rent

0 none rented 1-n $ amount of rent/agri, year 77 50V. on the benefice 99 no r e p ly

W orkfile names Person, dat

1 31 12 Personal information: Status: married or not

1 yes no 99 no r e p ly

13 Age

1 20-30 years old 2 31-40 years old 41-50 years old 4 51-60 years old 5 60+ years old

3 6 2 C h ild re n ; male =20+ unmarried living in the fa m ily

0 none 1-n number of children 99 no r e p ly 4 34 14 Children: male 20-

0 none 1-n number of children 99 no re p ly

5 35 14 C h ild re n : fem ale =20+ unmarried living in the fa m ily

0 none 1-n number of children 99 no re p ly

6 36 14 Children: female 20-

0 none 1-n numer of children 99 no r e p ly W orkfile names Work, dat

1 37 15 Type of work

0 no work 1 National Fisheries Council (=0NP) 9 Q uarrying Complex Ghezala-Mateur for agriculture 4 National Park 5 Ghezala-Mateur Company for Animal raising 6 fa rm e r 7 pastoralist 8 o th e rs 99 no re p ly

38 15 Income/month

0 no work . 1-n $ income 99 no re p ly

39 16 Expenditure/month

0 do n o t know 1-n $ expenditure 99 no r e p ly

3 6 3 4 40 17 Origin

1 indigenenous o u ts id e r 99 no r e p ly W orkfile names Stand, dat

1 41 18 Change in standard of living (5+ years) Housi ng

no change now i s b e tte r housing now is worse housing not mention

42 18 Income

no change now is better income now is worse income not mention

43 18 S ch o o lin q

no change now is more schooling now i s le s s s c h o o lin g not mention

44 19 H e a lth

no change availability of H.S within th e area and easy to reach A vailability of H.S within the area but d ifficu lt to reach not mention

45 18 Food

no change 1 now i s b e tte r food 2 now is worse food 7 not mention

46 18 Communication

no change now there are more and better roads now th e re are th e same or less but worse roads now th e re are o th e r communication (telephpne and buses) not mention

364 W orkfile names Useful, dat

Usefulness of the marshes 1 47 19 G razing