Title page

THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH AND THE MANAGEMENT OF THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS IN GOKHANA- LAND 1931-2010.

BY

ONWUBIKO, AMAECHI JUDE PG/MA-Ph.D/06/42106

DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND CULTURAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF , NSUKKA, ENUGU STATE.

JULY, 2013

i Requirement page

THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH AND THE MANAGEMENT OF THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS: IN GOKHANA- LAND 1931-2010.

BY

ONWUBIKO AMAECHI JUDE PG/MA-Ph.D/06/42106

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND CULTURAL STUDIES, FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT, FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN RELIGION, AND CULTURAL STUDIES

SUPERVISOR: PROF. CHRISTOPHER O.TAGBO UGWU

JULY, 2013

ii Approval page

This thesis has been approved for the Department of Religion And Cultural Studies, University of Nigeria Nsukka.

BY

……………………………… …………………………… Professor C.O.T. Ugwu Rev. Dr. E.A. Ituma Supervisor Head of Department

………………………… ……. ………………………………… Rev. FR. Professor. B.A.C. Obiefuna Professor C.O.T Ugwu External Examiner Dean of Faculty

iii Certification

We testify that Onwubiko, Amaechi Jude (PG/MA-Ph.D/06/42106) has satisfactorily carried out all the corrections on this work as suggested by the External Examiner.

______Professor Christopher. O. Tagbo Ugwu Rev. Dr. Ezichi Anya Ituma Supervisor Head of Department

______Professor C.O.T Ugwu Dean of Faculty

iv

Dedication

This project report is dedicated

To

My father Mr. Sunday Chikwendu Onwubiko of blessed memory.

v

Acknowledgements

My profound appreciation goes to the Almighty good-Lord who empowered me to undertake painstakingly, this academic journey. May all the glory be to Him alone, Amen. My sincere gratitude goes to Rev. Dr. Nathan C. Eze, who in 1977 introduced me to the world of academics and challenged me not to rot away within the four walls of the pastorate.

I salute my supervisor Prof. C.O.T. Ugwu, with thanks and respect for his mature, professional and humane academic counselling, which became a source of encouragement, and which facilitated the successful production of this thesis.

I am irrevocably indebted to all my lecturers at various times in this programme, particularly those of the Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. They are Rev. Prof. Agha U. Agha, Prof. Malachy I. Okwueze, Rev. Fr. Prof. H.C. Achunike, Rev. Dr. E.A. Ituma and Rev. Prof. E.N Chinwokwu.

Undoubtedly, my gratitude also reaches out to Rev. C.S. Allison, whose assertive moral, academic and financial encouragements at all times were indispensably supportive. The Revs G.O. Asuru, Livinus Iruoha Orlando Angalapu, Elder Kingsley Enobun, Elder Christopher Enobun, Deaconess Victoria Asibe, Elder Raymond Okemo, Deacon Inya Hart, Barrister Frank Onyiri, Deacon Gbarakono G., Elder Francis Igbo, Mark U. Ukaegbu who housed me for six years and others.

vi

I am indeed indebted to my in-laws, Elder Promise N. Akani, Dr. Alex Akani and Elder G. Amadi-Esq., and many Godly friends and relations. They include Emma Ekeke, Ken Uwakwe, Isaac Obulo (JP), Simeon Madugba, Hycent Amagharaonu and my only younger brother Sylvester I. Onwubiko, my Sisters Esther Chukwu and Mary Akapunwa Onyesoh.

Finally, I remain grateful to my colleagues in God’s vineyard at the Apostolic Church Theological Seminary Bodo-City, namely Rev. L.B. Zorzor and Rev. B. Nyiedah. I also appreciate the following Local Churches, viz Assemblies of God Church Rumuduru, where I started this programme, Assembles of God Church I Rumuokwrusi, Assembles of God Church 3B Dick Tiger Street, Diobu Port Harcourt, and Assembles of God Church Rumuosi/Rumuekini. Other personalities who I will not fail to mention here include, Barrister Success Amuchie, my beloved wife Pastor (Mrs) Blessing Nnenwa Onwubiko, and my highly esteemed children; Vivien, Juliet, Judith, Jude, Glory and Charles for their love and contributions towards the completion of this academic project. May God bless you all.

ONWUBIKO, AMAECHI JUDE Department of Religion and Cultural studies Faculty of the Social Sciences University of Nigeria Nsukka.

vii

List of Abbreviations

CAC - Chris Army Church

CAN - Christian Association of Nigeria

CPFN - Christian Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria

JDPC - Justice, Development and Peace Commission

MEND - Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta

MOSOP - Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People

NDDC - Niger Delta Development Commission

NDPRE - Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force

OBR - Ogoni Bill of Rights (1990)

OCC - Ogoni Council of Churches

OMPADEC - Oil and Minerals Producing Area Development

PEN - Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria

PCN - Pastor’s Conference of Nigeria

SPDC - Shell Petroleum Development Company

TAC - The Apostolic Church

TATSBC - The Apostolic Church Theological Seminary

Bods City.

WCC - World Council of Churches

viii ABSTRACT

The main aim and concern of the thesis were to evaluate the role and contributions of the Apostolic Church Gokhana in the management of the Gokhana crisis, and the Niger Delta conflict. The study employed the descriptive and historical methods of research in which issued were raised, described and critically evaluated in the context of the study. In the process of data collection the primary and secondary sources were used. The data collected through the primary and secondary sources, were collated, interpreted, analyzed and presented through the descriptive and historical style. The study found among other things that the agitation of the Gokhana people was that their lives, property and eco-system had not only been threatened, but destroyed due to the problem of oil exploration, exploitation and marginalization. And the resultant effect was that the people lived in oppression, dejection, depression, abject poverty and underdevelopment; furthermore, the study discovered that the church in general, and the T.A.C in particular was not actively predisposed and committedly involved and very supportive in the various attempts and endeavours to resolve the crisis. The Apostolic Church in Gokhana was the most affected, among all the denomination in the land, as her church buildings and economic investments were destroyed during the crisis. The study also showed that the major hindrance to the resolution of the conflict was the unhealthy leadership competition among the Gokhana elites both in church as well as in the civil society. It was in view of the fate suffered by T.A.C. that made them swing into action strategies towards the management of the crisis which is the main focus of this study.. The research presented the “Season of Change” as the emerging “church shift” paradigm necessary for the transformation of the Gokhana socio-political conflict.

ix TABLE OF CONTENT Title Page ------i Requirement Page ------ii Approval page ------iii Certification ------iv Dedication ------v Acknowledgment------vi-vii Abstract ------ix List of Abbreviation ------viii Table of Content ------x-xii Maps ------xiii-xv

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 11 Background of the study ------1 1.2 Statement of the Problem ------8 1.3 Aim of the Study ------10 1.4 Significance of the Study ------10 1.5 Scope of the Study ------12 1.6 Research Methodology ------13 1.7 Definition of Related Terms ------14 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Theories and Concept of Conflict - - - - - 18 2.2 Crises in the Niger Delta (Gokhana in Ogoni) Causes And Effects ------20 2.3 Christianity, The Apostolic Church and Conflict Management ------27 2.3.1 The Apostolic Church and Conflict Management in Gokhana-land ------31 2.3.2 Critical Role of Evangelism and Spirituality - - - 39

x 2.3.3 The Spiritual Need of the World Highlighted - - - 44 2.4 Summary of Literature Review - - - - - 51

CHAPTER THREE THE GOKHANA PEOPLE AND CULTURE 3.1 The People of Gokhana ------53 3.2 The Culture of Gokana ------54 3.3 Religion and Religious Activities of Gokhana People - 61 3.4 The Orientation of Gokhana People - - - - 63 3.5 The Genesis and the Impact of the Niger Delta Crisis on Gokhana-land. - - - - - 66

CHAPTER FOUR THE ADVENT, SPREAD OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH IN GOKANA-LAND OF THE NIGER DELTA AND MANAGEMENT OF GOKHANA CRISIS 4.1 The Advent of Christianity in Gokhana-Land - - - 97 4.2 The Advent and Spread of The Apostolic Church in Gokhana-Land ------100 4.3 The Impact of the Apostolic Church on the Lives of the People of Gokhana ------109 4.4 The Apostolic Church and the Management of the Gokhana Crisis ------126

CHAPTER FIVE THE PROBLEMS THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH GOKHANA ENCOUNTERED IN THE MANAGEMENT OF THE GOKHANA CRISIS 5.1 The Inherent Doctrinal Questions Concerning the Crisis - 158 5.2 What Role Should the Church Play in the Gokhana-Land Crisis. ------162 5.3 The Question of Church Not “of Politics, But in Politics” - 165

xi 5.4 Financial Hindrances Encountered - - - - 167 5.5 Educational/ Illiteracy Problems - - - - - 169 5.6 Socio-Political and Economic Problems - - - - 174 5.7 Inter and Intra Communal Acrimonies - - - - 177

CHAPTER SIX PROSPECTS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH GOKHANA IN THE MANAGEMENT OF GOKHANA CRISIS AND THE NIGER DELTA 6.1 A Season of Change ------191 6.2 Challenges of The Future ------198 6.3 The Leadership Change, Concept of Development and Under- Development Gokhana Index - - - - 201 6.4 “People Power”- What Gokhana Must Experience - - 214

CHAPTER SEVEN SUMMARY /CONCLUSION 7.1 Summary ------220 7.2 Summary of Research Findings - - - - 221 7.3 Contribution to Knowledge ------224 7.4 Recommendations ------226 7.5 Limitations of the Study ------238 7.6 Suggestions for Further Research - - - - 239 7.7 Conclusion ------240 References ------243 (i) Appendix I (ii) Appendix II (iii) Appendix III

xii

xiii

INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON THE NIGERIAN DEMOCRACY (1960 – 2012)

BY

ONWUDINJO, BENEDICT ONUORA PG/Ph.D/06/41021

DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND CULTURAL STUDIES, FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

AREA OF STUDY: RELIGION AND SOCIETY

SUPERVISOR: PROF. AGHA, U. AGHA (REV)

APRIL, 2014 iii

TITLE PAGE

INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON THE NIGERIAN DEMOCRACY (1960 – 2012)

BY

ONWUDINJO, BENEDICT ONUORA PG/Ph.D/06/41021

DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND CULTURAL STUDIES, FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

AREA OF STUDY: RELIGION AND SOCIETY

SUPERVISOR: PROF. AGHA, U. AGHA (REV)

APRIL, 2014 iv

CERTIFICATION

I, hereby certify that this thesis is original and has been written by me Onwudinjo,

Benedict Onuora with registration number PG/Ph.D/06/41021. It is a record of my research work and has not been presented before in any previous publication.

______Onwudinjo, Benedict O. Signature Date Student

______Prof. Agha U. Agha (Rev.) Signature Date Supervisor

v

REQUIREMENT

INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON THE NIGERIAN DEMOCRACY

BY

ONWUDINJO, BENEDICT ONUORA PG/Ph.D/06/41021

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND CULTURAL STUDIES, IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEGREE (Ph.D) IN DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND CULTURAL STUDIES IN THE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA.

SUPERVISOR: PROF. AGHA, U. AGHA (REV)

APRIL, 2014 vi

APPROVAL

This thesis has been approved for the Department of Religion and Cultural Studies,

University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

BY

______PROF. AGHA, U. AGHA (Rev.) DATE Supervisor

______Prof. Okwueze M.I. DATE Internal Examiner

______Prof. Achunike H.C. DATE Internal Examiner

______Prof. Achunike H.C. DATE Head of Department

______Prof. C.O.T. Ugwu DATE Dean of Faculty

______Prof. B.A.C. Obiekezie DATE External Examiner

vii

DECLARATION

I, am Onwuinjo, Benedict Onuora a Post graduate student of the Department of

Religion and Cultural Studies, with Registration number PG/Ph.D/06/41021, has satisfactorily completed the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D).

The work embodied in this thesis is original and has not been submitted in part or full for any other diploma degree of this or any other university.

______Onwudinjo, Benedict Onuorah Signature Date Student

______Prof. Agha U. Agha (Rev.) Signature Date Supervisor

viii

DEDICATION

I am dedicating this work to the following:

§ His Grace Most Rev. Dr. Val. M. Okeke, the Catholic ArchBishop of Onitsha.

§ ArchBishop A.K. Obiefuna (Late)

§ Very Rev. Msgr. O.P. Achebe (Late)

§ Rev. Fr. Michael Cyprain, Iwene Tansi (Blessed)

§ Rev. Fr. Gilbert Ohai (Late)

§ Onwudinjo Family

§ All Nigerian Patriotic Citizens.

ix

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The researcher hereby wishes to express his heartfelt gratefulness to those who rendered some assistance in one way or the other towards the execution of this onerous work.

Firstly, the researcher reserves his most grateful appreciation to Almighty God who granted him unboundful gifts of health, wisdom and knowledge all through the period of the thesis.

Secondly the professional supervision of an eminent scholar – Professor Agha, U.

Agha is fundamental to the thesis. May God bless you for your marvelous and painstaking supervision. Next in importance in this regard of remembrance is the love of my Heads of Department, Rev. Fr. Professor Hilary Achunike and Rev. Dr. E.A. Ituma the past and present HOD’s respectively.

Another big turn is that, a great appreciation should be reseved to His Grace, the

Catholic ArchBishop of nitsha, Most Rev. Dr. Valerian M. Okeke for the entire caring for my life as a priest as well as my education career. Also the loving inspiration to education of ArchBishop A.K. Obiefuna, (Late), which led me to further studies will not be forgotten. Rest in peace. Amen.

I reserve also my big salutation to Professor: Malachy. I. Okwueze the Deputy

Vice Chancellor of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka and Professor C.O.T. Ugwu, the

Faculty Representative Prof. I. Madu and Professor Gilbert Ezekwe. Your mentorship to me contributed immensely during the days of my studies. Worthy of mentioning too is the moral and academic support of my colleague, Rev. Dr. David Ononogbu. x

The writer shall ever live to remember his colleagues for their support especially those who rendered help in correcting the manuscripts. They include: Rev. Frs. Paul

Nwakor, Barr. Ikenga Keneth Oraegbunam, Greg. Eke, Fred. Agu, Raphael Odike,

Christian Ele and Onwuama. Your moral, spiritual, social and academic support remain evergreen.

Also I appreciate your efforts Rev. Srs. Mary Judith Chidimma Obiechefu and

Adaoma Igwedibia. Your corrections and academic help contributed much to the completion of this work.

I wish to also express my deepest appreciation to the following personalities:

Chief Sir. G.C. Oranika, Ochendo Idemili, His Excellency, Senator Dr. Chris, Nwabueze

Ngige, OON, KSJ (Onwa Idemili), Chief Goddy Nnabuenyi, Ike and others. I must acknowledge your encouragement and pieces of advice during the course of my further studies. Above all, I reserve my most affectionate salutations to my beloved family –

Onwudinjo family. May God bless you all.

The painstaking effort of my word processor, Miss Chinonye Ugwu, is worthy of commendation. May God reward you for your effort in word-processing this work.

Finally, I salute all the readers of this work. May God grant you understanding, wisdom and knowledge conveyed in this work.

Thanks for all. xi

ABSTRACT

The thrust of this work, “Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy” discussed the impacts of Religion on the Nigerian society which is being run under democratic governance. Historical research method was used in this thesis. The data collections, among other sources, were comprised of two major sources: primary and secondary sources. These data collections were analysed socially, critically and descriptively. It was found that positively, religion was credited with the following: the provision of African identity and political unity, curbed of evils, uplifting the human development of the society through education and health care sectors and other developments. Above all, it rehabilitated, restructured and reconstructed the society especially during and after the

Nigerian civil war. Religion was and is still responsible for the following: some of the crisis in Nigeria, social instabilities, some irremedial evils, economic stagnation, derogation of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, insecurity of lives and property and the apparent shaky condition of Nigerian secular state. By these implications, it appears that religion has failed in its function in Nigerian society. In conclusion, the researcher advocated that religious personnel should endeavour to live out practically ethics of their religion. Ultimately, some synergies of actions are absolutely required between religious bodies (particularly between Christianity and Islam) and largely between religion and government in the society. This filial collaboration will enhance attainment of true democracy and more positive impacts of Religion in Nigeria. xii

TABLE OF CONTENTS TITLE PAGE ...... iii CERTIFICATION ...... iv REQUIREMENT ...... v APPROVAL ...... vi DECLARATION ...... vii DEDICATION ...... viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ix ABSTRACT ...... xi TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... xii ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ...... xv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Background to the Study ...... 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem ...... 9 1.3 Objective of the Study ...... 11 1.4 Significance of the Study ...... 11 1.5 Scope...... 12 1.6 Methodology ...... 12 1.7 Definition of Related Terms ...... 13 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 20 2.1 Formal Education ...... 20 2.2 Health Care and Life ...... 25 2.3 Infrastructure and Agriculture/ Horticulture/Development ...... 27 2.4 Spiritual and Pastoral Services ...... 28 2.5 Social Influence of Religion ...... 31 2.6 Destruction of Cultural Values ...... 35 2.7 Disunity, Disintegration, Competitions, Corruption & Materialism ...... 37 xiii

2.8 Riots, Violence, Wars and Squabble ...... 39 Summary of the Literature Review ...... 40 CHAPTER THREE: THE SCIENTIFIC EFFECTS OF RELIGIOSITY ON THE NIGERIAN DEMOCRACY ...... 41 3.1 Religious Influence on the Nigerian Democracy ...... 42 3.1.1 Spiritual Impact before Independence ...... 42 3.1.2 Spiritual Influence of Religion at a Glance ...... 45 3.1.3 Cultural Influence ...... 48 3.1.4 Prophetic Role ...... 49 3.1.5 Individual’s Influence (Impact) ...... 53 3.2 Political Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy ...... 58 3.2.1 Religion and Concscientization for Civic Duties ...... 59 3.2.2 Religion and the Making of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (i.e Religion as the Super Structure) ...... 61 3.2.3 The Use of Religious Belief (Politicization) on Nigeria’s Democracy ...... 64 3.2.4 Religion: Monitoring and Sanitization of Election in Nigeria ...... 65 3.2.5 Use of Religious Concept and Sentiments by the Nigerian Politicians ...... 68 3.2.6 Religion as an Agent of Division on Nigerian Democracy...... 70 3.2.7 Other Influences of Religio-Political Unrest (Riots) ...... 71 CHAPTER FOUR: THE IMPACT OF DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA ...... 76 4.1 Political Impact of Democracy in Nigeria ...... 76 4.2 Educational Impact of Democracy in Nigeria ...... 86 4.3 Impact of Democracy on Information and Communication Technology (ICT) .... 93 4.4 Social Impact of Democracy in Nigeria ...... 95 4.5 Economic Impact of Democracy in Nigeria ...... 101 4.6 Impact of Democracy on Infrastructure ...... 106 xiv

4.7 Impact of Democracy on Agriculture ...... 112 4.8 Security Impact of Democracy in Nigeria ...... 116 4.9 Impact of Democracy on Transport and Tourism ...... 119 CHAPTER FIVE: INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON THE NIGERIAN DEMOCRACY ...... 123 5.1 Social Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy ...... 123 5.2 Educational Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy...... 130 5.3 Economic Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy ...... 136 5.4 Moral Influence of Religion on the Nigeria Democracy ...... 142 5.5 Health – Care influence of Religion in Nigeria ...... 146 5.6 Agricultural Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy ...... 149 CHAPTER SIX: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ...... 152 6.1 Summary of the Findings ...... 152 6.2 Contributions to Knowledge ...... 153 6.3 Recommendations ...... 156 6.4 Suggestions for Further Research ...... 158 6.5 Conclusion ...... 158 REFERENCES ...... 161 ORAL INTERVIEW ...... 179 xv

ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS AB - Archbishop

AC - Anglican Communion

AD - Anno Domini

AEWA - Anglophone Episcopacy Catholic of West Africa Presbyterian

AG - Action Group

AIDS - Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

ATR - African Traditional Religion

BBC - British Broadcasting Corporation

CAN - Christian Association of Nigeria

CBCN - Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria

CBN - Catholic Bishop of Nigeria

CBN - Central Bank of Nigeria

CCN - Christian Churches of Nigeria

CMS - Church Missionary Society

CWI - Christian Welfare Initiative

ECOWAS - Economic Community of West Africa

ETC - Et Cetera (and so on)

FCT - Federal Capital Territory

FEC - Federal Executive Council

IDB - Islamic Development Bank

INEC - Independent National Electoral Commission

JNI - Jamaatu Nasril Islam

Msgr - Monsignor

Mtt - Mathew xvi

MUP - Movement for Unity and Progress

NACA - Nigerian Agency for the Control of Aids

NCNC - National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon’s

ND - No Date

NNA - Nigeria National Assembly

NNFESTAC - Nigerian National Festival of Arts and Culture

NOPRIN - Network on Police Reform in Nigeria

NP - No Page

NPC - Northern People’s Congress

NSCIA - Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs

NYSC - National Youth Service Corps

OAIC - Organization of African Independent Churches

OAU - Organization of African Unity

OIC - Organization of Islamic Conference

OON - Officer of the Order of the Niger

PCN - Presbyterian Church of Nigeria

PFN - Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria

RCM - Roman Catholic Mission

Rev. - Reverend

Rev. Fr. - Reverend Father,

Rev. Sr. - Reverend Sisters

SMA - Society of African Mission

SSS - State Security Service

TLWA - Those Living with Aids 1

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

Nigeria is the largest country of the black race in the world. It is also the most multi-religious among the countries in Africa. This is in line with the view of Akumu et al

(2006:3) who opined that, “Nigeria is the most populous African state and one of the world’s most ethnically diverse societies being made up of over 250 ethno-linguistic groups.” The Nigerian ‘ethnic nationalities’ before the amalgamation, in 1914, comprised two separate geo-political zones: Southern and Northern protectorates. These two geo- political zones which constituted the ‘One Nigeria’ consisted of various cultures each with different traditional religions. Makozi in Okere (1988:9) asserted that:

Nigeria as one entity was born in 1914 when the two protectorates

of Northern and Southern Nigeria were amalgamated by Sir

Fredrick Lugard. The name “Nigeria” derived from the River ‘Niger

area’ was proposed by Miss Flora Shaw in an article she had written

as a press correspondent to ‘The Times’ in January, 1897, that is

fourteen years before the amalgamation.

One would then be right to say that Nigeria as a country is an artificial creation of

Lord Lugard. The “artificiality” in making up the country is a fundamental problem besetting Nigeria as a state in all facets of life (religiously, economically, politically, geographically, and so on). The various cultures with different traditional religions influenced governance in Nigeria tremendously, especially on the negative side. Logically and traditionally, each culture with its inherent religion, has some peculiar doctrines.

These cultures had already been operating by different types of governance. For instance,

1 2 the Igbo race within the South East zone was strictly under democratic rule, while the

Hausa/Fulani race was ruled by the system of oligarchy or strictly indirect rule. These different ruling methods which were merged together created a lot of problems. The worst of it all was the merging of the two ccompeting religions (Islam and Christianity) inherently existing in different areas under the canopy of two different geographical locations (North and South). The emergence of these two foreign religions (Islam and

Christianity) with the already existing traditional religions coupled with multi-populous nature of the country has made, and continues to make, both positive and negative impacts on the democratic governance of this giant country-Nigeria. Diara in Achunike

(2011:162) stated that:

With well over 145 million inhabitants, Nigeria is unarguably the most populous African nation. After independence in 1960, Nigeria was to run a full democratic government, but military dictatorship unfortunately sprang up and took more than 30 years of the country’s 50 years of existence as an independent nation. Nevertheless, the country is today considered a democracy, having held general elections for four republics of four years span each – 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 – uninterruptedly.

At independence, the pioneer leaders (Founding fathers) chose the system of democracy as the system of governance for Nigeria. Atubi (2011) attested that: “the founding fathers of this country created a democratic system that separated church from state so that, as a country, we could avoid the slippery slope of getting into the business of telling people what to believe”. It suffices to note that the reality of democracy could not be achieved under this circumstance (the coexistence of the three different religions as well as the multi ethnic groups). According to Udeh (2011: Oral Interview) “one concrete reason for the failure of democracy in Nigeria is the attitudinal nature or logical concept 3 of each religion regarding governance (democracy) coupled with different ethnic rationale”. A prime reflection goes to Islam.

Islam has different ideas altogether about governance. For Islamic culture, there is no separation of religion from governance. This concept was clearly buttressed by Ali

(2002:81) who stated that:

Muslims believe that their religion, Islam, is a complete way of life which has made copious provisions for all facets of life: practices, social involvement, economic undertakings, political participation, technological innovations, legal phenomenon and religious beliefs.

If one should reflect on the above, it is pertinent to say that Islamic religion is one with all the sayings above including political participation and governance. This concept is contrary to the belief of Christianity: “give to Caesar what belongs to Caesar and to God what belongs to God”. For the Islamic religion, adherents of non Islam are referred to as infidels. This means that such infidels cannot go to heaven not to talk of ruling or having a say in the human society. For Moslems, it seems that only their adherents can rule and can exercise governance. Manchilla (2003: np) confirmed this statement when he said that:

Muslim recognized that “he (the leader or ruler) must be a Muslim” and the main reason they gave was that if the ruler is not a Muslim, he is unable to rule because he does not have the knowledge of Islam. If he is not Muslim, he doesn’t have any idea, he does what he wants according to his own religion, he doesn’t know what Koran says. If he is not

Muslim everything is different. Islam is a complete way of life, so if he is non-Muslim completeness is not there. 4

Considering this fact in Nigeria means that democracy should not be a reality. For

Christianity, governance and religion are separate entities. Though the two (governance and religion) have complex inclinations in every human person. For instance, man is a religious being (homo religiosus) as well as a political animal (zoo politicon). This means that the two virtues (religiosity and politics) exist outstandingly but independently in the same man and in every subject (man) irrespective of colour, culture, race and religion.

Judging this tenet in Christianity, one will then say that the system of democracy for

Christianity is better relaxed unlike that of Islam. This not withstanding, Christianity abhors a totally free concept of democracy. Christianity welcomes democracy to a certain level. Christianity is rather bureaucratic. This is because it follows rules and laws rigidly.

Its officials are also dogmatic. Amidst the bureaucratic nature of the church, Christianity respects and cherishes democracy so well for the sake of human right.

The traditional (indigenous) religion, which had been in existence before the advent of the two foreign religions (Islam and Christianity) had a profound system of democracy. Indeed, traditional religion is very democratic in nature. Many scholars relate

Igbo governance with that of Greece. On this, Onwubiko, (1973:108) wrote that:

As in the assembly of the Athenian citizens, in ancient Greece, every grown-up male has the right to air his views on a matter under discussion. After the Assembly had listened to several speakers, some members were appointed to consult among themselves for a decision. They withdrew and after the consultation, returned with a decision which was unanimously accepted by the Assembly. In this way, decisions were reached not by voting but by a consensus.

We can see that Igbo traditional society respects commoners. It could also mean that even the council of elders cannot act authoritatively without seeking the minds of the 5 commoners. Such was the existence of democracy in Igbo area before the colonial era. In

Igbo traditional set up, religion and governance (Politics) were formally intermingled.

This is shown in the case of Eze being a ruler and a priest. But this is advisable only when the society is of one category. In this case democracy is safe. This is because the Eze respects and takes decision from his cabinets who are the representatives of the different villages and families.

Reflecting through these three prominent religions in Nigeria, one will not hesitate to assert that each of them Islam, Traditional Religions and Christianity has different notions of the type of governance (democracy) which Nigeria operates. Ngwudike (2011:

Oral Interview) stressed that “for Islam, Nigeria and her democracy are a sham.

Democracy or no democracy, governance or no governance, Islamic law is supreme and autocratic”. For Christianity, Nigeria and her democracy must have a limit (ie to a certain extent) even though it (democracy) is welcome and respected. And for traditional religion, democracy is a choice with relaxation.

Hence these diverse conceptions cause a fundamental problem or conflict in

Nigerian governance. These different levels of welcoming Nigeria and her democracy had provoked cultural and religious wars, riots, squabbles, conflicts and loss of wealth. They also hamper the system of governance. With these different notions, religion as an entity could not have enough positive impacts on the country. Onwujiaku (2011: Oral

Interview) opined that, “the worst is that religion is loosing its focus and functions to certain extent in sensitive issues.” Even though it has made some positive impacts in the country Nigeria, yet it had registered more negative effects. For example, some of religious adherents have been responsible for the shedding of much blood. They caused these atrocities in a bid to intervene in Nigerian democracy and governance. 6

Similar to the mistake of the colonial masters in merging the different cultures and many religions together, was their planting of the seeds of majority-minority syndrome in the country. The colonial lords apportioned very large geographical location (area) to the

North. They also sowed into the minds and hearts of the Northerners the superiority of their life and their religion over others through the incorporation of Sharia into the governance of sections of the Nigerian society, that is, Northern Nigeria. Ubaka

(2000:24) wrote that:

Islam with its law – the Sharia, pre-dates Nigeria: Islam came into the area known as

Nigeria today through the trade links with North Africa and Middle East. Historians agree that there was some form of Islam in the Kanem Bornu area around the 11th century AD and the Hausa land area around the 15th century. Then it thrived as a court religion while the few comers practiced it in their private lives.

In view of the above, truly, Islam with its law – the Sharia has been in existence as a religion before the birth of Nigeria. But the grave mistake the colonialists made was the promotion of Sharia, especially in the Northern Nigeria. The British established the

Sharia court in Northern Nigeria. Kukah in Onwubiko (1994:111) commented on this:

… Muslims look at English courts in Nigeria as Christian courts, and that because of the problem it created, the British decided to take steps to pacify and appease the Emirs. In

1956, the British established a Muslim Court of Appeal which was welcomed by chiefs and Muslim jurists as a means of protecting Muslim law from encroachment as a result of appeal to English court.

The problem here is that English law (ie Nigerian Constitution) was mistaken to be Christian law. Really this mistake is a misnomer. The colonial masters did a selective 7 justice which disdained other areas (with their cultures and religions) which were also amalgamated. Other Religions have their own religious laws.

The inclusion of Islamic law in governance (Indirect Rule) in the Northern Nigeria by the colonial masters makes the Northerners to always swell, sway their heads and raise their shoulders above other groups in the affairs of Nigeria. It should be noted that

Christianity also predated Nigeria and she has her laws too. Nonetheless, referring to

Onwujiaku (2011: Oral Interview) “Nigeria absolutely could not have been merged to one state hence; the existence of two distinct constitutions. The idea it portrays is that the

Nigerian Constitution and Sharia laws rule Nigeria. This is a disdain to Christianity and traditional religion. How will it look if one state embraces Canon (Christianity) law and another embraces traditional law so strictly as the Islamic adherents? It would be unwise and would have been another major mistake.

Another background cause of problem in Nigeria is the competitive nature of

Islam and Christianity. The two religions are rivals to each other. Apart from being rivals to each other, they (Islam and Christianity) are suppressing the traditional religion. By this suppression, traditional religion is rapidly losing its values pertinent to the Nigerian society. The most outstanding of these values is the traditional education. Traditional education deeply grooms human conscience. Real traditionalist-brought up can not spill human blood. Very unlike the traditional religionists, some Muslims and some Christians are insensitive to human life. Odeh (2000:8) lamented that:

Today, as Nigeria wrecks with so much blood being spilled in the

name of religion, it is evident that the evil genius of confusion is

spreading not only confusion but also death. In an attempt to arrest

the advance of the Christian south and thus allay its fears, the 8

Muslim North grabbed political power long ago, indiscrimately

mixed religion and politics and with both inflicted so much pain on

the entire nation and the rest of us.

The above quotation clearly indicates the effects of competition between Islam and

Christianity which resulted in the suppression of indigenous religion. The resultant effect of this competition always occasions the spilling of blood. This problem is a regular occurrence in Nigeria. It was not like that in the olden days when indigenous religion was predominant or alone.

More significantly is the constitutional favour which Britain granted to Northern Nigeria.

This is another fundamental problem rocking the Nigerian governance. Onwubiko stressed (1973:391) that:

…in Nigeria, the constitutional legacy bequeathed by Britain

created a situation over the other three southern regions. With its

built-in 50% representation in a legislature of 312 seats at the center

and with 53.3% of the country’s population, the North was assured

of a permanent control of the federal government. It was the

frustration which this situation created among Southerners that

partly explains the army coup of January 1966.

This explains clearly the superiority of the North over the South in terms of politics as the colonialists had made it. The above quotation gave the North opportunity for more people in the constitutional assembly. It would therefore appear that the British colonial masters deliberately sowed the seed of rancour in Nigeria. The Northerners

(whose majority are Islamic adherents) and the southerners (whose majority are 9

Christians), because of the aforementioned mistakes of the colonial masters, live in constant conflict hence the constant problems in the Nigeria’s democracy.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Nigeria is a country replete with diverse religious groups among which are the major ones such as; African traditional religion (ATR), Christianity and Islam. Each of these religions has some influences on Nigeria and her governance. However, our task in this thesis is to streamline the major influences which these three major religions (ATR,

Islam and Christianity) had and have continued to exercise on Nigeria and her democracy at least from the time of Nigeria’s independence in 1960 till the year 2012. Religion should be an institution for stability, peace and progress in the life of Nigerians especially from the year 1999 – 2012 when it appeared that Nigerians would be living the real democratic life. Ali, et al (2002:88-89) noted that:

General Olusegun Obasanjo later assumed the mantle of leadership of Nigeria and in his speech to the nation, promised to hand over power to a democratically elected government on 1st October, 1979 as earlier promised by his predecessor in office, the late

General Murtala Mohammed …. On 1st October 1979 he handed over to Alhaji Shuhu

Shagari. It must be noted that government at all other levels had been democratized.

There were also elected representatives of the people in the legislative houses at both the state and federal levels.

The researcher’s worry is that the three major Nigerian religious bodies have been functioning all along within the entity–Nigeria. It seems however paradoxical that religion that would be promoting harmony, unity and peace is now the agent of quarrel, squabbles, disaster, conflict and disintegration in Nigeria. In Nigeria, religion has done more harm than good. First, religion has been in the forefront of spilling blood because 10 many religious and political crises in Nigeria are caused by religious adherents. Secondly, the competitive nature of the two foreign religions (Islam and Christianity) always destabilizes the Nigeria democracy and progress. Another problem is to harmonise the concepts of the three major religions in Nigeria. That is the fundamental problem.

This thesis stresses the fact that Nigerian colonial masters made serious mistakes by merging two separate geo-political zones (cultures) and making one superior to the other. Each of these two separate zones imbibes one of these competitive religions like the other. This means that the two merged regions see each other as combatants. Above all, the colonial masters implanted the superiority-inferiority cultures in Nigeria during the amalgamation. Anugwom and Oji (2004:151) averred that:

It is to be noted that most of the ethnic tensions and violence in

Nigeria during the colonial epoch were political in character ….

Sowed the bitter seeds of majority – minority syndrome in the

geographical structure and organization of the country. This also

dictated the pattern of socio-political relationship and the

distribution of economic bounties of the country among these

different nationalities.

This was done by granting constitutional favour to the Northerners (with Islam) leaving the Southerners (with Christianity) with less opportunities in the federal offices.

In the face of all these stated problems, how can a true democracy be achieved? Again, religion, which should be the agent of unity, has become the agent of disintegration in

Nigeria. Above all, Nigeria, which is blessed with outstanding religious personnel has become known for violence and belittling political disorder as a result of religion. 11

Many events motivated the study of the thesis. They are both negative and positive events. Religion, without doubt, has contributed positively to the Nigerian democracy.

Nevertheless, its negative effects outweigh the positive ones. Hence there is need to study those anomalies for a change of direction for a better Nigerian democracy.

1.3 Objective of the Study

The objectives of this study are as follows:

i. To critically analyze the duties of religion so as to correct abuses

ii. To examine the major mistakes of the past, as related to religion and especially

those of the colonialists.

iii. To examine the principles of good governance and how to instruct both the

political and religious leaders

iv. To investigate the influence of religion in Nigerian traditional culture

v. To assess the functionality of religion on the Nigerian democracy.

1.4 Significance of the Study

This thesis is of much relevance because many people of different categories will find it very useful. The main important points are as follows:

i. The thesis will be an eye opener to the entire Nigerians on the failure of religion

on the Nigerian democracy.

ii. Scholars and researchers will find the thesis highly invaluable for further research.

It will furnish and enrich libraries.

iii. The thesis will generate awareness and knowledge for the political leaders in

handling both religious and political problems that may crop up in Nigeria.

iv. It will be of much benefit to religious leaders in piloting religious affairs in their

respective denominations. 12

v. Both Christians and Muslims will find the thesis very useful for a change of

attitude (ie living in harmony) towards each other. Also it will enhance dialogue

between Christians and Muslims as well as ecumenism (Intra-discussion) among

Christians.

The work will serve as a reference point to the government and the legislature. It will let them see that the Federal Constitution of Nigeria needs to be revisited either to include

Canon law (Christianity law) or to remove Sharia in the administration of Nigerian society.

1.5 Scope

The events studied in this project span from independence (1960) to the year 2012.

The research then deliberates more elaborately on the profound democratic era (1999-

2012) in Nigeria. The study affected particularly the three major religions (African traditional religion, Christianity and Islam) in relation to Nigeria and her democracy. As sample for due course for religion, Christianity was chosen since it has the more balanced concept regarding democracy than African traditional religion and Islam. Hence

Christianity and its contributions to Nigerian democracy is much more highlighted. More importantly, religious rivalries and political violence which affected Nigeria democracy and governance will be very well examined.

1.6 Methodology

The historical research method was used in this thesis. Data collection among sources comprised two main sources: the primary and secondary sources. Firstly, in the secondary source, the researcher employed the ideas of previous scholars already in print. These included: works from text books, literature, works from archieves, encyclopedia, internet materials, journals, magazines, newspapers, and unpublished works (articles and 13 lectures). Furthermore, the primary source embraced the followings: eye witness account by the researcher as a social observer and oral interviews which were granted by resource persons. The respondents of oral interviews came from the people of various categories of proessions, classes and cultures within Nigeria. Such people were religious leaders and other eminent personnel. The analysis of the data was simply descriptive and evaluative.

This means that the data were analyzed through the description of numerous incidences.

Finally, the researcher proffered his personal contributions and suggestions.

1.7 Definition of Related Terms

1.7.1 Religion: Religion according to Robinson and Davidson (1999:1173), is “a belief in, or the worship of, a god or gods”. Secondly, it is a particular system of belief or worship, such as Christianity or Judaism”.

For Okwueze (2003:3) “Religion can be understood as a regulated pattern of life of a people in which experiences, beliefs and knowledge are reflected in man’s conception of himself in relation to others, his social world, the physical as well as the metaphysical world”. Ugwu and Ugwueye (2004: 3) define religion as “man’s relationship with God. Man as a dependent being freely and internally acknowledges his dependence on God and expresses this in acts of individual and communal worship”.

However, the definition of religion by Kukah as put down by Emekwue (2000) which sees religion as a set of rituals by which human being relates with the higher being has been widely accepted. The word religion, etymologically, comes from the Latin word

‘re-ligare’ to bind. Broadly speaking and as the researcher conceptualizes, religion includes actions of man with supreme being or divinities in respect of worship and loyalty.

14

1.7.2 Democracy

Etymologically, the word ‘democracy’ is a combination of two Greek words.

Demos (people) cracy (rule) which literally means the rule or governance by the people.

According to Ezema (2007:39) in quoting Lincolns said that:

The term democracy is derived from the Greek word “demos,” which means people” and cracy’ which stands for rule” or government. Thus, literally democracy signifies” the rule of the people…Abraham Lincolns definition of democracy is government of the people, by the people, for the people.

For Lincolns, the ruling in any democratic society is for the people. However, the situation of ruling in Greek city state does not welcome the decision of women and children.

Gadsby (2001:360) defines democracy as “a system of government in which everyone in the country can vote to elect its members, a country that has a government which has been elected by the people of the country or a situation or system in which everyone is equal and has the right to vote, make decisions”, etc. For Gadsby,

‘democracy’ implies the following: system of government, a country itself being controlled by democracy or a constitutional state based on human rights and equality. For

Robinson et al (1999: 355), democracy is “a form of government in which the people govern themselves or elect representatives to govern them. It is a country, a State or other body which is a form of government”. Robinson’s definition implies the strength in which the country is governed or the body of people governing themselves or electing representatives to govern them. For Echeta in Achunike (2011:43). “Democracy is government by the people. A form of government in which the supreme power is vested 15 in the people and exercised directly by them or by their elected agents under a free electoral system”.

Again Echeta (2011: 37-39): stated that: “The Characteristics of democracy include, citizen’s right, freedom of speech, government accountability, free and fair elections, constitutionalism and rule of law”.

Nweze in Achunike (2011:130) wrote that:

… democracy for the purpose of clarity is the complete application of rule

of law and human rights in any given society. This respect of democracy

has been a far cry in almost African countries especially Nigeria. This has

brought many struggles for true democracy in Nigeria for the past five

decades of our political history”.

Also Echeta (2011:38) quipped that:

Herskovits (2006) writes on the and clearly states that

Nigeria was granted full independence in October 1960 and became a

Federal Republic in 1963. The political history of Nigeria assumed a new

dimension in 1990s with the introduction of democracy under President

Obasanjo. It took a period of sixteen years of civil rule before a steady

process of democracy began.

The quotations above reveal that Nigerian state has been experiencing democracy but not in its full force. However, the full fledged democracy was institutionalized in 1999. The

Nigerian state began practicing democracy after some decades of years including decades of military rule. This thesis embraces the phases of these democratic periods (ie the developing years of democracy in Nigeria). In Nigeria and in the context of this study, the word “democracy” assumes a wider and more elaborate meaning. 16

The researcher hereby opines that in Nigerian State, democracy entails the life being lived in reference to governance through electoral processes and representations, the checks and balances in the exercise of power, the leadership and responses, the rights and duties between the government and the governed and with the reality of authority and freedom under the rule of law and constitution.

1.7.3 Governance

The word “governance” is defined by Robinson and Davidson (2003:580) as “the act or state of governing. It is the system of government or authority to control”. The word “act” could further be defined as the process of ruling or doing something. It may be the act of performing the authority. Simply put, governance is the manner or the science of ruling. In this vein, one may correlate “governance” with politics. Similarly, “politics” is the science or business of government. This is concerned with the acquisition of power.

The word “politics’ is in like manner defined by Gadsby (2001:1090) as “The ideas and activities that are concerned with the gaining and using of power in a country, city etc”. It is the profession of a politician. It is the study of political power and government.

Analyzing the concepts of both Robinson and Gadsby regarding the two words,

“governance and politics”, the result is that they (two words) are synonyms and can be used alternatively in this thesis.

1.7.4 Sharia

Sharia, according to Robinson and Davidson (2003:1289) is “the body of Islamic religious law”. Such a law is Arabic in nature. According to Muslims, the law is of divine origin. Thus, the source is from Koran, the holy book of the Muslims (Qoran/Quran). The

Muslims believe that the book was composed of the true word of Allah as dictated by

Mohamed. Gadsby (2001:1312) defines Sharia as “a system of religious law followed by 17

Muslims”. It is clear that Gadsby’s definition of sharia tallies with that of Robinson.

Conceptually, Emekwue (2000:14) described sharia as “the sole basis of the existence of a Muslim”. According to him, sharia is the ‘be all and end all’ of the life of a Muslim.

This means that depriving a Muslim the right to live Sharia is tantamount to denying him his fundamental right. Sharia is the faith and life of Muslims. The faith of Islam is that every other person who is not a Muslim is a non believer (an infidel) (Sunna 2:23-24).

Sharia embraces spiritual, moral and social life. Hence, it also controls the governance of the Muslims. For strict Muslim, there is no other law except Sharia. It is supreme. It is obligatory for all (Sunna; 2:2).

1.7.5 Canon Law

Robinson and Davidson (2003:207) and Gadsby (2001:185) defined canon law as

“the laws of the Christian Church”. Canon law is therefore the embodiment of the laws that guard, protect and lead the Christians. The word Canon according to Nwabude

(2008:29), is derived from the Greek word, “Kanon” which means standard rule or measure”. It embraces the regulations and directives of the Christian church. According to

Stravinskas (1991:164), “The earliest Church laws were regulations, called Canons, enacted by territorial Synods or Councils of Bishops that met to discuss problems and other issues related to the Church and to propose solutions”.

The very important word here is that it is a set of regulations enacted particularly for

Christian Churches. The law is not for all. It is not obligatory for everybody. It is for

Christian religious denominations alone.

18

1.7.6 Culture

The word ‘Culture’ is etymologically derived from the Latin word-Cultus-habit or customs. Literally, this means that culture is the habit or customs of living organism. In a broad sense, Robinson and Davidson (2003:327) define culture as: “The customs, ideas, values, etc; of a particular civilization, society or social group, especially at a particular time.” Reflecting on the definition highlighted by Robinson and Davidson, one will not argue or think that culture almost embodies all the behaviours of man in the society. The definition extends to the life of the living being in a particular environment. For Gadsby

(2000:330), culture is “the ideas, belief, and customs that are shared and accepted by people in a society”. In this particular definition, Gadsby brings into focus that culture embraces belief (element of religion) which is shared and welcomed by that group of people in that society (environment). This definition is more anthropological. A celebrated anthropologist, Mondin (1985:145), had a wider and wholesome view on culture. According to him, culture has three meanings and three principal parts: elitarian,

(great quantity of knowledge) pedagogical (educational), and anthropological. The last – anthropological is the one which will be of much use in this thesis. Mondin (1985:146) stated: “culture signifies that totality of customs, techniques and values that distinguish a social group, a tribe, a people, a nation: it is the mode of living proper to a society”.

Mondin’s definition is “ad rem” to the conviction of Taylor. Taylor (1891:1) defined culture as “that complex whole which include, knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habit acquired by man as a member of society”. In this definition, beliefs and morals are major products of religion. In cognizance of the above definitions, one can state that culture is an integral part of every society. Culture gives each society its particular identity. It is that by which each society 19 is known and identified. To be precise, according to Onwudinjo (2003:5) culture embraces: “religion, habit, customs, language, behaviour, art, way of dressing, eating habit, belief, knowledge, law, etc”. The most important concept in this analysis is that religion has a large part in culture. 20

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

A famous adage has it that, “It is good to study the past so as to divine the future well”. In line with this adage, the researcher, in this chapter, deems it necessary to cast a deliberate introspection on the views of some past scholars regarding this topic: “The

Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy”. The procedure is that the researcher will try to unravel both positive and negative roles of religion in the Nigerian democracy which were recorded in some texts. The optimistic and pessimistic tendencies of these elites are to be exposed. Having seen their views, the researcher analyses them critically and then projects his own decision-makings to fill the gap. In the process of filling the gap, a new topic (thesis) is presented. Invariably, the review of the related literature will provide further insight for proper direction in the course of continuing the thesis.

2. POSITIVE INFLUENCES

2.1 Formal Education

Agha (2004:22) stated that: “It should be the responsibility of the Nigerians to seek and understand the action of God in everything that is happening and to make every effort to find the solution through making fitting responses”.

Following Agha in his observation on the course of events, the researcher submits the appraisal of the scholars who made appropriate responses towards God’s handiwork through religious personnel (especially the early missionaries) who had worked in

Nigerian society (even before the amalgamation of Nigeria and independence). The most outstanding area of this work is on the provision of formal education. Nnadi in Okwueze

(2004:111) asserted that: “all religious founders created time in educating their adherents towards their religion”. He noted that Islamic education was brought to Hausa land

20 21

(Northern Nigeria) in the early fourteenth century by traders and scholars. Also, he said that the Islamic religion spread to Yoruba land, the Southern part in the eighteenth century. For Nnadi, in Okwueze (2004:111) “wherever this religion spread, the leaders imparted the knowledge of the Hadith and Sharia”. Winters (ND) affirmed that the

Koranic schools trained the Islamic fundamentalist for militant scholars in Northern

Nigeria. According to Winters, in these schools the socializing pattern and political attitudes were learnt, too.

Going further, Nnadi commended Christian missionaries in their effort in education. According to him, the first Christian missionary school was built in Benin in

1515 AD by Catholic missionaries in the Oba’s palace but was short-lived due to slave trade. The second endeavour was the school which was established by Mr and Mrs De

Graft of the Methodist Mission in Badagry in 1843. This idea by which missionaries imparted knowledge to their adherents as projected by Nnadi was clearly affirmed by other eminent scholar. Agha (1999) noted that: “Another important factor that motivated the movement of Christians to West Africa was the desire to educate the people; to introduce advanced technical skills and equipment and improved production techniques”.

Looking at the motives of the missionaries as projected by Agha, one will not doubt that their impact on education was for the holistic growth of man. This hotistic growth of man facilitated the building of the Nigerian democracy. No wonder Madiebo

(1998) and Ozigbo (1994) lauded the following denominations for the wise idea of establishing schools. For Madiebo (1998:9) the followings are outstanding: “Church

Missionary Society established the first grammer school in Lagos in 1859; Methodists established boys high school Lagos in 1879, the Baptist Church established Boys High

School, Lagos in 1883; and Hope Wadell Institute was founded at Calabar in 1895 /96” 22 etc. According to Madiebo, these denominations made remarkable impact as regards the building of society at that time. But according to Ozigbo, (1994:49) the first denomination to start secondary education was the Wesleyan mission who opened school at Badagry in September 1845 followed by the Scothish Presbyterians the following year.

Then the Roman Catholic commenced their own in earnest. However, the first to commence school apostolate is now a debatable matter among scholars. The necessary point is that the Christian missionary influenced Nigerian society so much in the field of education.

More importantly, some scholars have praised the missionaries for their holistic view in educating Nigerians. Contrary to the indigenous religious culture of neglecting women in education policy, (which was undemocratic), the missionaries taught Nigerian traditional society the relevance of women education. In this regard, scholars like Ezeh

(2005), Onwubiko (1985), and Onyeidu 2004) are clearly of the view that early missionaries took women education seriously. For Ezeh, (2005:98), “Bishop Heerey established secondary school for girls in Enugu, Port Harcourt, Nsukka, Emekuku,

Nguru, Ahiara, Adazi, Okigwe and five teachers training colleges and vocational centers and a network of primary schools for girls under thirteen years”. Then, Onwubiko

(1985:234) revealed that Fr. Lutz, as early as 1886, founded a mixed school which consisted of boys and girls, despite the fact that indigenous society by then did not allow female education. He (Fr Lutz) also invited Rev. Sisters to Nigeria who then took female education more seriously. These efforts were confirmed by Onyeidu (2004:62) when he stated that “eternal credit should be given to a handful of European heroines of the Niger

Mission for nice education and Christian training they offered to their female converts”. 23

According to Onyeidu, most of these women who benefited from this early missionary education had prestigious position in the Nigerian society.

The more important aspect of education policy by the early missionaries was the establishment of schools for special people in the society. This is called ‘Special

Education’. The researcher gives credence to Ezejiegwu (2005:13) as he stated that:

“formal education was introduced for the physically challenged children; the reformatory to train juvenile delinquents; leprosy students education; both the schools for the blind and the deaf, and that of the disables”. He praised the following for their establishments of these schools of the under privileged in the society: The Church Missionary Society, the Roman Catholic Church, the Presbyterians, the Methodists, the Wesley, and the

Baptist. According to Ezejiegwu, (2005:6) “it was the missionaries who influenced the government to go into the project of rehabilitating these underprivileged members of the society”. In this case, the researcher gives credence to religion for showing the light to government by offering democratic rights to the less privileged.

Another important land mark which the Christian Missionaries made was the establishment of schools in Northern Nigeria in spite of the serious inhibition policy

(Christians’ non interference in the Northern zone) by the colonialists. Obi (1985:57) and

Onotu (1982:67) were of the view that catholic education which had progressed in the

North started at Lokoja around 1964 under Bishop Auguste, the successor of Makozi.

From the information, the schools which were established were about fourteen in number.

Obi revealed that as at the year (1964), about eight Christian denominations had already been there.

Also, the faith of our forefathers will never be forgotten. Onwubiko (1973:111) said that the strict traditional religionists adhered to the upbringing of their children in 24 line with the African traditional religious and cultural values and virtues. The examples of these values and virtues include: respect for the gods and ancestors, respect for elders, sensitive to life, avoidance of murder and immoralities and love for traditional skills etc.

Ijoma (1992) stressed this better:

African education stressed a number of values, the most notable being the continuity of the community as an entity. The young were taught to avoid acts which would bring about the wrath or visitation of the gods upon the society or lead to the disintegration of the society. Examples of the first type included murder of parents or relatives, murder of one’s visitors, incest, rape, arson and the destruction of crops on any farm.

The above quotation is a clear indication that African traditional religion has been very democratic in nature. Above all, the religion welcomes democracy as well as influencing integration of people in the society.

Another important aspect in education sector was language study. Onyeidu

(2004:90) commented that “the Anglican Church (Missionaries) had fought seriously for the preservation of Igbo language. He noted that Roman Catholic Mission had accepted government grants and opted to teach English language in place of Igbo vernacular….”

Again, Onyeidu was of the opinion that the production of the Igbo Bible and other religious books in Igbo (vernacular) was as a result of the Anglican effort to preserve

Igbo language. However, the researcher would like to add that both Anglicans who fought assiduously for the preservation of Igbo language and the Catholics who opted for

English language (the Lingua Franca) had done well. In the writer’s view, the two languages were relevant by then and even today, the two languages (Igbo and English 25 languages) are still in use as “sine qua non” languages as far as Nigerian society is concerned.

All said and done, in line with Ekedolu (2011:50) “we shall acknowledge the fact that religion had influenced Nigerians positively through formal education”. Almost all the Nigerian youths who fought for Independence were brought up in the missionary

(Christian and Muslim specifically) schools.

2.2 Health Care and Life

Another important area where Religion positively excelled in was in the aspect of health care and life apostolate. Obi (1985:40) commented that “protection of life was paramount in the apostolate economy of the Christian missionaries”. He specifically stated that the missionaries obtained finance from abroad for the building of schools, hospitals and rescue of slaves. The present existence of those old but prominent hospitals like Borromeo Hospital, Onitsha, Water side Hospital, Onitsha, Our Lady of Lourdes,

Ihiala and Our Lady of Lourds, Emekuk are physical testimonies of their effort in Health care and life. For the rescue of slaves, Obi noted that the missionaries involved themselves in buying slaves and freeing them lest they die in the hands of their owners

(traditionalists). In view of helping these slaves, the Roman Catholic missionaries had a center called “Christian village.” Akukalia, (1980:50) commended “the effectiveness of the missionaries as regards health services, too”. He made mention of the existence of the old Iyi-Enu hospital, Ogidi and other old health center as being the handiwork of the

Anglican missionaries. He (Akukalia) lauded the Missionaries generally for saving the lives of the motherless babies, the outcasts and the refugees from their kindred.

According to him, the Anglicans had “refugee camps”. In Judging the views of Obi and

Akukalia which seem to be giving very positive appraisal to the missionaries, the 26 researcher would like to add that the Christian missionaries had both clear and latent motives that propelled them into buying slaves. The researcher conjectured the following motives: the zeal to free these slaves, the competitive motive, and the urge to build their own different denominations. This idea was confirmed by Obi (1985:36) himself with this statement: “The Christian village system helped the growth of the church at Onitsha environs. By 1900 AD, there were as many as three “Christian villages”: Onitsha, Aguleri and Nsugbe”. However, their ulterior motive will not blind one to see their charitable works of rescuing life. According to Obi (1985:34), the Pope outlined the mandate as follows: “Missionaries engaged in evangelization in Africa, should use the money collected every January 6th in all Catholic Churches all over the world to end this inhuman practice in Africa. On this note, the researcher praised the missionaries for this active way of evangelization. Hence Dike (2002:38-39) declared that:

The osu system is not a democratic way of life. Preaching democracy by

word of month is not enough. It has to be followed with actions ….. And

Nigeria cannot sustain her newly found democracy without properly

educating the Nigerian population on how to respect the human and civil

rights of their follow human beings.

In this case, the Christianity and African traditional religion had respectively influenced Nigeria society positively and negatively. Worthy of note is that the

Presbyterian Church was also at the forefront in this early religious project of saving life.

Mary Slessor who was referred to as the white Judge and Queen of Okoyong was on the lead. Synod (Presbyterian synod; 2010: np) exclaimed that “she (Mary Slessor) not only came to evangelize the people but was equally actively involved in the day-to-day life of 27 the people….She had helped to build schools and hospitals….” With these testimonies, it is a fact that religion contributed much in the life and health care of Nigerians.

2.3 Infrastructure and Agriculture/ Horticulture/Development

When considering the influence of religion on Nigerian people, it would be observed infrastructural and agricultural developments that were not left out. Ozigbo

(1994:51) was in the forefront to stress this view. He stated that:

Agricultural and industrial training schemes (as at Topo, Pategi, Onitsha,

Bonny, Abeokuta, Lokoja and Calabar) were provided for mission clients

and adult converts. New farming skills and crops were introduced. New

trades such as carpentry, masonry, brick-making and shoe-making were

taught.

Having seen the effort of the missionaries, one will agree with the scholars that the early missionaries helped much in civilizing and developing Nigeria. They left no stone unturned. They taught farming and industrial training. In the researcher’s view, the missionaries were the architect of Nigeria society. This view was enunciated by Achunike

(2002:51) as he stated that:

…Evangelization in matters of economics came through Brothers Hermas,

a carpenter and gardener, and Jean Gotto, also a carpenter and skilled

mason. They accompanied the missionaries and they taught these skills to

many Igbo men…There was nothing like mechanized farming either. But it

was discovered that most of the missionaries’ land was planted with yam

seedlings (Discorea satira) and cassava (Manihot or Turpinia accidentals)

for purposes of maintaining the inmates at the mission premises. 28

For Achunike, the missionaries came with many skills which they imparted to

Nigerian society: building, farming, and even importation of cassava. This view was confirmed by Onyeidu (2001:37) who emphasized that “the missionaries made much impact on Agriculture”. According to him, they introduced a variety of food crops and a system of mixed farming which enabled the people to feed them. Onyeidu stressed that

“the cassava plant which is now the queen of crops in Nigeria was introduced by John

Christopher Taylor”. This is a big credit to the Christian missionaries. Nevertheless, the researcher reserved much more laudable comments to Nigerian traditionalists (African traditional religionists) for upholding the priority of yam as the king of all crops, hence the continual production of yam in abundance in many parts of Nigeria. In narrating the impact of religion on agriculture, Onwubiko (1973:23) commented that Islamic religion excelled in this regard. He said that almost all Islamic adherents were traders and farmers.

It was the Fulani-Hausa missionaries (Muslims) who controlled the Trans-Saharan trade.

They were nomads, farmers as well as Muslims. This means that the life of Islamic adherents is agriculturally inclined. Again Onwubiko (1973:215) noted that “Christian missionaries contributed in no small way to the building of infrastructure (eg Schools)”.

According to him, Christian missionaries introduced the styles of architecture and some fearful areas or forests were turned into educational or church edifices. Reflecting on the efforts of the missionaries (both Christians and Muslims) the researcher commends them for acting as government to build Nigeria as a democratic society.

2.4 Spiritual and Pastoral Services

The influence of religion in the spiritual growth of adherents and their pastoral needs (exhortations) cannot be overemphasized. The association of episcopal conferences on Anglophone, West Africa, took this task of evangelization on West Africa states, 29 especially Nigeria, the giant of Africa, as a serious one. Hence, the Bishops (AECAWA;

1996:16) in their comminique wrote:

How could one fail to take into account the anguished history of a land

where many nations are still in the grip of famine, war, racial and tribal

tensions, political instability and the violation of human right? This is all a

challenge to evangelization.

From the minds of these elders of the church, it was a big challenge to the

Christian religion to be existing in West African countries especially Nigeria, yet (the society) the people are suffering injustice. Uzukwu (1995:68) stressed that:

In the same view with the Bishops, the Nigeria Congress of Catholic Prison

Chaplains decreed, “We are greatly concerned about the continued

detention of Chief M.K.O Abiola, the undeclared winner of the 1995 (sic)

presidential elections and some pro-democracy activists like…. Their

continual incarceration, despite reports of their failing health, constitutes a

regrettable regress into crude barbarism on outrageous act of moral

cynicism and a visceral affront on the political rights of the Nigerian

people. We therefore call for their immediate release from detention …

such also is the case with Mr. Ken Saro – Wiwa of MOSOP a detained

minority rights activist.

Though this decree fell on deaf and stubborn ear of the then government, nevertheless, the succeeding governments took heed by honouring and paying tribute to them. This tribute is exemplified on the ad multos honour given to Abiola.

Notwithstanding, the fathers, AECAWA (1996:17) “counseled the people to continue to 30 affirm their rights, to stand for justice for themselves and others and not to infringe the law of God and national constitutions even amidst all circumstances”.

It is on this note that the following Christian churches: Anglican Communion (Synod;

2008) the Presbyterian (Synod 2006 & Synod 2010) and the Catholic Church (AECAWA,

1996) and many others deemed it fit to raise and drill indigenous pastors and priests for serious evangelization in Nigeria. The Most Rev. Peter J. Akinola, Archbishop,

Metropolitan and Primate of all Nigerians (Anglican Synod; 2008:np) “challenged the

Anglican church to help to raise pastors, men and women of integrity who will resist the temptation towards selfish interest and abuse of power which was the bane of Nigerian nation”. The synod proceedings extended to counseling the Deltans in their struggle for their rights as well as advising the government to make the Niger Delta Region a reference point for the “seven point agenda” as a way forward to end the crisis. In this case, the Christian religion serves as a middle man, intervening in cases which negatively influenced democracy.

Another important point is that the very Anglican (2008:np) Synod took great responsibility to call “the attention of the Muslim brothers in the spirit of reciprocity to have a change of attitude to put to an end to intolerance and hostilities to Christians all over the world.” These exhortations by no means cushioned the minds of both the

Christians and the Muslims. By these exhortations, religious personnel discreetly guided the government into a reflective thinking for positive dialogue with the ‘Deltans’. From the Presbyterian (Reformed Church) Church of Nigeria (Presbyterian Synod 2006:NP):

The Church is currently engaged in mission work to traditionally non Presbyterian and non-Christian parts of the country and…The PCN has churches in all the 36 state capitals of the country including Abuja, the Federal capital Territory. 31

According to the Synod, the present concern of the Church includes the improved training and re-training of her ministers and members, and the establishment of the

Presbyterian University. In the Presbyterian Church, today, (Presbyterian Synod,

2006:np) there are over 50 women ministers serving in the church”. With these efforts of serious production of pastors in the spiritual realm and in the Lord’s vineyard, Nigerian nation has experienced spiritual nourishments amidst violence and other negative effects of religion and politics. Going further, Usung, the Moderator of General Assembly of the

Presbyterian Church Synod; (2006:np) “strongly condemned the ugly recurrence of violence and blood shed in Jos…. he appealed to the government to form a high-powered conflict resolution committee consisting of Christian and Muslim leaders government and community chiefs and security agencies”. This was an advice from the Presbyterian

Church of Nigeria. This piece of advice surely effected peace and resolution to an extent.

Specifically, Arinze (1990:257) averred that:

The Church does not stand by as an on-looker in the nation. The Church is

very much part of the nation. The Church therefore is a major contributor

in the building up of our society, including matters of discipline.

Interpreting Arinze, this disciplinary spirit was concretely made manifest in the church’s training of priests whose work has continued to impart discipline to the society.

To bring it home to the people, the church in Nigeria enshrined “prayer against indiscipline and corruption” in Nigeria, into worship as “para-liturgical prayers”

(unofficial prayers of the church).

2.5 Social Influence of Religion

Another area where religion has registered very positive impact is in the aspect of social life of Nigerian society. Makozi (1988) and Ugwu (2002) were of the opinion that 32

Christian religion taught democratic values and equality of human life. According to

Makozi, (1988) “the Christian missionaries fought very hard to stamp out slave-trade especially by attacking it at its roots”. They succeeded in forcing Africans to drop human trafficking of this nature and human sacrifice in favour of legitimate trade (palm, oil, fruits etc). Makozi also noted that at the close of the nineteenth century, the Church of

Scotland mission, the Church Missionary Society, the Baptist Church, the Society of

African Missions (SMA) and the Methodist Church and others had lodged along the

River Niger at Lokoja and Onitsha in the serious mission of preaching and sensitization to the people. Makozi (1998:10-12) again highlighted that as Christian religion was stamping out those anti-social cultures in the South, Islamic religion was busy destroying totally African traditional religion called Animism in the North. The Islamic tenet is that if a particular people failed to associate with Islam, the result would be intimidation and destruction. While Ugwu (2002:58) commented that contrary to the tenet (ie forceful conversion) of Islamic religion, Christian religion preached and fought against class distinction in the society, curbing of social vices like osu caste and slavery. At this juncture, the researcher affirms that both African traditional religion and Islamic Religion failed in their roles on democracy. The two religions defaulted in human right violation, hence, there was the degradation of human dignity and the deprivation of human freedom.

It is on this note that Dike (2002) affirmed that “traditional religion regarded these people (osu caste and slaves) as inferior social institutions”. According to Dike, traditional religion had the following group of people (osu, slaves, ogbanje, deformed and even those who defaulted in one way or the other) as second class human beings in the society. Dike emphasized clearly that the practice was a form of discrimination which 33 violated human and civil rights since they were not allowed to participate in the affairs of the society. For Dike, this was a criminal offence and undemocratic.

Following Dike’s line of thought, Ezennia (1989) commented that “the belief of the traditionalist in re-incarnation is anti-social in the extreme. The torture and treatment given to the group was inhuman”. For him, this belief in the re-incarnation was out of ignorance. In the same vein, Arinze (2008) agrees that “such ancient institutions and practices like ‘osu caste’, slavery, ‘ogbanje’ and human sacrifices were extremely bad”.

He conducted his own research and found out that these groups (‘osu’ and slaves) were denied of intermarriage and freedom of life within the society. For him (Arinze), traditional religion influenced the Nigerian society so badly that it was the height of discrimination and marginalization. In furthering his thought on this bad faith, Arinze wondered why these evil cultures still exist within the society. Arinze (2008:180) stated that:

Today no new osu is being dedicated but many traditional religionists and

some half-hearted Christians still observed these practices towards the

descendants of the “ndi osu” and still hesitate or refuse outright to have any

marital connection with them. It is hoped that with the spread of

Christianity, the osu system and its practices will die.

At this juncture, Arinze was challenging Christians to rise and bring to extinction these undemocratic and anti-social phenomena of the African traditional religion. What

Arinze said, implies that even some Christians are still keeping this ungodly tradition.

Another aspect of social influence of religion on Nigeria was the love the indigenous Christians were giving to the contemporary people of God. Ezeanya (1992:39) emphasized that: 34

Our hospitals discharge those who cannot pay free of charge; we have built

water bore-holes in the missions and institutions; our nursery schools in the

riverline areas and where people can contribute nothing or little, are run

altogether free of charge…. We want to bring together into one complex all

the patients of our leprosy centres.

In this regard, Ezeanya made it clear that practical and concrete social work had been done to alleviate the bad condition of the poorest of the poor in our midst. Not only that, the endowment fund for the poor had been launched already. The money which accrued from the launching was kept in the bank to be used to help the poorest of the poor in our midst. The fund was used in opening small-scale businesses for the poor and offering scholarships to children from very poor families. Ezeanya provided these church practical services and his fatherly instruction to help the poor in his pastoral letter of 1992 called “the poor in our midst.”

In the same way, the Presbyterian (synod, 2008:NP) Church of Nigeria executed the project of health and humanitarian services. Okechukwu (Synod, 2008: NP) asserted:

“The gospel in the 21st century has gone beyond just spiritual matters. The church must reach out to the poor, sick and thirsty like Jesus did”. In this regard, he preached “water foundation” which explained the relevance of water for life and sanitation as key to healthy living. In this occasion a borehole water project was commissioned at the

Presbyterian Church of Nigeria, Ikorodu. This is practical Christianity. With these charitable works, religion is duly performing its social role in the society. Generally, the writer perceived that scholars have testified to the more positive roles of religion in

Nigerian society.

35

NEGATIVE IMPACTS

2.6 Destruction of Cultural Values

Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold, mere anarchy is loosed upon the

world….Now he has won our brothers and our clan can no longer act like

one. He has put a knife on the things that held us together and we have

fallen apart…the white man came and broke this unity….many heads

rolled… and the old society gradually gave away. The process continues

even today (Achebe; 1958:5).

The above quotation was from the famous author, Achebe, who was disturbed by the negative impacts of the white men (the early missionaries) on the ancient society

(Igbo locality). According to Achebe, the white men had destroyed the land and the society. He made this comment because many people deserted the ancient tradition and followed the white man and his church (Christianity). Achebe’s view was confirmed by

Okwueze (2001), Ekwunife (2003) and Ozigbo (1994) that Christianity destroyed the articles of indigenous religious faith. Okwueze in Ozioko (2001: 227) et al cited an example of this wicked act when a pastor of a certain Alleluia Mission engineered his members (youths) to go and destroy the traditional shrine known as Adoro-Ero. Also

Ozigbo lamented for the outright rejection of traditional cultures by the early missionaries. According to Ozigbo, (1994:57) “The missionaries poured un-educational contempt and caricature on traditional Nigerian beliefs and practices and unthinkingly threw away the baby with dirty bathwater. It is now known that Africans did not worship idols-that is, their religion was not idolatry”.

In explaining the act of this intimidating attitude of Christianity over African traditional religion, Okwueze in Ozioko et al (2001:227) tagged it ‘the oppression of the 36 old by the new’. For Ozigbo, (1994:58), “it was a mistake of the head and of the heart and a critical error by Christianity”. It is on this ground that Onwuanibe cited the address of

His Holiness Pope John Paul II to the Nigerian Bishops. His Holiness in Onwuanibe

(1995: 70) said that:

….The Church truly respects the culture of each people. In offering the

gospel message, the church does not intend to destroy or to abolish what is

good and beautiful. In fact, she recognizes many cultural values and

through the power of the gospel, purifies and takes into Christian worship

certain elements of people’s customs. The church comes to bring Christ.

She does not come to bring the culture of another race….

The quotation from His Holiness reflects the theology of enculturation. In the researcher’s view, enculturation is a latter theology in the Church. The implication is that the Christian Church has acknowledged the shortcomings and mistakes of the early missionaries. That may be the reason for the new theology (enculturation) and the apology from the Holy Father. Then to Achebe, it seems he never acknowledged some positive roles of the early Christian missionaries. He rather painted the missionaries as a group of enemies who had already destroyed the Indigenous religionists (Society). Hence his expression “he has put a knife on the things that held us together.” Another mistake from Achebe is his failure to distinguish the missionaries and their actions from the european merchants and their actions, too. All were tagged and labelled –“The missionaries”. However, from the foregoing, one can assert that Christianity had mistakingly destroyed some good elements of Nigerian cultural values. Thus, Christian religion in this regard played negative roles and had negative impact on the Nigerian people. 37

2.7 Disunity, Disintegration, Competitions, Corruption & Materialism

Having understood the destruction of cultures, as presented above, some scholars were of the opinion that religion has really deviated from its roles and duties. Obiorah

(1998) and Onuh (1999) agreed that religion has derailed from its function and opted for business. Obiorah clearly said that proliferation of churches remain for the world a reproachful sign of disunity. He said that a divided Christianity obcures and distorts the truth of the gospel by the very fact of its division. For Obiorah, (1998: 30-33) the multiplication of churches is not healthy for the world society bearing Nigeria in mind.

He made a scholarly study of the Nigerian Christian Church in the year 1998 and found out that the number was not less than 831. Onuh (1999:53) gave support to Obiorah when he conducted his own research which revealed that the number of Christian Churches in

Nigeria had grown to 1018. Having done this, he wondered why this tumult? In Obiorah’s language, (1998:10) “the upsurge of new churches and ministries is a symptom of the church’s decay”. Obiorah said that just like every shop in the market has signs and names to indicate the owner and goods therein, so some people have brand names to market their churches and gospel”-hence he says that evangelization has gone business. Obiorah

(1998:59) quoted Ukaegbu’s statement that:

…money is a major reason for division in the church today “especially

among leaders in ‘spiritual’ churches. Intolerance is another factor because

many supposedly Christian leaders don’t want to work together. Everyone

wants to be known as a founder and president of an organization.

Everybody wants to answer Sir Oracle.

The writer of this work agrees with Obiorah and Ukaegbu that three phenomena are on course behind the proliferation of churches-namely: love of money, intolerance 38 and pride (to answer founder). This is why Adebisi in the Presbyterian Synod (2010:NP) commented that:

You don’t commercialize the Church…Whether the Church make millions

in a year or not my entitlements come to me and I subsist on my salary. But

in some churches, people do terrible things. I am not judging them, but like

I said, some of them are in the ministry because of money they want to

make. But again, not all of them are this way, there are still some of them

with genuine call….

In the above quotation Adebisi confirmed what Obiorah and Onuh had put down in their texts. He gave a good example with himself as a contented pastor. He warns that the spirit of business will not supplant gospel enterprise. On a more serious note, Adibe

(2009:19) lamented that:

“…the Church has become a house of scandal and controversies…These

ills have become firmly entrenched on the afflicted body. Hence despite the

number of churches springing up in all nooks and crannies, a wave of

iniquities is sweeping across the land”.

At this juncture, a deep reflection has to be made in line with what Adibe lamented. Why, in Nigeria, are there so many churches but atrocities still abound? Why quarrels and competitions among different religions, especially among Christian denominations? Unfortunately, these authors have not asserted the consequences these negative influences of religion have already had on the Nigerian society. The disunity, disintegration and competitive syndromes existing among religious personnel are yielding and injecting corruption and spirit of materialism into the life of the Nigerian society.

May we remember that the corruption of the best is the worst (corruptio optima pessima). 39

2.8 Riots, Violence, Wars and Squabble

The negative influence of religion on the Nigerian society reached the extent of causing violence, squabbles of varied dimensions. Ibrahim (1981) reflected deeply on the cause of all these problems. He said that the religious crisis in Nigeria was mostly as a result of politicization of religion in the regional contest for power. The effects of the crises include deaths of thousands of people, loss of wealth, burning of churches and mosques, destruction of business premises and homes and other effects of wars and crises. Ibrahim (1987:np) cited an example of this negative influence:

Conflicts between religions and ethnic groups are common and deadly in

Nigeria. In 2002, riots over a beauty contest held in Kaduna in northern

Nigeria left more than 200 people dead, and thousands of others have died

in such clashes over the past few years.

There is no doubt that religion has caused several riots, violence, and squabbles in

Nigeria. The crisis has been going on as at the moment of writing this chapter. Echeta in

Achunike (2011:34) quoted Trends (2010) who said that:

Boko Haram instigated widespread rioting in northern Nigeria’s Banchi

State, leaving as many as 900 dead and many more displaced Christians

and Muslims, all under the banner of repelling “western education” in

Nigeria. It is no accident that this sectarian violence has largely occurred in

the predominantly Muslim part of northern Nigeria. Though Nigeria’s

constitution declares that there is no state religion twelve state governments

have instituted Islamic Sharia law. Christians in the north have told us on

visits to the country that they are treated like second class citizens. 40

This attitude of violence as well as discrimination is undemocratic. Many people have written in this regard but one or two things still lack(s). The main thing is that the root causes of the problem are yet to be unraveled. Another thing is that, there is need to marshal out the powerful remedies and suggestions which will convince the religious parties (denominations) and personnel who are directly involved in the drama of religio- political tussles that are now leading Nigeria into disintegration .

Summary of the Literature Review

Having reflected on the literature review, the writer averres that one thing is clear.

What had been put down in the literature are reasonable, yet, they are very superficial in weighing them “vis-à-vis” the doom (likely disintegration) which Nigeria is heading to experience, probably as a result of negative role of which religion plays. It is verifiably true that religion has contributed a lot in building the Nigerian society. It is also a fact that crises and wars are being caused by religion.

Nevertheless, the writer reflects more deeply into the influences as to more deeply into the influences as to reinstate Nigeria unto true democracy through exploitation of positive attributes. 41

CHAPTER THREE

THE SCIENTIFIC EFFECTS OF RELIGIOSITY ON THE NIGERIAN

DEMOCRACY

From our introduction in chapter one, one understands that the “Nigerian democracy” is widely taken as the totality of life being lived in Nigeria. That, notwithstanding, in a more elaborate sense, the Nigerian democracy also means the checks and balances, the leadership and responses, which exist between the Nigerian government and the governed (the masses). This chapter discusses some pertinent contributions (both postive and negative) of religion to Nigeria and her life. Also in this chapter, the researcher explains the scientific influences of religious effects.

These influences to be expressed are diversified into the following sections: (i) religious influence and (ii) political influence. More importantly, in this chapter, the writer explains vividly how religion affected and is still affecting the Nigerian nation and her life style. Makozi in Okere (1988:16) confirmed this statement when he stated that:

The religious factor in the Nigerian socio-economic and political life as she

was developing self rule cannot be ignored. From all that has been seen so

far in Nigerian history, religious partisanship has had its basis in the very

making of the history of Nigeria. Islam had been deeply rooted in the North

before independence while Christianity held sway in the South.

On this note, therefore, let us reflect on these impacts of religion beginning with some religious (spiritual) influences properly.

41 42

3.1 Religious Influence on the Nigerian Democracy

3.1.1 Spiritual Impact before Independence

The religious influences are those spiritual impacts (positive or negative) which these three major religions (African traditional religion, Christianity and Islam) have effected on the Nigerian democracy and control. These three religions have effected impacts during the founding of the Nigerian state. However, when those impacts become detrimental to the nation, it becomes questionable to such theocratic principles. It was on this ground that Onuoha (2005:NP) stated that:

As to the relations between religion and state, Nigeria began in 1804 on the

wrong foot, with their union! This negation of separation was ushered in by

a Fulani Muslim scholar, Shaikh Uthman dan Fodio, who organized a

formidable army of foot soldiers and horsemen which successfully overran

the greater part of Northern Nigeria at the beginning of the 19th century.

He imposed on the conquered Hausa peoples of the North “the purity” of

Islamic law from the Koran … the law of God.

Judging from the above observation, one understands that ‘ab initio’ even at the dawn of amalgamation, religion had effected a very sad blow to Nigerian traditional life.

While Muslims were trying to implant their Islamic law (spirituality) they annihilated some Nigerian (African) Traditional Religious freedom. Those traditional ways of life

(e.g sacredness of life and the spirit of brotherliness) bound Nigerian people together.

They are the African traditional customs. Unfortunately, Islam came with the doctrines of sectionalism and the spirit of supremacy. It is on this note that Adigwe (2003:167) claimed that “the Emirs organized raid and expeditions with an aim to expand the (dar al

Islam) house of Islam.” And beside, he (Adigwe) said that it was traditional to organize 43 annual raid in order to collect booty, slaves and concubines. According to him, many villages belonging to Hausas and non-Muslims were thus ravaged, and their inhabitants were either killed or carried away to slavery. Due to this militant nature of Islamic religion and the concept of supremacy, every non-Muslim is seen by Muslims either as a slave or as inferior.

On this ground, the researcher surmised that the meager population of the middle beltans who live so closely to Northern Nigeria is as a result of the Muslims’ menace and their consistent raids. On this Adigwe (2003: 167) revealed that:

These in their turn continued to organize annual expeditions out of which

they collected slaves, concubines and other items for onward transmission

to Sokoto. The middle belt of present day Nigeria bore the brunt of such

incessant raids. No wonder they welcomed the British as liberators.

Following the above assertion, the researcher attests that the greater number of Hausa –

Fulani ethnic groups compared to other nearby ethnic groups may also be as a result of this numerous raids. Indeed, the attitude of the Muslims concerning that annual raids and menace is against human rights. Really, this violation of human rights is undemocratic.

The influence of religion on the Nigerian democracy in this regard is that these “middle beltans” to-day remain a minority group in Nigerian society.

Similar to the sad influence of Islam regarding the menace and raid of the surrounding people to northern areas is the inhumane discrimination of the African traditional religionists. It is on record that in African traditional religion, some people were either killed or thrown into the forests, like in the case of twins because of culture.

Some delinquents were sold into slavery. In some African traditional cultures, human beings were buried along side with kings and chiefs. This kind of spirituality and culture 44 negated democracy. According to African traditionalists, those people who were buried with kings were to be their servants in the land of the ancestors. It is evident that up until today some of the African traditional religionists label some people “the osus”. Again it is observed that these people who are targed “osu” are not allowed to associate with the society. An instance of this discrimination is during marriages or other public affairs, functions and activities.

The incident in the above explanation (the fate of osu) tallies with the explanations from the interview granted to the researcher by Odenigbo. According to Odenigbo,

(2010: oral interview)

During the elections of chairmen and councilors under local government

areas and town unions respectively, those people whom the traditionalists

labeled ‘osus’ are not voted for. In some interior communities, if any of

them queu in line for either voting or registration, some people will just

leave the line for them and go home.

This attitude of social discrimination which was established by African traditional religionists is against human right in the extreme. If such people are not allowed to be voted for at the ordinary chairmanship or councilor’s election within their community, how can they (ie these people labeled osus) rise to be voted for at the senatorial or gubernatorial seats? Indeed African traditional religion has been implicitly and explicitly influencing Nigerian democracy negatively by continuously regarding some people as unworthy citizens or inferior human beings. As such, these people are being deprived of their rights of citizenry. The attitude is undemocratic. These discrimination influences in

African Traditional Religion deny some citizens the right of participation in politics in some villages within Nigeria. The worst of it is that the discrimination negates Nigerian 45 democracy up until today. Indeed religion (Islam) destroyed the spiritual values of

African traditionalists. Similarly, African traditional religion derogated human spirituality and dignity.

3.1.2 Spiritual Influence of Religion at a Glance

Religion, no doubt, has played some vital positive roles at the dawn of the

Nigerian state. Orjiakor (1981:84) revealed that:

Just before midnight on September 30, 1960, thousands of people stood

silent on the floodlit Lagos Racecourse, while the Anglican Bishop of

Lagos, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Lagos and the chief/Iman

offered prayers of dedication for the impending birth of a new nation.

Across the country, all men’s thought were on what lay beyond midnight

Precisely at twelve o’clock the lights were dimmed, when they came on

again, a new green and white banner had replaced the union Jack on the

flagpole the first time. A new era had dawned; Nigeria had become

sovereign.

In reflecting on the above scene which showcased religion at the birth pang of the

Nigerian Democracy, one would agree with the researcher that religion had endowed

Nigeria with blessings. Three religious leaders (the Anglican and Catholic Church

Bishops and Iman) were there offering prayers and supplications for the good the new of

Nigerian nation/state. The presence of these religious leaders was a practical demonstration of unity, oneness and a source of encouragement to the political leaders.

Some elders among the old Nigerian Christian religion (Methodist and Presbyterian) also contributed their own statesmanship and professionalism. These included: Akanu Ibiam and Enahoro. There is no doubt that with their prayers Nigeria was able to kick off her 46 governance. Subsequent to these religious leaders’ blessings, especially at critical moments, religious bodies have been supporting Nigeria and her leaders with prayers.

Hence, the governing authorities especially the president and state governors are remembered in almost all the religious worships, and celebrations. Kosisochukwu (2011: oral interview) revealed that the Christian churches have designed prayers called prayers for Nigeria in distress and prayer against bribery and corruption. These prayers have been cushioning the Nigerian state through divine interventions. Echeta in Achunike (2011:43) commented that “The Church can play an effective role in the development of democracratic governance in Nigeria through the instrumentality of intercessory prayers”.

In fact, religion should be credited for the provision of these moral and spiritual values to

Nigeria. Above all, Arinze (1990:62) clearly brought to light the spiritual and pastoral visit of His Holiness, Pope John Paul II, to Nigeria which was very enriching. He said that the papal visit strengthened the Christian faith and upsurge of interest in religion in

Nigeria. The visit according to Arinze (1990:63):

….effected the promotion of clerics, religious and laity, a help towards

missionary involvement of Nigerian church and a period of examination of

conscience for the entire Nigeria society”. Again, the visit “effected the

universality of the church, a sign of unity and diversity for all Christians, an

invitation to reunion, a call to common prayer and action, a call to

development, justice and peace, a demonstration of brotherhood, a

contribution to patrimony of humanity and finally the exaltation of Christ

the Lord in Nigerian society.

It might be because of these blessings that Nigeria’s continual existence as a cooperate entity is sustained. In line with the spiritual blessings from Christian religion, 47

African traditional religion seems to excel in this regard too. The adherents of African traditional religion influenced government positively through performance of rituals.

These spiritual actions warded off crisis. Onuoha (2005:np) wrote that:

In the city states of Yorubaland and its neighbours a more complex religion

evolved which expressed the subjugation of village life within larger

polities. These city-states produced a theology that linked local beliefs to a

central citadel government and its sovereignty over hinter land villages

through the monarch. The king (Oba) and his ancestors were responsible

for the welfare of the state…. In Oyo, e.g there were a number of national

cults, each with its own priests who performed rituals under the authority of

the King (Alafin) in the public interest: Shango, god of thunder,

symbolized the power of the king and of central government.

It is interesting to understand that religion has produced theology which links local beliefs to central government in Nigeria. It is right also to reckon that religion had carried out responsibilities for the welfare of the Nigerian state. Instances of those responsibilities were registered by those religious groups existing both in the western (Yorubas) and in the eastern (Igbo area) Nigeria. Those religious groups performed rituals for national

(Nigerian) interests. Such rituals were performed by the African traditional priests in

Yoruba and Igbo clans. In Igbo areas, for instance, both at the beginning and before the end of any difficult seasons or critical moments, the “Umuokpu” (kindred women) and traditional priests, offered sacrifices and rituals to ward off the looming crises and to placate the gods for shedding blood in the society. Really, African traditional religionists were able to perform these spiritual and social responsibilities to the Nigerian nation because the religion upholds the sense of sacredness of life and the dignity of man as a 48 supreme gift from God. From the foregoing religion through her adherence, has blessed the Nigerian society with prayerful blessings. Hence, religion has influenced civil governance and has injected the spiritual culture of sensitivity to life and blood.

3.1.3 Cultural Influence

Generally, religion is the major component of culture. Specifically, African traditional religionists were imbued with African culture. According to Isizor (2010:NP),

His Holiness Pope John Paul II stated that:

I am pleased to especially stress your African tradition of hospitality, your

respect for nature as a gift from God and a sign of his goodness and his

presence. Your way of solving conflicts, with dialogue and consensus, the

care with which you preserve and develop families, your joy in life which

you express so wonderfully through your poetry, in dances and in your

songs. All these traditional values have their place in the modern world, in

fact they are important as correctives in the society that would otherwise,

often become inhumane, solitary, violent and sterile.

From the above statement, John Paul II had noticed the influence of virtues inherent in African traditional religion on the Nigerian society. Among these virtues include the spirit of brotherliness and the spirit of tolerance. These virtues have helped

Nigerians in solving conflicts which often arise especially during political quarrels. They have also helped to condition the Nigerian state in aspiring for peace. That is why

Nigerians still harken to this slogan “One Nigeria”. This is to say that the African traditional religion with this slogan (oneness) as virtue influences Nigerian democracy for unity amidst the reality of diversity and political quagmire. In the same vein, the Christian 49 religion has these virtues and principles of solving conflicts through dialoguing, fore bearing and prophesying.

In Lineamenta (1991:42) the Catholic Bishops stated that:

In Nigeria, being a Christian or a Muslim affects very seriously one’s

access to position in government. Muslims often are at an advantage in

securing government positions, whether qualified or not. It follows

naturally too, that since Nigeria has adopted Islamic principles in making

her policies, Muslims also see themselves nationally qualified for

government positions.

The above verdict from Lineamenta is a very clear misinterpretation of what religious principle should be. The use of religion as a criterion for the determination of one’s position in Nigerian democratic governance is an aberration of democracy. This bad political culture in Nigeria (discrimination in some exercise of government polity) is one of the effects of religion through her adherents. Evidently, the bad political culture is being motivated by religious spirit. All the same, African traditional religion and

Christianity has been influencing Nigerian society with the attitudinal culture of unity and the principle of dialogue, respectively.

3.1.4 Prophetic Role

Another important positive influence of religion on Nigeria society is the prophetic role of some religious leaders to government. Some religious leaders have been advising democratic leaders on the need to always render due services to Nigeria. On this note Odeh (2002:50) stated that:

A good number of individual bishops and priests have at great risks to their

lives, taken upon themselves to play the prophetic role of challenging the 50

excesses of our leaders by calling them to order and by conscientising the

people to stand for their rights.

The above comment which was made by Odeh is a reality. On certain occasions, various religious leaders either as groups or individuals, have directed government on the right actions for a true democracy. The religious leaders have continued to speak as watchdogs against tyranic leaders and their undemocratic principles. The fearless criticism of the autocratic and undemocratic administrations of Abacha and Obasanjo by religious leaders are notable examples of how religion influenced Nigerian democracy through prophetic role. Nigerian was almost in hell during General Abacha’s regime. He (Abacha) even tried to succeed himself and extend his governance. On this issue of self enthronement, the religious leaders spoke fearlessly against Abacha’s tyrannical leadership. Odeh

(2007:42) stated what the Bishops said as follows:

We …. are conscious of our responsibility to speak on the ethical

dimension of politics and governance. It is against natural justice and

therefore unethical for a military government to take upon itself the role of

an independent abiter and be at the same time contestant in the same

electoral process …we condemn the activities of those who are actively

campaigning for the leadership of the present military administration to

succeed itself in 1998. …. The Bishops noted that the change of

government brought palpable relief to the generality of Nigerians and

friends within the international community.

Christian religious leaders are aware of their duties especially with regard to prophetic role. Various religions have been condemning the maladministration of some of our political leaders. These leaders include Catholic Bishops of Nigeria who clearly 51 condemned the stubborn attitude to democracy which was exhibited by General Abacha.

He (Abacha) did not want to leave the office of president amidst the difficulties which

Nigerians were experiencing. To make the matter worse, some sycophants and parasitic elements within and outside his cabinet continued to campaign that he (Abacha) would contest for the office of presidency despite his failures and woes as a military dictator which were quite glaring to Nigerians. It is likely that Abacha had run the most tyrannical government in Nigeria. Okwueze (2012:85) revealed that:

The last visit of Pope John Paul II to Nigeria was historic. The pontiff’s

message during the visit was very simple and clear: an appeal to the

military junta to mend is human rights record. The Pope’s audacious

pronouncements rattled the Abacha-led military junta, culminating in the

maximum ruler’s promise to release political prisoners. The Pontiff

appealed to the Abacha government to expedite action in finding solution

to the country’s numerous socio-political problems…. However, General

Abacha’s fate seemed to have influenced the subsequent regime of General

Abdulsalami Abubakar as it towed the line of peace, releasing political

prisoners. In addition, he handed over to civilians in a very short time, the

shortest in the history of Nigeria’s transition to civil rule programme.

Following what Okwueze has stressed in the above quotation after the demise of Abacha,

General Abdulsalami hearkened to the voice of Pope John Paul II by releasing many political prisoners. He also handed governance over to civilian/politicians (real democracy). The above positive actions could be ascribed to prophetic role of religion.

The voice of religious leaders cushioned people in their sufferings. Religious leaders also challenged the government of Abubakar Abdusalami to obey the rule of law by freeing 52 political prisoners (Obasanjo inclusive) who were kept in prison unjustly. The restoration of hope of the people of Nigeria and the freeing of political prisoners who were unjustly kept were some of the achievements recorded in the society through the influence of religion.

Similar to the shackles of Abacha was the Obasanjo’s third term proposal. At this instance, too, religious personnel both individually and as groups acted as watchdogs that challenged Obasanjo’s stubbornness in politics. (sit tight policy).

Umar in Odeh (2008:134) claimed that:

Undoubtedly, Chief Obasanjo’s current schemes at manipulating the

constitution in order to hang on to power for a third term and certainly

indefinite terms in office, is a wanton provocation, a clear and present

danger to our democracy and security.… We the people who decided to

come together under the Movement for Unity and Progress (MUP), are

anxious that chief Obasanjo be prevented from proceeding to a third term

in office and transforming into a dictator.

The above quotation is a citation lifted from the letter written to Odeh by the foundation members of the Movement for Unity and Progress (MUP) inviting him to join the movement (MUP). The letter was endorsed by Col Umah Dangiwa (Muslim) and

Burka Zama (Muslim) who were the interim Chairman and secretary of MUP, respectively. These religious leaders and others, galvanized themselves and formed a formidable voice against Obasanjo’s hidden agenda. Really, their voices coupled with the cry of the people encouraged the Nigerian National Assembly (NNA) to stand their ground for justice, fair play and the rule of law. The combination of these following forces (religion and the legislature and people’s voice) led to the defeat of Obasanjo, his 53 allies and their third term agenda. Indeed, religion in this regard had played significant role that influenced Nigeria and her democracy. Umar himself is a great prophet against social and political injustice in Nigeria. He had played very serious and noble roles against other Muslims in Kaduna State who did not welcome Mr Patrick Yakowa – a

Christian, as governor. Umah (2008) granted interview to Saturday Sun and said that:

Kaduna is not an Islamic or Christian State. It is a state created by the laws

of Nigeria for both christians and Muslims to live together in peace and has

always been the case. It is a state where these people and even settlers have

equal rights under the laws of Nigeria. So anybody who feels otherwise can

leave the state while Yakowa is the governor or create another state that

would be just the cowheel (Sec of Ulamas) for Muslims.

Indeed Col Umah is a devout Muslim who knows his prophetic role as a religious activist. He is a statesman as well as a true religionist. On that political victory of

Yakowa, he stood for justice and democracy. By this provision of prophetic role, religion is creating lasting legacy in Nigeria.

3.1.5 Individual’s Influence (Impact)

While religion has been affecting the Nigerian democracy positively, the researcher will not hesitate to reflect on its very early sad influences on Nigeria. These early sad experiences were mainly caused by individuals. Unfortunately, some of those religious leaders who had showered spiritual blessing on the Nigerian society were the ones that were gripped with religious fanaticism. Onuoha (2005) averred that:

Independence came in 1960 and Sir Ahmadu Bellow became the premier of

the Northern Region. He sought to be both a political leader and a religious

leader. He had no scrupple in using state funds and apparatus of 54

government to establish Islamic organizations such as the Jamaatu Nasril

Islam (JNI), to convert pagans to Islam and to forge links with Islamic

countries across the world. His aspiration to Islamise the nation was rudely

interrupted by Nigeria’s first military coup d’etat on the 15th of January,

1966 in which sadly he was assassinated.

In reflecting on the above action (using the state fund to establish Islamic organization) by Sir Ahmadu Bello, any social observer will agree with the writer that religious bigotry was both implicit and explicit as one of the causes of the Nigerian civil war. Judging further, it seems that religion (especially Islamic religion) had done more harm than good for Nigerian democracy. With the above assertion, it seems that religious influence on Nigeria at the wake of civil war as well as during the war, was that religion was the motivator, the sponsor and the latent actor in the minds of the Nigerian military leaders. No wonder, the white missionaries who were performing charitable works were misunderstood and were expelled. That notwithstanding, religion was a major contributor to the cause of war. The action which was performed by Ahmadu Bello was confirmed by

Ubaka in Adigwe (2003:171) when he said that:

A prominent figure during the prime days of independence was Ahmadu

Bello. He was the Saduana of Sokoto, the President General of the

Northern People’s Congress and the premier of the northern region. He

used his position to campaign for the total Islamisation of the north. His

northernisation policy turned out to be an islamisation policy. Some non-

Muslim traditional rulers were either forced to convert to Islam or be

dethroned and be replaced with Muslims. 55

The above incident was done few years after independence which preceeded the Nigerian civil war. This is a total deviation from political office. Saduana of Sokoto was one of the founding fathers of Nigeria democracy. Really, Saduana propagated Islamic religion to the detrement of African traditional religion. By this action of dethronement or replacement of non Muslim rulers, he (Saduana) violated the law of human rights which is a core basis of democratic life (law). It is pitiable that the same religious partisanship among Nigerian politicians which had trailed all through from 1960 (the early stage of

Nigerian independence) to the civil war period had continued some years after the war. It was asserted by Tunde (2009: 10) that:

After the 1967-70 war with Biafra, the federal military government took

over mission schools and expelled foreign missionaries, who have were

viewed as supporters of separatism among the Igbos. In 1975, a

government pilgrim board was established to oversee the Muslim

pilgrimage by “Shagaris administration…Meanwhile many northern

political leaders advocated a greater role for Sharia.

Also quoting Daily Times, Nwosu (1985:375) affirmed that:

Nigerians today are very skeptical about foreign missionaries in view of the

diabolical roles which some of them, acting as agents of foreign Christian

bodies, played during the Nigerian civil war. Nigerians still remember very

clearly that Ojukwu’s rebellion lasted for 30 long months partly because of

support which it had from foreign sources, especially from some well-

known church organizations….

The above quotation states vividly the influence of religion during and after the

Nigerian civil war. The assistance (provision of relief materials) rendered to Ojukwu’s 56 faction was seen as a diabolical act. The missionaries were seen as rebels. Again, their expulsion after the war revealed the annoyance and fury which were harboured through ethno-religious quarrels. On this note, the researcher asserts that this immediate expulsion of the Christian missionaries after the war cannot be totally devoid of some religious inclinations. This assertion was confirmed by Udoidem (cited in Adigwe; 2003:18) in these words: “In this regard, Udoidem observed that the war was a form of religious crisis fought with religious emotions.”

Above all, the incident of expelling Christian missionaries and the take-over-of schools happened during the reign of General Gowon. Though he was a Christian from the North, he acted this religious partisanship under the pressure mounted on him by the

Muslim leaders in the northern Nigeria. Nigerian government (by Gowon) that expelled the European missionaries forgot that those missionaries performed a lot of positive roles

(especially in education) in Nigeria. Worse still, religion influenced government to form a religious board only for Muslim adherents. Any social observer should in this case understand that Muslim religion, ‘ipso facto’, influenced government with its wrong style of propagation. In the same view, Onuoha (2005:22) said that:

The second republic came on stream in 1979 under President Shehu

Shagari. Unable to restrain himself from active participation in the

promotion of religion, he adopted the balancing strategy. He would do one

favour to Muslims and balance it with another for Christian pilgrims board

to make up for the existing Muslim pilgrims board. In 1982, he established

a Board for Islamic Affairs. He built two mosques and one Id-el-Fitri

Muslim praying ground in Abuja, the Nations Capital, and in compensation

donated ten million Naira to Christians to enable them build their cathedral. 57

With the above statements, Onuoha is revealing to us how intoxicating the spirit of religion could be. Really, the negative influence of religion was evident during the presidential administration of Shagari. It was a kind of misappropriation for a president to use money from the state treasury for the building of two mosques for his own religion.

To make the matter worse, the said president organized and established a board for

Islamic Affairs. Should one not say that these actions constitute abuses of political office and misappropriation of state fund, eventhough he gave little compensation to Christian religion? Obviously, a critical mind must have understood how religion had negatively influenced Nigerian government under Shagari and his democratic dispensation. The effect was the government’s deviation in spending and the neglect in what matters democratically and centrally. To confirm this government’s deviation because of religion,

William (1990:NP) clearly stated that:

Pilgrimage, a purely religious matter has become highly politicized as

government sees itself as necessarily responsible for the welfare of

pilgrims, hence it continued to commit huge public funds towards the up-

keep of 21, 460 pilgrims annually. In addition, during the period of

pilgrimage, the economy comes to a stand still …. Many Nigerians who

have no religious compulsion to go on pilgrimage resent strongly this state

involvement particularly as one religion seemed to benefit more than

others. They therefore opined that since religion is a private affair,

pilgrimage should assume private status. After all, pilgrims in other

countries do not constitute such problems to their governments.

The foregoing statements bring to light clearly the extent of governments deviation as a result of religious influence. The government personnel in this regard were 58 being influenced by their religiosity and bigotry. Other sad influences of religion by individuals and government personnels are clearly experienced in the actions of Usman

Da Fodio and Yerima. Anunobi (2007:np) asserted that:

He, Usman Da Fodio, imposed Islamic religion based on a theocracy

known as the Sokoto Caliphate. The full Sharia law from the Koran became

the law of the land from which there could be no appeal since it was “law

of God”…. In 2000, the governor of Zamfara State, Ahmed Sani Yerima,

launched with fanfare the introduction of Sharia penal code in Zamfara

State, one of the 36 states of Nigeria. In effect, this means that beer could

no longer be sold in restaurants, boys and girls could not hold hands in the

street or sit together in a bus, a Muslim girl cannot marry a Christian boy, a

Muslim cannot covert to another religion without incurring apostasy, a

woman caught in adultery will be hand cut off for stealing etc.

The deed of Usman Da Fodio is now leading Nigerian democracy to loose its secularity ‘in situ’. Also, the action of Yerima has made Nigeria to be run under two parallel constitutions. These two conditions (theocracy and parallelism of constitutions) which Fodio and Yerima did put Nigerian society into are questionable situations as far as

Nigerian democracy is concerned. They are the bad influences of religion in Nigerian society.

3.2 Political Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy

Politics and Religion are inborn in man. According to Arinze (1983:251), “the good Christian must concretize his religion in acts of good citizenship. These must be no divorce or false dichotomy between religion and daily life activities as a citizen.” What 59

Arinze is emphasizing is that a good Christian should be involved in political life or the life of citizen. In this case religion directs politics.

3.2.1 Religion and Concscientization for Civic Duties

Politics is the science of ruling the society. Human beings make up the society. To be able to rule people in the society, man needs the basic virtue of good conscience.

Religion takes charge of inculcating this virtue. The writer asserts that the common and the fundamental influence of religion on the Nigerian democracy is the building of conscience by the religious leaders. Okeke (2007) and Eze (2008) have synoptic views on the building of conscience by these religious leaders especially in the virtue of obedience to governing authorities. Okeke (2007:36) specifically stated that:

It is necessary for individuals to pay their taxes, obey just laws, work hard

in their places of work, join approved associations and trade unions, protect

public property and render services that can contribute to the betterment of

the society. … capable hands should join political parties, seek political

posts and render selfless services to the community. The on going voters

registration exercise in our country is a responsibility and personal

obligation for all who have reached the voting age. Voting for good people

is one way of contributing to the common good.

Accordingly, Okeke has given a concise elderly and pastoral exhortation not only to religious groups but also to the entire Nigerian society. The words of the Bishop connote the observation of virtue of obedience to the governing authorities. He advised the citizenry to cooperate with leaders and to observe the Nigerian democratic laws. The

Bishop reiterated the caring of the common good or public property. Also he enjoined the masses to exercise their roles to observe the principles of true democracy. Okeke gave the 60 professional advice for the electorates’ due responsibility to vote for good candidates and to be available to be voted for if capable. All these pieces of advice had positively influenced the entire Nigerian citizenry. The researcher opines that those pieces of advice by Okeke and the rest of religious leaders contributed to the good achievement which

Nigeria enjoyed in the recent past democratic elections. The pieces of advice by the religious leaders that influenced Nigerians include, caring for civic responsibilities eg payment of taxes, turning out en masse for casting votes. In this regard, Eze (2003) averred that:

… every religion supports payment of tax, pay your tax … we have lengthy

quotation reading thus: Asalam alaikum waramotulai wabarakatum! My

dear brothers and sisters in Islam, the Holy Qur’an enjoins us to discharge

our civic responsibilities by paying our tax so that we can contribute to the

progress and development of Lagos state … Let us obey the teachings of

Islam by cooperating with government in the payment of our tax…

In considering the above one understands that Muslim leaders encourage people to respect government and to cooperate with governing authorities by paying societal dues.

It is noteworthy to say that both Christian (bible) and Muslim law (Qura’n) gave stipulations on the paying of dues as due cooperation with government. Though this injunction has not yielded much influence in Nigeria, yet some people or loyal citizens have been influenced by their religious command. They pay their taxes and dues. The obedience of paying taxes and dues as it has been preached by religious leaders is no less a great influence on the Nigeria democracy. More importantly, some political leaders still stick to fear of God. 61

3.2.2 Religion and the Making of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of

Nigeria (i.e Religion as the Super Structure)

Indeed, one of the most fundamental aspects of political influence of religion on

Nigerian democracy is in the formation of the Federal Constitution of Nigeria. This

Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria was implicitly or explicitly dedicated to God.

The first affirming statement on the constitution is written thus:

We, the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, having firmly and

solemnly resolved to live in unity and harmony as one indivisible and

indissoluble sovereign Under God, dedicated to the promotion of inter

African solidarity, world peace, international cooperation and

understanding….

The constitution has God as its basis. Whether the people who are being guided by the constitution are faithful to the oath or not, the fact that the constitution is built on God remains incontestable. This is the reason why every political officer should be bound by the oath before the assumption of office. Smith (1995:275) attested that:

Adjunct to the ending of Oaths of Allegiance sworn by public

officers with the word… “so help me God”. However, this practice

which is not particular to Nigeria falls under what Jonathan labels as

civil religion, which refers to the set of religious or quasi-religious

beliefs, myths, symbols and ceremonies that moblilise its members

in the pursuit of common goals.

Smith has really testified to the founding of the Nigerian democracy which was built on God. The aphorism of faith “so help me God” which is divinely insinuated has continued to ring the bell of consciousness in the life of those persons who had professed 62 the oath. This aphorism has continuously and consistently become the guiding principle of some people who took the oath. It influences some conscientious individual to work with the fear of God. Even the Nigerian national anthem carries religious tones and words which keep influencing Nigerians to harken to God. It thus implies that while the

Nigerian society attaches much importance on these common beliefs, ceremonies and rituals (official ceremony of swearing in government officer) Nigerians are definitely influenced by God’s attributes.

More importantly the three major religions in Nigeria really provided the bedrocks on which Nigeria democracy is established. The bedrock on which Nigeria is built upon is the body of the Nigerian constitution. Okwueze in Ozioko et al (2001:220) affirmed that:

Religion not economy was the super structure upon which every

other structure of society was organized. Religion was the

constitutional and legal basis for the existence of traditional society.

It provided the means of interpreting these laws as well as the

machinery for enforcing the norms (laws) of the society.

Reflecting on what Okwueze said, the researcher intones that religion supercedes economy inspite of the fact that economy is very relevant in the society. The reason why religion should take prime position is that it forms the fundamental structure on which

Nigerian society is based or structured. The fundamental structure is the constitution of the society. Nigerian democracy at present has its basis on the Constitution of the Federal

Republic of Nigeria 1999. The sources of Nigerian law include four different bodies of laws: (1) English law; common law, Sharia law and customary law. On English law,

Onwubiko (1994:111) averred that: 63

… Hassan Kukah, in a very recent book has the subject of religion,

politics and power in northern Nigeria. In it, he has shown how

Muslims look at English courts in Nigeria as Christian courts, and

that because of the problems this created, “The British decided to

take steps to pacify and appease the Emirs. In 1956, the British

established a Muslim Court of Appeal which was … welcomed by

chiefs and Muslim jurists as a means of protecting Muslim law from

encroachment as a result of appeal to English court.

There is no point to deny the fact that courts and laws in Nigeria bear those reflections of religious doctrines, rules and regulations. English court in Nigeria borrowed some regulations from Christian religion. Common law bears the trace of socio-religious culture Islamic court has Sharia per se, while African traditional religious provides customary laws. It all means that the Federal constitution of Nigeria is mostly embedded on the religious provisional laws and regulations. For instance, the laws for the protection of human rights are pure religious laws. Other few number of laws which are social regulations complement those religious laws. Also, those laws are interpreted with religious spirit. For instance, when one kills intentionally, one automatically incures capital punishment. This reciprocal punishment is in relation to the law that is inscribed in the Christian bible which says “thou shall not kill”. (Exodus; 20:13) These laws, having been provided by religion, not only influenced Nigeria democracy directly but also indirectly because the laws serve as the “modus operandi” on which the nation is built up and is operating. Consequently, the society is influenced by religion through the religious beliefs. The impact is that Nigeria’s democracy is conditioned by beliefs and laws provided by religion. De facto religion is a superstructure of the Nigerian democracy. 64

3.2.3 The Use of Religious Belief (Politicization) on Nigeria’s Democracy

Another political influence of religion on the Nigerian democracy is the use of religious law as bait during electioneering. It is evidently clear that some politicians use religious law or custom during their political campaigns. Some of these politicians stick to their word and fulfill it. Some may not fulfill it. An example of a political leader that had used religion as bait was Yerima, the former governor of Zamfara State. Ayantayo (2005:55) revealed that:

… the immediate past governor of Zamfara State, Alhaji Yerima,

during his electioneering campaign in 2003, promised the northern

Muslims that Sharia laws would be introduced in the state if

Muslims voted for him. On the basis of this, he got elected and on

getting to power, he made the state an Islamic state with the

introduction of Sharia law. However, the development had since

then generated controversy among Christians and Muslims in the

state because Christians in the state complained of being denied of

their religious rights and freedom.

In the light of the above, any social analyst will definitely understand that religious fanaticism controlled Yerima. He faithfully and conscientiously danced to it. Not only that, he used it to win the political post governor. He also used religious faith to win many people on his side. Consequently, he influenced government (President and Nigeria

National Assembly) to allow him to achieve that purpose. The Sharia law became an inducement to change Nigerian democracy. The end influence is that many states have now indirectly and implicitly become religious state. The action generated religious controversy between Muslims and Christians. The impacts have really come to stay. 65

In the same vein and same year, Buhari was sported out as one of the politicians who used religious belief in his campaigns. According to Eze, (2003:NP) Buhari of the

ANPP had advised muslims not to vote for Christian candidates but muslim candidates.

He said that this political jargon would have generated wars and big national crises between Muslims and Christians had it not been that CAN made several appeals.

Notwithstanding, the Buhari’s undemocratic strategy undoubtedly generated wars of words in the media. Consequently, reading some writings on the wall, any critical political analyst will agree with the researcher that these past occurrences might have contributed to the 2011 post presidential violence. Judging the action of Yerima (in using

Sharia for campaigning) and Buhari (in his advice to people not to vote in Christian candidate, it is evidently clear that religious belief have great influence into Nigerian democracy.

3.2.4 Religion: Monitoring and Sanitization of Election in Nigeria

Religion other effected some positive influences on the Nigerian democracy. Odeh

(2007:50) commented that:

The leadership of Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and the

Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs in Nigeria (NSCIA)

Wednesday (April, 18, 2007) reviewed last Saturday gubernatorial

elections saying that the electoral body declared fake results in

many states and described it as a national tragedy that may throw

the nation into tumoil. Heads of the two apex religious bodies while

addressing newsmen in Abuja on the state of the nation said that the

conduct of the election by the INEC was a national embarrassment. 66

The above quotation provides a big opportunity (ground) to be proud of religion in the very positive realm. The reason being that the two major religious’ bodies (Christian

Association of Nigeria and the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs) collaborated in condemning the maladministration existing in Nigerian democracy which in this case was perpetrated by INEC. Their unified condemnnation was so loud and it was thought provoking. This unity in condemning INEC’s wrong democratic practice engineered the populace both individuals and group of people into real action. Akano

(2007) and Durojaiye (2007) attested to this. Akano said that the respected Pastor

Oritsejafor declared the position of Word of Life Bible Church, Warri, concerning the election frauds and manipulations in the 2007 Nigeria election. Oritsejafor opined that the elections of 2007 were marred by irregularities and series of manipulations to the extent that even a blind man could detect those irregularities in the conduct of the exercise those with two eyes. In the same vein, Durojaiye noted the verdict and common reactions of the

“who is who” in Anambra State. The “big heads” in Anambra led by these religious leaders Anikwenwa, of The Anglican Communion, Okeke Valerian of the Roman

Catholic Mission (RCM), Dominic of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN),

Okpala OAIC; Okolo of the Christian Association of Nigeria, (CAN), Eze of the CCN block of CAN), had come together and made their verdict public in the newspaper.

Among other points which they issued in a communiqué as written by (Odeh: 2007:140-

141) include:

i. Therefore, while addressing the people of Anambra State to remain calm and

to distance themselves from any leadership that emergies from phantom

electoral results declared by INEC, the elders forum, the leaders of thought, the 67

leadership of Ohaneze, etc, demand that new elections that would be free, fair

and credible be conducted soonest.

ii. That in the interest of justice, equity and constitutional rectitude, His

Excellency Peter Obi is requested to pursue to its logical conclusion, the court

case for the realization of his full tenure of four years in office as Governor of

Anambra State.

The above quotation x-rayed church dignitaries (religious leaders) and the leaders of thought (society) in Anambra State being in the forefront in the condemnation of some affronts which were going on in the Nigerian democracy. They reviewed some absurdities of these political developments in Nigeria, particularly, in Anambra State. The religious leaders influenced both the government and other members (leaders of thought) to stand for justice. The influence had both proximate and remote impacts. The proximate impacts it had on the Nigerian democracy were the followings:

i. The evidence of these religious leaders, and the leaders of thought and other

respectable Nigerians was an eye opener to the judiciary.

ii. Specifically, the Anambra State gubernatorial election of the 2007 was

cancelled following that testimony.

Also the following were remote impacts of their evidence:

i. The voice of the people (especially the religious leaders) of Nigeria against bad

administration of the INEC provided a good incentive to the new INEC

officials to strive for credible work in 2011.

ii. The writer now surmised that the cry of Nigerians (religious’ leaders in the

forefront) yielded the 2011 credible elections. 68

Thus, the unanimous verdict by the religious bodies on the rape of democracy by

INEC in 2007, turned electoral fraud of Nigeria into a credible election of 2011 about which the entire Nigerians are now enjoying. Almost everybody welcomed the said election as a true democracy.

Foreign witnesses testified to the credibility of the Nigerian election of 2011.

Babalolo (2011:7) opined that:

The April 2011 elections marked genuine celebrations of democracy

in Africa’s most populous country and a key member of the

commonwealth. Previously held notions that Nigeria can only hold

flawed elections are now being discarded and this country can now

shake off that stigma and redeem its image.

Thus, the change of Nigeria from having the stigma of bad democracy to being praised for a true democracy is really the effort of the entire Nigerians. However, the venture was led by the religious spirit and the religious personnel. With the above very relevant function of religion (monitoring of election), religion by this sanitization of politics influenced Nigeria democracy so positively.

3.2.5 Use of Religious Concept and Sentiments by the Nigerian Politicians

Another aspect of religio-political influence on the Nigerian democracy is the use of religious concept to either change the event or to achieve purpose in politics. Kukah

(1993:146) stated that:

… the concept of one Nation with One Destiny under God, which

was advanced by the NPN., was an extension of the old Nigerian

People Congress’s (NPC) One North, One People… the same was 69

also set within the context of the politics of the late Sarduana of the

northern ruling class.

According to Kukah, some political parties use religious sentiments in achieving their goals. They use such sentiments like: one God, one spirit, one mind and one Nigeria.

Some may even use religious omens or cultic powers to achieve that political post. Some political personels use magic, charm, and occultic powers to either threaten their political opponents to withdraw in election contest. Others too use occultic power to threaten their electorate not to vote for the candidate of their choice even to hypnotise voters to vote for them during campaigns. The greatest religious sentiment which politicians use is the practice of prayer. They think that with this practice of prayer, people will call them godly minded politicians. On this Ayantayo (2005:101) stated that:

The practice of holding constant and organized prayer sessions to

influence governmental policies in government offices and outside

it in places like schools, churches, universities, mosques, shrines

market places and stalls is another ways by which religion is used to

influence the Nigerian public sphere. This exercise is captioned as

Nigerians pray and is being coordinated by General Gowon, former

Nigerian Head of State. The prayer sessions were characterized by

many prayer points geared towards making Nigerian government

humane.

Really, there is no doubt that prayer ritual gives much influence to generally many events and in particular, the Nigerian democracy. 70

3.2.6 Religion as an Agent of Division on Nigerian Democracy

Regrettably however, religion has deviated so much in the aspect of its expected role toward Nigeria and her people. Whereas religion has effected a unifying role in some aspects, still it has caused divisions. It has served and is still acting as a divisive agent within the Nigerians sphere of life. Abdu (2002:144) and Ebije (2010) have a similar view on this dividing impact. Ebije (2010:6) stated that:

In a reaction to the visit to Yar’Adua by the Imam of Abuja

National Mosque, Ustaz Mohammed and other Muslim clerics who

claimed they saw Yar’Adua privately at Aso Rock, the Kaduna

State CAN secretary, Rev. Joseph Hayab kicked against the

rationale behind some clerics informing the whole Nation that they

saw the ailing President when the Acting President, Goodluck

Jonathan, had not made such visit. According to Hayab, the

development amounted to an insult and bore indices of dividing the

country along religious lines by a group of Nigerians.

The secretary of CAN, Hayab, made a very pertinent remark on the action of the Muslim clerics. The action which Muslim leaders made implicitly indicated how the Nigerian

Muslim religious leaders view Nigerian democracy. The action was an indication that they (Muslims) explicitly own the government. Again it implies that the president of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria is a religious (Muslim) leader and not for the whole Nigeria.

This idea means that the office of presidency is their (Muslim’s) exclusive property. This action of seeing President Yar’Adua alone by Muslim leaders created an impact of division and a disregard for democracy. It showed the attitude of disunity to non-

Muslims. The researcher, in judging the above actions by the Muslim leaders, asserts that 71 they (Nigerian Muslim leaders) acted “ultra vires”, that is, above what they were expected to do. Had it been that the Vice President by then, (Jonathan Goodluck), was not a patient leader, there would have been some problems. This action portrayed religion as a negative element/force in the Nigerian society. On this note, Adoghie (2010:12) averred that: “Religious leaders in the country have been charged to use their sacred position to promote acts that will unite the nation and deemphasize those things capable of causing division.”

But judging from the above action by those Islamic leaders, it is evident that they

(Islamic leaders) influenced Nigerian society by creating division. Consequently, they did not heed to the advice being highlighted by Adoghie. At this juncture, the writer stresses that the religious agenda is real and concrete in influencing of religio-political conflicts on Nigerian democracy.

3.2.7 Other Influences of Religio-Political Unrest (Riots)

There is nothing so disturbing and turbulent in the Nigerian democracy as the religious riots, crisis and violence. These had rocked and have continued to destabilize

Nigerian society. The worst of it all was the crisis caused by an individual called

Maitestine (Marwa). He had acted under the guise of religious fanaticism. The Marwa’s riot was the genesis of many social unrests being experienced in Nigerian democracy.

Today Odeh (2000:20) confirmed this statement when he wrote that:

Without digging too deep into the past, we can trace the genesis of

the current religious imbroglio, which has turned Nigeria into a state

of blood, violence and anarchy to 1962 when a little, funny human

being called Mohammad Marwa (popularly known as Maitestine)

and a Cameroonian by birth, became a resident in . In a word, 72

Marwa came, saw Nigeria and disrupted her peace. When it became

clear that he had come to disrupt peace in the land, he was arrested,

tried and sentenced to three months imprisonment. At the end of his

jail team, he was deported to his home country Cameroon… Marwa

later crawled back into Nigeria and pitched his camp in Kano where

he settled down and raised a fanatical group of about 10,000

militant followers by the time the nation realized how dangerous

they were, they had succeeded in sending 41,177 persons to their

untimely grave.

According to Odeh, the earliest recorded religious riot in Nigerian society was caused by

Mohammad Marwa. It was motivated by his religious belief system and mindset which could be attributed to the Islamic nature of force and rigid faith for conversion. This religious war (Jihad) was among the remotest causes of religious crises and riots in

Nigeria today. To highlight the gravity of Marwa’s crisis in Nigeria and also to assert the government’s false-diced attitude, Chima (2011:np) revealed that “riots caused by

Maitestine were the worst political and religious uprising in Nigeria between 1980 and

1983”. According to Chima, these uprisings were happening during the weak and corrupt administration of Shagari, a Muslim from the north. Chima affirmed that Shagari was a weak leader and could not stop the Maitestine riots which resulted in the killing of more than 40,000 people. This obviously, is the influence of religion! Hauso (2007:np) confirmed this assertion and revealed that:

Violence between Muslims and Christians in Nigeria has claimed

thousands of lives in the past decade. It has fired again in February

2006 when Muslims at the caricatures of the prophet Muhammadu, 73

massacred dozens of Christians in the north, followed by reprisal

killings of Muslims in the south… numerous churches and mosques

were destroyed. These most recent outbreaks of sectarian conflicts

in Nigeria need to be seen in the context of a long and complex

history in which religious loyalties are invariably mixed with issues

of ethnic identity … and economic power.

According to Hanso, the (riots) crises were sparked of by the caricature of

Mohammed’s picture. This action enkindled the annoyance of the Muslims to practically heap their venoms on Christians. Invariably, this fury was as a result of long history of religious imbroglios. Above all, the superiority-inferiority concept of religious belief must have been the backdrop of the action.

Beside this conflict between Muslims and Christians, there were also conflicts which had occurred between Christians and African traditional religionists. Some of them were also caused by individuals. Okwueze in Ozioko (2001:227) averred that:

In Alor – Uno about 1993; a middle-aged lady known as Ngozi Ero,

the founder and head of a certain group known as a Jehova Messiah

Hossana Alleluia Mission, in company of her youthful members

destroyed a powerful traditional shrine known as Adoro-Ero. This

was done just to dramatize the power she had acquired as a

Christian which surpasses those of the traditional gods.

From the above quotation, this is evidence of another disturbance of peace in the society by religion (Christianity). This is caused by religious idiosyncrasy like that of

Marwa. That is a show of religious superiority-inferiority syndrome. It is in relation to

“majority-minority” concept. Any social analyst will detect that the above religious crises 74 especially those ones between Christians and Muslims affect religio-political life of the

Nigerians.

Following from the fact that religious agenda is real in the influence of religio- political impact on Nigerian democracy, it is therefore an incontrovertible fact that religion has been in use in the affairs of the Nigerian nation. Another instance of the religio-political agenda was read in the newspaper during the period of writing the chapter of this work. Mama et al (2011:8) opined that:

Violence erupted in various parts of the north over results of last Saturday

election claiming several lives and property. The violence was reported in

various parts of Kaduna, Bauchi, Yobe, Niger, Borno. Jigawa and

Nasarawa State among others ….. It was learnt trouble started during the

last Muslim prayers (Maghrib) at about 7p.m when an Islamic cleric

reportedly told his congregation in mosque in Ungwa Rimi area of the

metropolis that Gen Buhari was being rigged out of the race.

The violent action revealed above is a concrete and clear picture of actions of some religious leaders. The action is scandalous and unnecessary distraction. According to Mama, the 2011 post election violence was born, nurtured and sponsored by a religious leader. The action started and kicked off by the congregation in the mosque through the engineering and flaming words by the Muslim cleric. It is not the intention of the researcher to expose the effect of this post election violence in this chapter, however much more harm has been recorded. The very clear point is that religion has been influencing Nigerian democracy very badly through violence and crises. Mama (2011:8) again reported that: “It was learnt that unspecified member of persons were burnt alive in 75 churches. In Sabon Gari, Zaria it was also learnt that not less than three churches …. In

Maiduguri… two churches were burnt etc.”

Mama has again exposed some effects of post election violence. The burning of churches and people inside the church worshipping, is an indication of hidden religious agenda. Otherwise, what did the people inside the church do that would have merited them being burned alive? This incident of man’s inhumanity to fellow man and to the

Nigerian society is in the extreme. The violence was caused by religious fanaticism, as perpetrated by the religious leaders. EyoBoka and Latona (2011:15) revealed that:

What they are just doing is taking advantage of political atmosphere to

create the impression that what we are witnessing is political and not

religious. If the problem is purely political, why are churches being burnt?

Why are southern youth corps members being targeted? Why are pastors

being killed? Why are Christians generally being hunted in different part of

the North to be killed? It is because the religious agenda is real and then is

religious undertone to all these crises in the North….

On this note, every Tom, Dick and Harry might have realized that religion has been influencing Nigerian society through crises and violence. It also saps the economy, hence, the reaction of the federal Military forces. The influences are both scientifically religious and scientifically political. The influences have both positive and negative implications. Another interesting package is the practical effects of religiosity on the

Nigerian society. 76

CHAPTER FOUR

THE IMPACT OF DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA

4.1 Political Impact of Democracy in Nigeria

The political set up of the Nigerian democracy is a tale of sweet and sour. Several governments and individuals contributed to the impacts which may be either creditable or incredulous. Prior to them was the formation of the Nigeria’s democratic state. This formation of democratic state was credited by the funding fathers: Herbert Macauly, Dr.

Nnamdi Azikiwe, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Belewa, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Ahmadu

Bello M.I. Okpara etc (cf Akpoyibo, S.E. Compiled).

In taking cognizance of the above assertions (that founding fathers were credited for the formation of the Nigeria’s democracy), Odeh (2007:31) averred that the overwhelming joy of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the first Prime Minister of the young

Nigeria as follows: “Today is Independence Day… Words cannot adequately express my joy and pride at being the Nigerian citizen priviledged to accept from Her Royal Highness these constitutional instruments which are the symbols of Nigeria’s independence”. This testimony again was in line with the momeries of Nwosu (2013:18) in Daily Sun of

Tuesday, October 1, 2013 as follows:

The Federation of Nigeria was granted full independence on this

day 1st October, 1960 under a constitution that provided for a

parliamentary government and a substantial measure of self

government for country’s three regions. Jaja Wachukwu (speaker)

received Nigeria’s instrument of Independence.

76 77

In the light of the above instances, the writer finds out that there was a lot of joy at the wake of Nigeria’s independence. But this joy did not last long. Some political crises erupted as a result of Tribalism. Orjiakor (1981:190) revealed that:

On October 1, 1964, in his independence anniversary broadcast Dr.

Nnamdi Azikiwe the President, challenged the whole country. He

asked. “Is Nigeria four years after Independence and a year after

becoming Republic, still a group of tribes or is it a nation?”

In the reflection of Azikiwe’s presidential address, the researcher opines that he has conveyed his fatherly ethical advice to the Nigerians. Orjiakor (1981:199) confirmed this opinion clearly when he wrote that “the president concluded by saying that if Nigeria must disintegrate, then in the name of God, let the operation be a short and painless one.

Let it not be featured by violence which we shunned during the dark days of our national humiliation” In a word, the founding fathers’ impact on Nigeria’s democracy was the political unity – the one Nigeria.

The Nigeria’s political unity (of one Nigeria) had continued to exist amidst more or less with some tribal bickering, political profiteering, nepotism, regionalism as well as ethno-religious crises until in 1966 when the military by Major Nzeogwu intervened.

Agwunobi (1992:3) revealed Nzeogwu’s first address:

Our enemies are the political profiteers, the men in high and low

places that seek bribes and demand ten percent, those that keep the

country divided so that they can remain in office as Ministers and

VIPS of waste…. Those who make us look big for nothing in the

international circles. We seized power to stamp out tribalism,

nepotism and regionalism. 78

The military coup d’etat of 15th January 1966 paved way for General Agui Ironsi.

Ali in Alemika et al (2002:86) noted that “The invitation has been accepted and 1,

General J.T.U. Agui Ironsi, the General Officer Commanding the Nigerian Army, have formally been invested with authority, as Head of the Federal Military government and

Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Forces”. The political development was the outbreak of the Nigerian civil war through which General Gowon was enthroned. Makozi

(1988:21) reported that:

He was overthrown in a counter coup d’etat on July 29 1966. Lt

Col. Yakubu Gowon was made the new head of the military

government with his administration lasting for nine years. He crated

the 12 states, changed our currency from pounds to Naira and

initiated the National Youth Service Corps programme.

In July 1975, another coup d’etat emerged with General Murtala Mohammed as the Military Head of State. According to Makozi (1988:23) General Murtala was installed as the third military head of the Federal Government. He created seven more states and formed the constitution drafting committee of 49 members. Shortly, he was assassinated.

Ali in Alemika et al (2002:88) stated that:

On 13th February 1976, General Murtala Mohammed was hacked

down by Lt. Col. Buka Suka Dimka’s coup, which later turned out

to be unsuccessful. General Olusegun Obasanjo later assumed the

mantle of leadership of Nigeria… 79

Consequent to the above, coup de etat, General Olusegun Obasanjo came to the scene of becoming the fourth military leader of the government of Nigeria. Makozi

(1988:23) reiterated that,

Continuing the work of General Murtala Mohammed, he (Obasanjo)

announced a political programme designed to return the country to

civil rule in 1979. A Constitutional Assembly was inaugurated to

work on the proposals of the Constitution Drafting Committee.

All things being equal, General Obasanjo acted as a man of his words. He handed over power to a democratically elected leader Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Odeh (2002:25) stated that: “He (Obasanjo) successfully handed over power to an elected government of

Shehu Shagari on October 1, 1979… Henceforth, he became a statesman to be reckoned with world-wide.”

The above stance was affirmed by Shaw et al (1984:np) when he wrote that Obasanjo, a former general, was admired for his stand against the Abacha dictatorship, his record of returning the federal government to civilian rule in 1979 and his claim to represent

Nigerians regardless of religion.

President Shehu Shagari, championed the second Republic (1979 – 1983).

Although Shagari lacked some moral courage, still he introduced some socio-political measures. Odeh (2007:73) testified that:

The practical results of most of his ventures – the Green Revolution

Scheme, and the Ethical Revolution programme – proved that

Shagari’s government was a lame duck as far as all the good

promises he made to the nation and the implementation of those 80

schemes were concerned. Shagari lacked the moral courage to

enforce the laudable decisions taken by his government….

All the same as a result of the failure of Shagari’s laudable decisions, the military struck again championed by General Buhari. Abdu in (2002:156) averred that: “Shagari introduced a stabilization policy in April 1982, the failure of this policy and the consequent overthrow of Shagari led to the introduction of of Austerity Measures by

General Buhari. The most far reaching was the introduction of Structural Adjustment

Programme (SAP) by General Babangida in 1986 after overthrowing Buhari’s government in a palace coup”.

In the same view, Agwunobi (1991) “stressed that:

Along with structural Adjustment Program (SAP) that has cautioned

us against wasteful spending, is the Directorate for Mass

Mobilization Social Justice, Self Reliance and Economic Recovery

(MAMSER) to intensity the economic and political awareness of

Nigerians towards the demands of a lasting democracy, the National

Electoral Commission (NEC) to eliminate massive rigging that has

characterized elections in Nigeria since her independence in 1960…

The above political features were credited to General Ibrahim Babangida.

Nonetheless, he was discredited for the annulment of the presidential election of 1993 of which almost the entire nation had described as free and fair. Odeh (2007:110) wrote that:

Having crowned his crimes against Nigeria and Nigerians with his

annulment of June 12 presidential election, it is possible that in

many centuries to come, Babangida’s name will remain 81

synonymous with all that is bad and ugly in the embattled political

history of our country.

The interim National Government as a result of the political crisis brought in the person of Chief Ernest Shonekon. However this interim government lasted only for three months when another military (Abacha) ousted him Shonekon. Ali in Alemika (2002:93) stated that, “the fall out of the declaration and the prevailing social unrest provided justification for Sani Abacha, an infantry general of the Nigerian Army to seize power from Ernest Shonekon.” This government of Sani Abacha was not welcomed by the

Nigerians owing to its uncontrollable tyranny. However he made some economic and political reforms. Paden in Becken et al (1997:247) recorded that “As we noticed earlier on October 1, 1995, General Abacha announced that a rotating power sharing formular had been approved and that the six zones would be designated as the basis for the next transition to civil rule.” Becken et al (1997:249) continues: “A six zone model of political culture in Nigeria includes the following components: (1) Emirate State, (2) Borno and

Environs, (3) Middle Belt Minorities (4) Yoruba States (5) Igbo States (6) Southern

Minorities.”

The above creation was referred to as six geo-political zones of North East, North

Central, North West, South East, South South and South West States in Nigeria. All things being equal, as a mortal, Abacha died and gave way. Lee (http://en/wikipedia.org) recorded that:

When Abacha died suddenly in June 1998, his successor, General

Abdulsalami Abubakar, freed political prisoners and implemented a

new constitution based on that of 1979, with a strong president and 82

bicameral legislature. The Federal Structure was retained, though

the of states had by this time grown to 36 states.

The government of General Abdulsalami Abubakar was considerably good to Nigerian democracy for its democratic spirit. Ali in Alemika et al (2002:94-95) stated that:

On the assumption of office by General Abdulsalami Abubakar, he

promised a hand over of government to a democratic government on

29th May, 1999. The government established the Independent

Electoral Commission (INEC) under the leadership of the late Jurist,

Hon. Justice Ibukun Akpata, who admirably conducted the affairs of

the body which culminated in the swearing in of President Olusegun

Obasanjo as the executive president of the country at the Eagle

Square, Abuja on May 29, 1999.

Obasanjo’s administration was credited for so many achievements economically, socially and politically. Adigun et al (2006:1) stated that:

It’s economic reform program has won the qualified praise of the

International Monetary Fund (IMF); civil liberties, freedom of the

press and an independent media are much improved…. The

durability of civilian rule since 1999 and the rejection of the third

term constitute unprecedented achievements.

Taking cognizance of the above instance means that the Nigerian National

Assembly deserved a pat for its achievement for rejecting the constitutional amendments that would have allowed the president to run for a third term in office. Consequent to the defeat of this third term there was another democratic election which brought in Umaru

Yar’Adua and into the seat of presidency and Vice Presidency 83 respectively. Shaw et al (1984) noted that “in the 2007 general election, Umaru Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan, both of the people’s Democratic Party, were elected President and Vice President respectively.” Majority of the social analysts were of the opinion that the election had some flaws. Ploch (2008:np) hinted that: “The new president conceded in his inaugural speech that the electoral process was flawed, and has appointed a panel of government officials, former judges, and civil society representatives to recommend changes to the country’s electoral institutions.” The researcher hereby asserts that

Yar’Adua reviewed both the electoral institutions and some privatization polices. Plock

(2008:np) reiterated that:

In response to the strike, Yar’Adua reduced the price hike and

announced a review of privatization deals on two of the countries

refineries. He has also voiced commitments to countering corruption

and restructuring the countries oil and gas industry.

Shortly, Yar’Adua died of protracted illness leaving the mantle of governance to

Goodluck Jonathan – his vice. President Goodluck Jonathan has earned to himself myriads of political and socio-economic achievements. However, the major imparts are contained in his “Transformation Agenda”. The Editorial of Daily Sun Tuesday June

(2013:42) among other subjects highlighted that:

“Federal Government created the Subsidy Reinvestment Programme (SURE – P), and the Government Borrowing is declining with annual Borrowing falling from $852

Billion in 2011 to $588 Billion in 2013; and above all there is the reinenforcement of the security personnel as the Joint Task Force (JTF)”. The aforementioned ventures are his major socio-political impacts in the current Nigerian democracy. Also the Goodluck’s administration has credited to itself the real political life to the military and greater 84 respect for rule of law to the entire state. Editorial of Daily Sun of Wednesday May 29

(2013:53) made this clearer as follows:

It is good that we have been able to sustain this troubled democracy

for 14 years without any intervention by the military. This suggests

that the Nigerian military has, at last, embraced democratic ethos

and hopefully irrevocably subordinated itself to civilian rule.

Another important political impact of president Goodluck’s administration is on the Amendment of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He signed it into law on the 4th Day of March, 2011 (cf 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of

Nigeria with Amendment p. XLI) Koyi (2013:5) testified to this statement when he asserted that:

The Senator Ike Ekweremadu – led constitution Review Committee

(CRC) recommended that section 29(4) (b) which states that, any

woman who is married, shall be deemed to be of full age’ be deleted

from the constitution.

Similarly, President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration responded positively to the Review of Electoral Act. Okoro (2011:9) stated that: “The Independent National

Electoral Commission (INEC)… has advocated for the urgent revolutionary review of some provisions of the Electoral Act with regrd to the operations of the commission.”

Obani (2011:np) confirmed this statement when he said that:

A great landmark of our political progress is the signing of the

electoral act into law. The slogan “one man, one vote” is now

resonating in every corner of t he country and for the first time we

have a member of a minority tribe, not just being the president but 85

also the favourite for the coming election. Governance has now

been demystified as the presidents of this great nation actually

communicates with presidents his citizens through the medium of

face book.

On this note, too, Obani (2011:np) indicated that “A new Independent National

Electoral Commission Chairman (Prof. Atahiri Jega) with remarkable curriculum vitae has been appointed and funds have been released, to aid him in fulfilling his duties.”

Aligned to Electoral Reform was Police Reform. Onuorah (2011:10) averred that:

To solve the problem of insecurity in the country, there is need for

police reforms which should witness increase in police pay package,

other remunerations and then getting them well equipped. Most of

these criminals are graduates. Get them recruited into the police and

pay them well and see whether the issue of insecurity will not drop

to its lowest ebb.

The political impact of democracy during the reign of Goodluck attains its climax in the setting up of the Nigeria’s National Conference (Confab). Uche (2013:20) stated that, “President Goodluck Jonathan,… in his 53rd independence day anniversary speech agreed to set up a committee to articulate the modalities for a national dialogue or conference.” This means bringing democracy to grassroot of the country.

Quite noticeably, majority of Nigerian citizens feel elated in recognition of

President Goodluck’s excellent performances in the political arena. Editorial of Sun,

Thursday, May 1, 2014 testified that:

A vote of confidence was passed on Mr. President and Commander-

in-Chief of the Armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 86

His Excellency, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GCFR for this

transparent Government, stabilization of the National Economy and

his effort in fighting terrorism and the menace of

insurgency in the country. The forum joined all well-meaning

Nigerians in calling on Mr. President to step forward and re-contest

in 2015.

Above all, the over all political impacts of democracy are summarized in the continuous achievement of unity and one Nigeria. Editorial of Daily Sun Tuesday,

October 1 (2013:19) confirmed this stance when he claimed that:

After about 14 years of return to democracy, we have not only

successfully transited from one civilian government to another, one

elections seem to have become more credible with every new poll.

Above all, the fact that, in spite of all the upheavals and

shortcomings, Nigeria has remain one country, without breaking up,

is something to celebrate.

From the foregoing, the political impacts of democracy in Nigeria are myriads and evidently acknowledged. There have been considerable positive impacts in spite of some pitfalls and corruptions which some governments engendered in the society.

4.2 Educational Impact of Democracy in Nigeria

Education is the bedrock for nation building. The government of Nigeria is to a certain extent acknowledges the relevance of education. Dike (2013:39) quoted what an

Indian educationist said about Nigeria that “the standard of education in Nigeria cannot be improved unless Nigerian leaders and policy makers anchor their programmes on long term vision”. In lieu of this policy making the , Goodluck Jonathan, 87 decreed as put down in editorial (2013:44) that “the policy, for Nigeria’s education, focus here is to get 10.5 million ‘OUT-OF-SCHOOL’ Children “IN SCHOOL’ and improve

Quality of Education and access at all levels. Government has a long way to go but the journey has begun”. This education policy shows that Nigeria’s government has made some effort in education sector. Ejembi (2013:37) stated that “the Senate Committee on

Education has restated its commitment to enhance the educational future of the Nigerian child so as to make them future leaders.”

Still on children’s education, Obalonye (2014:5) highlighted that:

The Federal Government has begun the safe school initiative with

an initial N32 billion and with support from the private sector to

ensure a safer school environment for children… The initiative will

take off in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States which have suffered

worst terrorist attacks and are currently under state of emergency.

Following the same trend, Onyekachi (2013:37) wrote that, “The Lagos State

Government has made known its intention to train and develop children to become worthy leaders and nation builders even as school kids.”

The Federal Government has made some strides to create a new leaf in education sector. This new leaf is witnessed in the establishment of the Almajiri Education.

Omolehim (2013:45) wrote that:

April last year, President Goodluck Jonathan commissioned what

was the first model boarding primary school at Gagi village in

Sokoto South Local Council of the State. It was aimed, the president

said, at providing equal access to basic education to all Nigerian 88

children; education that fits into the modern, technology-driven

wold. It was meant to give qualitative education to Almagirai.

According to Bobby et al (2013:30), Almagirai are “itinerant boys from age four who roam about with plastic plates hanging on their necks. They are found mainly on roadsides around food vendors, eagerly waiting to scoop remains of food from plates in the absence of ready buyers.” From Omolehim, the government of Sokoto State is currently spending about N15 million monthly on the less than 900 pupils at its Almajiri

Integrated Boarding School.

Nwakaudu (2013:36) confirmed this government venture when he wrote that

“Almagiris is one of the key promises that President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan has kept in this term of office.” According to Nwakaudu, Almagiris constitute over nine out of the estimated 10.5 million Nigerian children who are out of school. At present the nation has the highest in the world.

It is interesting to note that the curricular for amagiri education was combined with Western education. Omolehin (2013:47) testified that:

There is a good number of pupils not only from rural areas but also

from within the town whose parents are well-to-do. This is because

the curriculum was blended with Western education such that it has

a bit surpassed what is taught in conventional primary school.

In agreement to blending Western education with Islamic education, Onyekachi

(2013:43) revealed that Sheikh Muhammed Mansur appraised the idea that Western education built on solid Islamic foundation is a step towards building virile future leaders.

In acknowledging the government’s effort, Zadok (2012:43) said that The National 89

Universities Commission (NUC) has given provisional license of operation to the

Nigerian Police Academy, Kano, to function as a degree awarding institution.

On a more interesting note, Editorial of Daily Sun, Tuesday (2013:44) highlighted that Federal Government “Awarded a total of 102 Presidential Special Scholarships for

Innovation and Development (PRESSID) to beneficiaries for training in top 25

Universities in the world; and focusing on vocational training for plumbers, carpenters and Technicians”. The Federal Government scholarship award was confirmed by the

Editorial (2014:15) when he wrote that “the Supervising Minister of Education, Chief

Ezenwo Nwike, hereby invites applications from qualified Nigerian Students in Nigerian public tertiary institutions to participate in the 2013/2014 selection interviews for scholarship awards tenable in Nigerian tertiary institutions”. (Daily Sun, Tuesday June

10, 2014).

Along the same trend, Government has made effort to provide educational facilities. Odogwu (2013:57) wrote that “Anambra state Governor, Peter Obi yesterday distributed 100 vehicles to secondary schools”. Also Uchendu (2012:42) commended

Enugu State governor Chime for providing new buses to schools in Enugu State. Again,

Uyo (2014:39) stated that “The Nigerian Communication Commission has donated 110 laptop computers to the Akwa Ibom State Polytechnic as part of its Advanced Digital

Awareness Programme for Tertiary Institutions.

The educational impact of democracy during the military regime of General

Obusegun Obasanjo and General Ibrahim Babangida needed to be reflected. Jimoh

(2004:np) reported that “General Olusegun Obasanjo declared on September 6, 1976, that primary education was free nationally. It remained so until 1976 when civilian administration took over from the military government.” Again Jimoh reiterated that ‘In 90

1993, General Ibrahim Babangida, the leader of the Nigerian military government at that time, established the National Primary Education Commission to over see for the general operation of primary education in the country and make recommendations to the Federal

Government.

More importantly in 1982, the Federal Government made a profound reform in education sector. Amaele,s (2004:np) Stressed that:

The implementation of the 6-3-3-4 system of education began

gradually and peace meal. The secondary stage (3-3) did not start

until 1982 and it continued piecemeal.

Another important educational impact of democracy in Nigeria is felt in tertiary institutions. The Nigerian government really exhibited very profoundly her educational impact of democracy on the tertiary institutions. This was improved very greatly especially from 1970’s.

It is written in (http://getguide.blogspot.com/2008/08) that:

Nigeria is organized into 36 states and a Federal Capital Territory

(FCT) in Abuja. As a result of the oil boom years of the 1970s,

tertiary education was expanded to reach every subregion of

Nigeria. The federal government and the state governments were

previously the only bodies licensed to operate universities.

Recently, licenses have been granted to individuals, corporate

bodies and religions bodies to establish private universities in the

country. The National Universities commission (NUC) is the major

accreditation body that enforces uniform standard and sets

admissions capacity of every University in Nigeria. 91

The above written statements were confirmed in

(http://www.google.com.ng/url?q=http://) with these words:” When the commission

(NUC) was reconstituted in 1974, its scope of activities was broadened. The primary objective of the commission is to ensure the orderly development of University education in Nigeria and to maintain its high standard.” It is interesting to note that with assistance of the Federal Government of Nigeria and with the approval of the Nigerian University

Commission, the number of Nigerian universities and other tertiary institution has grown up. This number was testified in (org/downbads/CODAPNU-DAS-PAPER-2.doc) as follows:

In 2010, the Federal Government approved the take off of nine

federal universities in states that previously had no federal

university, bringing to a total, the present number of universities in

Nigeria to 117, consisting of 36 federal universities, 36 state

universities and 45 private universities.

It suffices to note that this National Universities Commission (NUC) takes into account a number of considerations such as academic accreditation, development of infrastructure, funding of education and other important education capacities. Also the colleges of education and Technical Schools are included in the administrative areas of the National University Commission (NUC).

The Nigerian government also included the caring of teachers into its programme.

Aginam (2014:16) reported that “Dr Aminu Sharehu, the Director – General of the

National Teachers’ Institute, NTI, yesterday, said that the institute would soon commence 92 degree programmes for teachers. This teachers’ training progromme was confirmed by

Mgboh (2013:38) when he revealed that:

Kano State government has signed a Memorandum of

Understanding, (MOU) with the Association for the Development of

Education in Africa, ADEA, for education development. The deal

will provide a framework for collaboration in respect of teacher and

school leadership development, skills development, ICT integration

into education and provision of books and learning materials among

others.

It is interesting to note also that Nigerian government has diversified educational programmes. Dike (2013:37revealed that:

The commissioner for Education, Rivers State, Dame Alice

Lawrence Nemi, opened the 15th Education Conference of the

German skilled crafts sector in Berlin. The conference deals on the

exports of vocational education and training, the strengths of the

German dual training system and the recruitment skill employee.

This diversification of educational programmes extended to the school of

Aeronautics, Aircraft and other engineering Uzor (2014:38) averred that, “the Federal government of Nigeria has commenced the construction of ultra-modern school of

Aeronautics and Aircraft maintenance Engineering as part of new policy in education sector in Anambra State.” According to Uzor, the former Minster of Aviation, Mrs Stella

Odua, said that the project was aimed at inculcating practical and technical knowledge to the students of the Federal Polytechnic Oko. 93

More importantly, the Federal Government of Nigeria commissioned other area of vocational institution. John (2014:11) said that:

President Goodluck Jonathan is expected to commission the

maritime University on May 10 in Delta State, according to the

Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA).

According to John (2014:11) “The university will provide the human capacity required for the maritime sector in addition to serving as a research and knowledge centre.” Generally (http://getguide.blogspot.com) asserts that: “the National Universities

Commission takes into account a number of considerations such as academic accreditation, development of infrastructure, funding of education and academic freedom in establishing the delicate balance of quality and quanitity in university education delivery.”

4.3 Impact of Democracy on Information and Communication Technology (ICT)

Nigeria, in joining other developed countries, deviced a new reform for

Information and Communication Technology (ICT). This Information and

Communication Technology sector among the top priorities in the Transformation

Agenda of President Goodluck Jonathan. The Editorial of Sun, Tuesday June 11,

(2013:44) wrote that ‘Government created for the first time a new Ministry of

Communication Technology to champion Reforms in the sector.” On account of this reform, access to internet has increased. In responding to the reform in this educational sector, Agbota (2014:43) hinted that, “The Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural

Development (FMARD) has identified information and communication (ICT) professionals as critical stakeholders in achieving the nation’s Agricultural

Transformation Agenda (ATA)”. 94

In line with the Federal Government, the states’ governments also diversified this

ICT reforms into different sectors of ministry. From Unamka (2013:27);

The Anambra State government has engaged Cinfores

Limited to power its education system. This became

necessary to enable the state government to adopt

Information Communication Technology (ICT) through the

deployment of e-learning solutions and other ICT’s to help

overcome some of the challenges of the sector.

In the same vein, the Editorial of Daily Sun of Monday October 14 (2013:10) testified that, “The Rivers Commissioner for information and communications, Mrs Ibim, said on Friday that the State Government would reposition its media houses to enhance their efficiency. As a follow up, too, the Nigerian Customs. Service regarded this information communication Technology sector as a necessity. This is why they establish this sector in an extraordinary way. Usim (2014:58) averred that:

Better days await stake holders in the import chain as the

Nigerian Customs Service (NCS) recently commissioned

Ultra-modern Information Communication Technology

(ICT) centre at its Apapa command.

Consequent to Government’s reform and encouragement to boost the Information

Communication Technology, some big firms and companies emerged to sustain society through the platform of ICT. Okoduwa (2014:55) indicated that:

Thibaud Weick, Group Chief Commercial Officer, Smile

communications Nigeria, is a strong advocate of internet

technology. His company provides the 49 LTE service, running on 95

the 800 megahertz frequency, which he argues would soon become

the only network of choice for millions of internet users in Nigeria

and else where in Africa.

Omite differently, the Federal government in a bid to combat the under- representation of female gender in the society initiated the “gender – based budgeting

ICT. It is written in (http://www.technicabal.com/nigerian.ict-adoption-improve-

1000girls-ict) that:

Growing girls and women in Nigeria (GWIN) is the gender-based

budgeting initiative launched, last year, by the Federal Government

of Nigeria to combat the issue of under-representation of women in

viable career sectors, and to empower women socially and

economically via ICT’s with a view to reducing the technology

gender divide.

With the above policy, the ICT gender inequality will be solved.

4.4 Social Impact of Democracy in Nigeria

According Gadsby (2001:1365), “the word social concerns human society or quality of people’s lives”. These include social issue like: Health, unemployment and education, security, habits and other social trends etc. It is the interest of the researcher to assert that the Nigerian government at all levels have some considerable impacts on the lives of the society. The prime experience of the impact is on the issue of Health services.

The writer notes that Federal Government established the National Health Insurance

Scheme. Emewu (2013:27) stated that:

In the past seven years, the National Health Insurance Scheme

(NHIS) has been in operation charting new courses to market a 96

policy never known to Nigerians before. Today, the acting

Executive Secretary of the project, Dr. Abdulrahman Sambo, in his

interview with Daily Sun, revealed plans to stretch the project to

include all states, local governments and private sector employees.

He said with time, the NHIS would adopt roles to cover even the

self employed and private citizens through community mobilization.

The health-care insurance scheme offered by the federal government is really the most interesting area for sharing democratic dividends to reach Tom, Dick and Harry.

Emewu (2013) revealed that the Director of the project, Sambo, said that they have been able to reach out to people to get them understand the concept and value of health insurance. This government policy (free medical treatment) was in agreement with action of the Kogi State government. The Editorial of Sun Friday August, 23 (2013:10) stated that:

Mr. Mohammed Abubakar, the Chairman of the Board of Federal

Medical Centre, Lokoja, on Thursday commended the Kogi State

Government on its free medical scheme for rural dwellers.

Abubakar gave the commendation on Thursday when he led

members of the Board on a courtesy visit to Governor Idris Wada.

Again, Nigerian Government at all levels assisted to alleviate the societal problems. The problem of unemployment takes priority. Obateru et al (2013:48) revealed that:

Chairman, Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme,

SURE – P Chief Christopher Kolade, has disclosed that the

Graduate Internship Scheme, GIS, of the programme target to 97

recruit atleast 50,000 unemployed graduates in 36 states of the

Federation and FCT in one year.

The Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE – P) is the brain child of the current President – Goodluck Jonathan. The policy is yielding good democratic dividends to the society. This is in line with the observation of Komolafe et al

(2013:54)

For NECA, every action, policy and decision of government should

have job creation as target, to address unemployment crisis in the

country. Today, teeming population of our youths are unemployed.

This is indeed a scary reality – a ticking time bomb, which, if we

fail to defuse as quickly as possible, may erode whatever semblance

of social harmony and stability that is left of our polity.

The Federal Government cares for both food products and drug administrations within the country. On this note, the government established the agency that is responsible for this area. The agency is called the National Agency for Food and Drug

Administration and Control (NAFDAC). Osazuwa (2014:38) stated that:

Towards ensuring safety in consumption of drugs and other related

products, the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration

and Control (NAFDAC), has partnered Health Canada to train staff

on International best practices.

This agency takes control and regulates the administration of drug and other food products both from foreign countries and the products produced within the country. 98

Another social impact of democracy creditable to Nigerian government at all levels is the provision of housing to some Nigerians especially the civil servants.

Aidoghie (2014:7) asserted that:

The Federal Government said yesterday it would provide houses for

millions of Nigerians. This is even as it called on the private sector,

to as part of their Corporate Social Responsibility, provide houses

for their workers…. The focus of this year’s OSRBN roundtable is

the provision of affordable new homes for Nigerians through the

development of a master plan, for sustainable housing delivery.

In the same vein, the Editorial of Daily Sun of Thursday, Dec, 10 noted that “the out going Director, General of Resort savings and loans Plc, said that the Bank is currently sourcing offsore loan to undertake real estate development in prime areas of the country”. In pursuance of this policy adequately, Oyesola (2014:58) revealed that:

At one-day interactive session on the re-integration of Nigerian

workers into the National Housing Fund (NHF) scheme organized

by the Nigeria. Employers Consultive Association (NECA), it was

revealed that according to the World Bank Millennium

Development Goal (MDG), Nigeria would need at least 720,000

housing units per year to meet the target.

Next in importance concerning the social welfare of the people is the Pension

Reform. Mama (2007:21) stated that, “President Obasanjo undertook the pension reforms of the civil workers. This assertion is backed with the highlights of the Editorial of Daily

Sun of Friday August 23 (2013:10) when he wrote that: 99

The Ebonyi State government on Thursday expressed its willingness

to reposition the state civil service for a quality workforce…. We

are pursuing our vision of raising a civil service that is professional,

dynamic, innovative and technologically sensitive.

The welfare caring by the government was explicitly made manifest in the action of the governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi. Onwuchekwa (2013:7) averred that,

“Governor Peter Obi has distributed 58 brand new cars to directors in the state service.”

Governor Obi said it was in fulfillment of his earlier promise and demonstration of his commitment to encourage and motivate workers. “Again Layi (2013:14) indicated that:

Local government council pensioners, under the aegis of the Local

Government Pensioners’ Association of Nigeria (LGPAN), Kwara

State Chapter have demanded the immediate implementation of

their upward reviewed salaries.

In line with the views as presented above, Ezeani in Asobie (2005:125) confirmed that “many reforms have been carried out by successive governments in Nigeria with the aim of making the civil service result oriented and responsive to the needs of the generality of Nigerian population.

Another relevant area of governments’ impact on Nigeria’s democracy is the welfare of citizens who were affected by flood and erosion. This was as a result of erosion menace. Mernyi (2013:26) indicated that:

Minister of Environment, Mrs. Hadiza Ibrahim Mailafia, last week

said government has earmarked the sum of N79 billion to reduce the

vulnerability of erosion in the country, with particular reference to

the South Eastern erosion menace. The minister also disclosed that 100

about 64 erosion and flood control projects being executed national

wide are at various stages of completion across the country as part

of government’s transformation agenda.

However, inspite of the aforementioned positive impacts, the author states that the top challenge to Nigeria’s democracy is the bane of corruption. It will not be overstatement to say that corruption has eaten deep into the fabrics of majority of

Nigerians. Opera (2012:20) states that “Few days ago, Transparency International came out with a damning report to the effect that Nigeria is the 35th most corrupt country on earth. This was coming on the heels of a Gallup poll that placed Nigeria as the second most corrupt nation in the world. Owing to this level of corruption in Nigeria, Nwosu

(2013:40) stated that, “a cleric has decried the spate of corruption and suffering in

Nigeria, calling on the government to work towards easing the many problems citizens of this country go through”.

In answering this call (to curtail bane of corruption in the society), Nigerian leaders made some decrees. Dike (2000:np) stressed that:

Then, General Buhari clobbered Nigerians with his horsewhip

branded the ‘war against indiscipline council (WAIC), without

success. Now the current civilian administration of President

Olusegun Obasanjo has instituted an Independence Corrupt

Practices Commission (ICPC), which seems to have power only

over the corrupt poor.

The above decree was confirmed by Odeh (2005:67) with the saying that, “in the year 2000, Obasanjo demonstrated to the entire world in every remarkable way that he 101 was truly determined to rid Nigeria of corruption when he signed into law the Corrupt

Practices and other Related Offences Act, 2000”. In the same view, Odeh (2005:67) reiterated that:

after he (Obasanjo) had been sworn in for the second term, he felt

that there was need to convince us that the bulldozer entrusted with

responsibility of pulling down and crushing the walls of corruption

in the country was still at work. Hence, he set up the Economic and

Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), headed by Nuhu Ribadu and

the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences,

Commission (ICPC) headed by Justice Mustapha Akanbi.

All said and done, the researcher attests that the Nigeria’s democratic leaders have tried to rid Nigerian society off the bane of corruption. But it seems that much more effort is still needed.

4.5 Economic Impact of Democracy in Nigeria

According to Gadsby (2001:440), “Economy is the system by which the country’s goods and money are produced and used.” Broadly speaking, economy is the life wire of every society. Economically and naturally, Nigeria is mostly blessed among the countries in Africa. According to Anumike (2014:49)

The rebased GDP members imply that the level of economic

activity is much higher than previously reported, indicating a

clearer picture of Nigeria’s economic landscape and the

significant opportunity for growth and wealth creation in the

Nigerian economy… Nigerians have worked hard to make 102

our economy the largest in Africa and they should be proud

of the feat.

The above assertion is addressed clearly by Ploch (2008:np) when he said that

“Nigeria has the second largest economy in Africa and generates over $47 billion a year in oil and other revenue, and yet many of its people are among the continents poorest.

According to USAID, 70% of Nigerians live on less than $1 per day and the average life expectancy is only 47 years. Along the same line, Amodu (2014:8) stated that “Jim Yong

Kim has declared that Nigeria was among the world’s extremely poor countries. All the same, it is truism that Nigeria is supposed to be rated the country with economic balance.” In view of the pursuance of this economic balance, the current Federal

Government of Nigeria led by President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, posited that His

“Transformation Agenda” of which economic sector is at the center. Ukaegbu (2013:46) averred that: “Every Nigeria is happy about the on going economic Transformation of

Nigeria and one of the president Goodluck Jonathan’s Transformation Agenda is centered on non-oil exports.”

A key sector in this Transformation Agenda is witnessed in the Financial Sector

Reforms. The editorial of Daily Sun (2013:42) highlighted that:

Clean up of the Banking System is complete as evidenced

by the following facts: All 24 Banks are now fully stable and

capitalized; Non-performing loans have fallen to 5%; But not

enough lending is going on at affordable interest rates so far

government is Restructuring existing DFI’s to get in private

sector capital.

The above highlight exemplifies the true efficient public financial management. It is experienced in the merging of Banks. More importantly, in this Financial Sector 103

Reforms, the Central Bank of Nigeria introduced the cashless Policy Economy. This cashless policy is evidenced in Kaduna State. Alabelewe (2014:14) noted that:

The Kaduna State Branch controller of the Central Bank of

Nigeria (CBN), Alhaji Mohammed Gusau, has said that the

cash-less policy introduced by the Apex, Bank of Nigeria

which was successfully launched bank of Nigeria which was

successfully launched in Lagos in 2012, had yielded

appreciable progress.

According to Alabelewe (2014), the cashless policy was expected among others, to reduce the cost of banking services, drive financial inclusion, reduce risks associated with cash handling and enable more transparency in payments. As it stands as at this year

2014, many states have embarked on the policy. This assertion was in line with a tip off by Ogbonna (2012:47) when he wrote that:

Barring any last minute change of policy and strategy, the

Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) may begin nationwide

implementation of its cashless banking policy before the end

of the third quarter of this year, ahead of the December 31,

2012 deadline earlier set for the project.

More importantly, in other to checkmate much spending during democratic elections, the Central Bank of Nigeria decreed a “Cash Reserve System.” Anumihe et al

(2013:52) gave some tips that: Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) yesterday reviewed its

Cash Reserve Requirement (CRR) for public sector deposits in banks to 50 percent from

12 percent.” Reflecting on this policy, the researcher asserts that the Nigerian government has done a great job of controlling random spending in her economy. The cashless policy and cash reserved system tally with the saying of Nnorom (2014:24) that “financial literacy is crucial to Nigeria’s economic growth.” 104

The Nigerian Federal Government also devised the means of stabilizing her economy through recovering of debts and other related stealing monies. Uche (2012:47) disclosed that:

The Federal Airport Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) has

expressed its readiness to seek the assistance of various anti-

graft agencies like the Economic and Financial Crimes

Commission (EFCC) and the independent corrupt practices

and other Related Offenses Commission (ICPC) to recover

its N22 billion, standing as debts by various establishments.

In the same bid to stabilize the Nigeria’s economy, the World Bank gave her assistance for the growth of economic sector. Adigun (2012:49) stated that:

The World Bank has so far invested $4.2 billion on projects

in various sectors of the nations economy, just as it deployed

financial information management system to help the Federal

Government stem the rising cases of fraud and corruption in

the country.

Similar to the financial provision of the World Bank was the credit facilities of which the Central Bank of Nigeria launched. According to Chidiebere (2013;21), “The

Central Bank of Nigeria, on 15 August, 2013, launched a N220 billion fund to be distributed to micro, small and medium seal finance institutions at 9% interest rate.”

Really the launch of this intervention fund has ushered in a new economic renaissance in the financial sector of the country.

On a more serious note, Nigeria has been engaged in trade bi-lateral relations with various countries. This has also improved the state’s economy. The great giant of

Nigeria’s partner in this foreign relation is United States of America. Aidoghie (2014:42) averred that: “The bilateral ties between Nigeria and Canada witnessed another growth 105 last week with the signing of the Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection

Agreement.”

On another note, the Federal Government has cast its commitment toward alleviating unemployment problems in the country. She creates opportunities not only for investment but as well as skill acquisition strategies. Onyejiuwa (2014:52) backs this affirmation when he stated that,”

The Federal Government has reiterated her commitment

towards youth empowerment as a means of ensuring

sustainable economic development… The Deputy Speaker of

House of Representatives, Emeka Iledioha has reiterated his

commitment to empower the youths to rediscover and

acquire skills that would help them create wealth, become

reliant for industrial growth of the nation and poverty

eradication.

This empowerment programme was again felt in the new policy, “Running with vision of job creation, of the new Central Bank of Nigeria – Emefiele. Ogbonna (2014:58) commended CBN governor’s focus to reduce the bloated unemployment rate which he said that was so detrimental to the economy. This venture of ensuring sustainable economic development tallies with the decline of food price experienced in the year 2012.

Adigun (2012;49) wrote that, “The decline in the global prices of food was due to increased supplies, prolonged fall in global demand, and uncertain global economic prospects and US Dollar appreciation.

From the foregoing, the researcher finds out that the Nigerian government has done a lot in improving economic sector. Anumihe (2014:49) affirmed this stance when he wrote that: 106

Nigeria was at the weekend ranked the largest economy on

the African continent and 26th largest in the world with new

Gross Domestic Products (GDP) of $453, 66.81 billion as

against the 1990 GDP of $258, 555.58 billion.

Counting on the foregoing findings, one will attest that though Nigeria has not yet attained her maximum impact in the economic sector, however, some degrees of impacts have been achieved.

4.6 Impact of Democracy on Infrastructure

The level of infrastructural development in a country determines to a large extent the quality of life of the society. This means that infrastructure is the life wire in the society. Gadsby (2001:730) was of the opinion that infrastructure “are the basic systems and structures that a country of organization needs in order to work properly.” The basic infrastructures include: transport communications, banking systems, housing estates,

Hospital, roads, power sector, bridges, and water etc. Infrastructures are of utmost necessities in the country. Adeboboye (2014:43) indicated that:

Without the infrastructure, Lagos cannot function properly,

serve its increasing number of inhabitants or compete in a

global scale. The roads and bridges that we build will

connect businesses to their markets, people to jobs, the sick

to the hospitals and lighten the fabrics of the family unit. The

water works we provide will deliver a reliable, usable water

supply that support our health and well-being and that our

families. The power solutions we put in place must provide

the electricity we need to grow our businesses, do our jobs,

educate our children and live our lives. 107

The above assertion about the necessity of infrastructure in Lagos was made by the commission for works and infrastructure under Babatunde Fashola, the governor of

Lagos State. these statements were affirmed by Ugbo, the National Planning Commission.

Okoro (2013:52) wrote that:

Ugbo, the Executive Secretary of National Planning… said

infrastructure was a key driver of economic growth and

development as well as an enables of competitiveness. The

executive secretary disclosed further that Nigeria now spends

about $10 billion annually on infrastructure… adding that

benefits expected from National Integrated Infrastructure

Master Plan (NIIMP) included “enhanced economic growth

and enabling environments for investors etc.

In interpreting the highlights of Ugbo, it means that Nigerian government has already executed her master plan for country’s basic infrastructure. Okoro has also hinted that Nigeria would require about $2.9 trillion to close her infrastructure gap in the next 30 years.

In the same direction of economic growth and development by the Federal government, the States’ governments were not left out. Nnadi (2013:10) averred that:

In a similar development, Obi also presented a check of N30

million to the Chikason Group, Nnewi for the reconstruction

of the Chikason Road Governor Obi said the gesture was

part of his promises to always support and encourage

industrialist in the through provision of key infrastructural

facilities such as access road to their industries to grow and 108

expand their businesses to create more employment

opportunities.

Another area of infrastructural development worthy of mentioning is in the

Aviation sector. In this regard, laudable credit should be reserved to Federal Government.

Uche (2012:48) agrees to this assertion when he wrote that:

Nigeria’s quest to migrate from terrestrial air navigation to a

satellite based navigation system, also known as

Performance Based Navigation (PBN), received a landmark

success at the weekend when two foreign airlines test-flew

the new approach procedures with pilots landing successfully

at the Lagos and Kano airports.

Really the satellite based navigation system is a big development for Nigerian democracy. Uche termed it “a great achievement in the current drive of transforming the nation’s aviation industry by the Federal Government. In the same vein, Ukaegbe et al

(2011:47) noted that:

Minister of Aviation, Mrs Fidelia Akuabata has said that all

airports in the country will benefit from the expansion of

Apron and perimeter fencing currently being embarked upon

by the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN).

According to Ukaegbu, the expansion of the apron will provide adequate parking space and taxiway for aircrafts using the airport hence the aircraft traffic has been on the increase since the inception of the Federal Capital Territory. Really these navigation system and expansion policy obviously improved the Nigerian Aviation Sector. 109

Next in importance among the impacts of democracy on infrastructure is the road construction network. In this regard, the editorial of Daily Sun (2012:7) 31, 2012 wrote that:

The Federal Government yesterday, asserted the people of

Anambra that N18 billion has been approved from the

SURE-P fund for the rehabilitation of the Onitsha – Enugu

Road. This is even as he disclosed that the procurement for

the second Niger Bridge has been for the past 10 months…

and recently the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved

transaction adviser for the project.

This venture of commissioning second Niger Bridge was affirmed by

Onwuchekwa (2012:7) when he wrote that President Goodluck Jonathan yesterday assured the people of Anambra State that he would deliver on the second Niger Bridge as promised during his election campaign.” This venture was also confirmed by Maduka

(2014:54) as he rightly put it down:

In February this year, the minister of works, Mr Mike

Onolememen, had disclosed in Abuja that N117 billion

would be spent to construct the 2nd Niger Bridge. This

followed President Jonathans flag off on March 10, the

construction of 2nd Niger Bridge linking Asaba in Delta

State with Onitsha in Anambra State.

In testifying to the above further, Editorial of Vanguard (2014:17) wrote that:

I have come, as your President, to flag-off this vital bridge

project, in order to move that solemn pledge I made in 2011 110

from sincere promise to concrete reality. The 2nd Niger

Bridge, whose foundation we are laying today represents a

strategic national infrastructure, with great socio-economic

prospects for contiguous states, and indeed for the entire

nation. (Vanguard Wednesday March 19, 2014).

Aligne to Bridge construction commissioning was the commissioning of the River

Niger Port. The Editorial of daily Sun Friday, August (2012:7) once disclosed that

“President Goodluck Jonathan yesterday officially commissioned the Onitsha River Port complex, Anambra State which cost N4.6 billion.” He said that Jonathan promised to accomplish his campaign promises and that they would affect all critical sectors of the economy.

Another giant stride of impact of democracy on infrastructure is that of industrial sector. Both Federal and state governments, boost Nigeria’s macro and minor industries.

The government establishes as well as encourages institutions and entrepreneurs. An example of Federal owned established industry is that of National Shipping industry,

Uche (2014:55) stated that: “The Nigerian Maritime Administration and safety Agency

(NIMASA) has revealed that a new national shipping line will be up and running by

November this year.” This shipping line is federal government’s establishment. Also

Onwuchekwa (2014:30) revealed that:

Last Saturday was a great day at Nnewi, the industrial hub of

Anambra State as Cutix PLC commissioned its new power

cable plant… The Minister of Power, Prof. Chinedu Nebo

who was the special guest of honour used the occasion to

address the industrialist in Nnewi and South East. 111

This clearly indicates the federal governments commitment impact its effort on industry specifically and largely in infrastructure for country’s development. This synergy of commitments between government and private entrepreneurs has yielded great developments to Nigeria. Nnadi (2014:13) Highlighted that:

The first made-in a Nigeria mass produced cars will make a

debut on August 8, Chief Innocent Chukwuma, of Innoson

Group, manufacturers of Innoson vehicles has said… The

Innoson chairman said the prices of the new cars would

range from 1.5 million to 3 million, assuring that the Innoson

new cars would compete favourably with others in the

market.

This achievement (made-in-Nigeria cars) was enhanced through the support and encouragement polices by both federal and state governments. With the achievement of made-in-Nigeria’s cars, the country is gradually being upgraded to compete economically, with developed countries.

The impact of democracy on infrastructure extends also to the power sector. The federal government throws its weight solidly to boost the electricity infrastructure.

Mernyi, (2013:55) revealed that “President Goodluck Jonathan has praised that

Federal Government will provide adequate funding for the Nigerian Electricity liability company (NELMCE) that will take over all the liabilities… This is just about $135m

Euro Bond was recently released to the Transmission Company of Nigeria to Strengthen its operation.” This provision of fund was a reality as Ogbonna (2013:49) noted that:

Nigeria’s power sector reform programme received a fresh

boost last weekend as the World Bank at the end of its 2013 112

annual meetings in Washington DC, the United States (US),

agreed to back Federal Government’s efforts at achieving

stable electricity supply with an approval of a total of $1.4

billion in credit and guaranteed.

The aforementioned power sector reform programme really yielded much dividend for the country’s economy. Anumihe (2014:50) hinted that “FG rates $3bn power privatization proceeds as World’s Biggest. That is a big impact on the economy.

More importantly, the Federal Government will have a pat for taking water resources into its basic infrastructure on its impact of democracy. Olasupo (2014:59) stated that “the Nigerian Government has officially received the revised edition of the

Integrated National Water Resources Master Plan which was originally developed through a partnership arrangement between the Federal Ministry of Water Resources and the Japanese International Corporation Agency, JICA.

4.7 Impact of Democracy on Agriculture

Nigeria is mostly blessed among the countries in Africa. This assertion is evidently acknowledged considering natural endowments like fertile land and agricultural products. According to Nwosu (2014:72):

Other African countries envious of the abundant natural and

human resources in Nigeria protested to God asked Him why

he over endowed Nigeria with natural and Human resources

much more than the country needed.

113

Agriculture is really a strong arm for any country’s development. It seems that

Nigerians have come to understand this relevant task of Agriculture. Adesina (2014:9) stated that:

From Zamfara, to Kano, Borno, Yobe, Gombe, Adamawa

and Katsina, Farmers are rejoicing on the new miracle wheat

crop, as the wheat revolution will create jobs invasively and

reduce insecurity… The wheat revolution will help to stop

insecurity in Northern Nigeria No doubt this cheer news for

Nigeria but bad news for wheat importers.

The above statements clearly explain the importance of agriculture in any country aiming at development. These important aspects are mostly felt in the countries’ self sustenance as well as job creation. The United Nation is inclusive but not limited to the people who doffed their hats for President Goodluck Jonathan in his Transformation

Agenda in which he presented Agriculture as the top priority. Agbota (2014:38) noted that:

The United Kingdom Department for International

Development (DFID-UKAID) has endorsed the Federal

Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development’s Growth

Enhancement Support (GES) scheme. The Federal Ministry

of Agriculture and Rural Development has registered 2.5

million farmers in North-east zone as part of measures to

boost the Nation’s Agricultural Transformation Agenda

(ATA).

In line with the above effort to boost agriculture, Ukagbu (2013:46) stressed that: 114

Our primary objective of attracting investors is to build the

agriculture and we have met with major players in the

Turkish agricultural sector like CONIA who produce almost

60% of Turkish agricultural produce to discuss ways of

improving the Nigerian agricultural sector.

It is quite noticeable to witness that the indigenous farmers have also keyed into the Transformation Agenda of the Federal Government. Agbota (2013:29) indicated that:

Indigenous investors who have made fortunes in other

sectors of the economy are now increasingly investing in

agriculture under the new dispensation of agricultural

transformation agenda. The new commercial farmers, seeing

the prospects in the agricultural sector, are putting huge

investments into agribusiness investments.

Owing to the increasing interest of these indigenous farmers, Agbota (2013:29) hinted that “Direct of the Federal Ministry of Agriculture, Olumuyiwa Akinsola, has said that the Federal Government will be giving subsidized inputs to over 900 pig farmers in

Ogun State”.

On a more serious venture, Nigerian government at various levels have embarked on series of Agricultural productions. Some are Rice, maize and other crops production.

Agbota (2014:43) stressed that:

The Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, Dr.

Akinwumi Adesina, has hinted that the total gross of value of

rice added to the domestic economy over the last three years

was about N750 billion… The Rivers State Government said 115

last week it has spent over N718 million on rural agriculture

development in the last four years in the state.

The above comments by Agbota was confirmed in the words of Babatunde

(2014:23) as follows: “The minister said that the Federal Government’s revolutionary step towards attaining self-sufficiency in rice by 2015 was attainable.” In the same vein,

Editorial of Daily Sun Tuesday November 19 (2013:10) wrote that “the Kaduna State

Government on Monday said it would partner with interested investors in the production, processing and marketing of maize, fruits and dairy products.”

Also the Editorial of Daily Sun of Monday July 28 (2014:43) stressed among other things, that Federal Government had taken off new value – add products (high quality cassava flour, cassava starch) through private companies. More highlights of this government’s effort is on life stock. Agbota (2014:43) averred that:

The breakdown of this disbursement shows that more N178

million was expended on crop farmers over N133 million

was given to lifestock, farmers, fish farmers got over N139

million, the sun of N29 million was spent on agro-forestry,

over N80 million went to crop processors while N161

million was spent on rural infrastructure.

The Nigerian Government included the disbursement of funds to farmers but not limited to it. Some state governments distributed fertilizers to indigenous farmers. Ahmed

(2014:14) noted that, “Governor Abdulaziz Yari Abubakar of Zamfara State has procured assorted fertilizer work N4.2 billion for this year’s wet farming season in the state.”

Above all the Federal Government organized an Economic Summit focusing on a single sector – agriculture. The various experts taught to the convictions of Nigerians the 116 relevance of Agriculture in the economic development of any country. Editorial of independent of Wednesday, September 18 (2013:23) revealed that, “At the three-day summit, it was unanimously agreed by the participants that the future of Nigerian economy lies in the development of agriculture as a business.” On the whole the impacts of Democracy on agricultural sector in Nigeria is invariably great.

4.8 Security Impact of Democracy in Nigeria

Top in the list among the social impacts of democracy in Nigeria is the problem of insecurity. An example of this insecurity is the kidnapping of the chibok girls by Boko

Haram insurgents. It may be called a big lapse from government. This is a serious impact of negativity. It is written in the constitution that the two major priorities of affairs of government to people are security and welfare of people. It is written, “The security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government”; (Constitution of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria Section 14b). In taking cognizance of the above decree, the researcher finds out that government shares the blame for the poor quality of lives, human insecurity of lives and property as well as some inadequate various social issues like lack of personal freedom existing in Nigeria. This assertion was confirmed by Igbokwe

(2014:13) as he wrote that: “UN chief Kofi Annan, criticized both Nigerian government and other African nations for not reacting faster to the kidnapping, and called on them to use whatever was at their disposal to help free the girls”. In the same vein, according to

Igbokwe (2014:13) “An English language newspaper in Pakistan also published an opinion that takes Nigeria to task for not moving against Boko Haram.” What the writer is stressing is that the foreign bodies criticized the Federal Government lack of responsibility in protecting the Chibok girls inspite of some efforts. It is in this regard that

Editorial (2014:11) wrote that: 117

Much as we recognize the efforts of the nation’s security agents,

some have either suffered injuries or lost their lives to terrorism,

there is still a lot to be done. For as long as the insurgents continue

to make in roads into the school and communities they are supposed

to secure, for that long, we will continue to point out their failures.

With the above comments, the writer opines that the failure of security agents is the failure of the Federal Government which is the negative impact of democracy to education. To buttress this point, Kilete (2014:5) said that “Amnesty International had also alleged that the Nigerian military had four hours advanced warning of kidnapping, but failed to send reinforcements to protect the school”.

The problem of insecurity did not only lie in kidnapping and Abduction. There is also the fear of incessant bombings. Agbola (2012:7) averred that” panic gripped residents of Jos, Plateau State capital, on Sunday afternoon as news filtered in that there was confrontation between Muslim and Christians in Kaduna State capital, following the bombing of churches in the State. Also Alabekwa (2012:7) wrote that “suicide bombers yesterday struck at different churches in Kaduna metropolis and Zaria town killing many people as well as injuring scores…. These testimonies were backed by Nwosu (2012:7) as he revealed the affirmation of the Senate President:

Senate President, David Mark had described the incessant bombings

of churches, as a threat to the unity of the nation. He therefore

pleaded that all necessary measures be put in place to halt the

carnage. 118

In line with Senate President’s pleadings, the Nigerian federal government led by

President Goodluck administration had done much to subdue the insurgency. Huge sum of money had been spent for the restoration of the security. Anumihe revealed that:

Federal Government yesterday said that it has so far released

the sum of N130.7 billion of the 2014 budget to the military

between January and April, this year… Out of this amount,

86.9 billion is for personnel cost. Also the constitution

empowers the government to spent up to 50 percent of the

budget.

In taking cognizance of the above effort so far done by the federal government, the writer opines that the federal government has done its best. That notwithstanding, the federal government sought for alternative course for the restoration of peace. The

Editorial of Daily Sun (2012:18) wrote that, “President Goodluck has since welcomed the

‘ceasefire offer’. He said that his government would accept the Boko Haram proposition if it would lead to peace in the country.” However, Nwosu (2014:8) hinted that:

The Minister of State for Defence, Muslim Obanikoro

yesterday assured Nigerians that the country would

overcome the challenges of Boko Haram insurgents urging

Muslims not to allow the insurgents to take over the religion.

From the foregoing, the researcher asserts that though the Federal Government has done much on security, still much more is required since protection of live and property is the first and foremost duty of government to the society (Const Sect). 119

4.9 Impact of Democracy on Transport and Tourism

Transport and Tourism are two like terms. They have something in common.

Transport is the method of travelling from one place to another for a purpose. While

Tourism in this context is a search in a place for adventure. Both transport and Tourism share some elements of excitements or movement.

The Nigerian government acknowledges the necessity of transport sector in the society. The necessity is to alleviate the problems of Transportation in the society. Yesufu

(2012:48) stated that:

Director General, National Automotive Council Aminu Jalal,

has disclosed that the Federal Government will partner with

banks and other financial institutions in the country to

provide funding for its mass transit scheme.

According to Yesufu (2012), when the president launched the programme in

January, N15 billion was ear marked but looking at the mass transit needs of the nation, much more money is needed. Furthermore to improve the transport sector President

Goodluck Jonathan commissioned airline travels. An instance of this democratic impact is the upgrading of Enugu airport. Achife (2013:50) averred that:

History of great proportions, will be made tomorrow

Saturday, August 24, 2013 in Enugu when the first

international passenger flight, courtesy of Ethiopian Airlines

touches down the newly upgraded Akanu Ibiam international

Airport. 120

That is a laudable credit to the Federal Government, Goodluck Jonathan led administration. The upgrading of Enugu – Akanu Ibian Airport was confirmed by Obi

(2013:50) when he wrote that:

All is set or the official take-off of international fight at the

newly upgraded Akanu Ibiam international Airport, Enugu,

tomorrow, as Ethiopean Airline commences international

commercial flights.

That is commendable to the Federal Government. According to Obi, a social observer in the person of Obinna exclaimed. “It means that our economy will boom. It will also save us the time and resources expended in going to Lagos and Abuja before one could travel abroad. I think it is fantastic. I feel happy and I must say it is a welcome development.”

More importantly, the Federal Government extended her impact on the training of indigenous pilots. President Jonathan in 2013, signed a memorandum of understanding with the German Airline, Lufthansa to train 20 Nigerian pilots Emewu (2013:55) noted that:

The Federal Government through the office of the special

Advicer to the President on Nigeria Delta Affairs on

Wednesday signed a memorandum of understanding with the

Germans airline Lufthansa for training of pilots.

According to Emewu (2013:55) the training would last 40 months and would make the trainees roundly qualified as commercial pilots of world class. 121

Still on the transport sector, the Federal Government of Goodluck Jonathan - led administration made her impact felt in railway system. He reactivated and rehabilitated the railway sector. Anumihe (2013:55) affirmed this as follows:

The Federal Government may have spent over N321 bn in

the execution of various railways projects nationwide and

has created over 1800 jobs along the corridors so far. All the

communities along the corridor will provide their indigenes

who maintained the tracts, the coaches and train stations

along corridor.

Tourism

Another giant impact of democracy is felt in governments bid to develop tourism.

It is an enviable sector that is yet to be reaped and maximized. Editorial of Sun (2013:31) revealed:

That the Tourism sector is a goldmine waiting to be tapped

and has the potentials to contribute to the growth of the

economy is a truism. There are numerous natural tourism

areas in nooks and crannies of the country and such

potentials when adequately harnessed will no small measure

increase the revenue base of the country. (Tuesday, June 11,

2013).

The above venture may be the reason why the Anambra State Government –

Governor Willie Obiano started his early work among other areas, the transformation of the Ogbunike Town cave as the celebrating center. Editorial of Daily Sun, (2014) wrote that: 122

The Governor of Anambra State, Willie Obiano, has viewed

to transform the historic Ogbunike cave in Ogbunike Town,

Oyi Local Government Area of the State to a first class

tourist haven (Daily Sun, Thurs June 12, 2014).

According to the Editorial, Sun (2014: ), the Governor had flagged off the construction work on the Ugwu – Nwasike road leading to the cave promising for more infrastructural developments around the area. This is in line with what was put down in

(ww.dailyindependentnig.com p 13) that “No doubt, the country has huge tourism potentials but for this all important sector to be productive and add value to the economy of the country there must be a pragmatic policy that will improve the sector (Daily

Independent, Wednesday September 18, 2013 p. 31). 123

CHAPTER FIVE

INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON THE NIGERIAN DEMOCRACY

5.1 Social Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy

Religion, one of the Acts subjects has contributed much to Nigerian social life.

The contributions really affected Nigerian democracy significantly. Its most social impact is on human dignity. Among, those early missionaries were Bishop Shanahan and Bishop

-Heery and Reverend Hope Weddell who protected and saved a lot of lives. Their religious teaching changed the Nigerian traditional societies. The influence which they had effected in Nigerian traditional society is in line with the saying that religion is an agent of change. On this Onwubiko (1973:271) stated that:

Christian teaching has destroyed the superstitions which propped such evil customs and practices as human sacrifice and the murder of twins. The work of Reverend

Hope Waddell in Calabar and Cross River area illustrates this point… the missionaries have as well exerted a tremendous influence on our culture and social life by the introduction of European ways of life along Christianity for instance, the European system of marriage and styles of dress and architecture have been adopted by many people in West Africa.

One will agree with Onwubiko that this kind of social influence of religion on the

Nigerian democracy is strong and active. The Christian churches (religion) are still influencing the Nigerian State in this charitable and social work of saving lives and rehabilitations specifically. The reverend sisters in different congregations of the Catholic

Church are embarking on such works of mercy. Some unmarried girls who are pregnant outside wedlock are housed and diligently cared for. These single mothers live in the

123 124 custody of these women religious. The religious women (Rev. Sisters) care for both the single mothers and their babies. With these duties, the human dignity is protected. The charity also is extended to the unlucky family (husband and wife) who are not yet blessed with the fruit of the womb. Those protected babies are offered to these unfortunate couples, hoping that they (couples) will strictly care for the babies who are entrusted to them It is not an overstatement to say that Nigerian democracy has been influenced positively by such social works from true religionists. Many other non governmental organizations (NGO) have come up in the society as a result of the charitable works of

Christian missionaries (Christian religion). Government itself has been directly influenced because Nigerian government now recognize such works of mercy. Government itself has been involved actively in such organization as the Red Cross Society. Again, para- government officials like “First Ladies” visit these houses of charity to give gifts. More importantly, government has made some laws on human rights for protecting human lives and dignity. Achunike (2002:45) confirmed this social influence by government when he wrote that:

The missionaries condemned evils especially human sacrifice, the

killing of twins, and slavery in any form. They gave succour to the

rejected of the society, the abandoned, the ostracized. …and

physical force could only be used by the government first in 1902

and again in 1904. The government made use of the law courts and

the community messengers and the kotmas for arrests at the breach

of the decrees. All these were done through the prodding of the

European administrators. 125

From the above instances, Achunike noted that government has joined in the good work of saving life which was spear-headed by the missions or missionaries. More importantly, government brought up this act of social work to the level of law and decree.

In fact, the act of saving life is a practical demonstration of true democracy. The right to life and the right to human dignity which are enshrined in the 1999 Federal Constitution of Nigeria (sections, 33 & 34) are concrete examples of the influence of religion on the

Nigerian democracy.

The social influence of religion does not end in saving life, it also extends to providing daily necessities which help to improve life. Those little acts of charity are the means of evangelization at the grass roots. Okechukwu in Faleye (2009:4) which was confirmed by Nwosu (1985:178) revealed that:

Special care was taken to extend aid to the poor, destitute, widows

and the handicapped. For example, in 1972, seven leprosy centres in

the Archdiocese received a grant of 58,000 Swiss Frances from

Swiss Caritas… over 190 widows from different parts of the diocese

received small loans and grants totaling £835. The ASSD also

cooperated with other agencies in the work of rehabilitation. For

instance, it joined the East Central State ministry of Health and

Social welfare in establishing the Onitsha zonal workshop.

What the writer is stressing is not only the impact of this social influence on

Nigerian democracy, the work also highlighted that Nigerian government has learnt those influences. According to Nwosu, the government of East Central State, Ministry of

Health and Social welfare cooperated with Christian body at Onitsha in establishing the 126

Onitsha Zonal workshop for rehabilitating the under privileged group in the society. The government was influenced by this charity works.

Allied to the influence of religion through charity works, religion almost generally provides appointments and employment opportunities to Nigerian citizens. Many

Religious bodies have hospitals, educational institutions, banks, media houses and other agencies that provide employment to Nigerians. Religious bodies manage all these institutions either directly or indirectly. In agreeing with this, Okoye (2010: oral interview) commented that: “in the process of managing these business oriented ventures, like banks and schools, religion helps government to educate the society.” From Nwokike

(2010: oral interview) religion grooms and cushions people. In the process of grooming and cushioning, she influences people individually and the society at large. Religion takes care of the commoners in the society, hence it improves and changes peoples state of life.

For instance, by the provision of employments, one’s life is uplifted and upgraded from the life of poverty to that of enrichment. It is not an overstatement to say that religious leaders are so careful in choosing workers in any religiously owned institutions or establishments. Hence, religion implicitly helps much in curbing evils in the society.

Consequently in this regard, religion influences Nigeria’s democracy positively.

Emedoluibe (2010: oral interview) confirmed this when he opined that: “Religion challenges government. For instance, establishments like banks and schools which are being managed by some religious personnels are administratively managed well.” The researcher also observes that schools managed by missions experience no strikes while their banks do not get distressed. Implicitly and explicitly, religious personnel exhibit better management than government. In all these, Nigerian democracy is being influenced for good. In this regard therefore, religion influences Nigerian democracy very positively. 127

The social influence of Religion also extends to helping children from poor families.

Ezeanya (1992:40) stated that:

The Social Services Department in the social centre has done

tremendous work in the Archdiocese these years since 1970. It gives

full or partial scholarship to poor students; the handicapped are

helped e.g. with artificial legs. The Archdiocese advances money to

poor parishes every year for agriculture.

This impact of helping families was confirmed by Akukwe in Nwosu (1985) when he wrote that “immediately after the civil war, it (the church) involved also in resettling the people – providing relief, reconstructing family houses, tracing and uniting families, helping people to economic self-reliance caring for children and physically disabled, war victims etc”.

It is also good to remember the relevant part which religions denominations played during and after the war. Okwueze (2002:96) revealed that:

The World Council of Churches and Caritas International is in spite

of the risk involved, took the lead by dropping food through flying

aeroplanes. They continued till the end of the war despite threats of

death. Many of them suffered in the hand of the Nigerian troops.

The church also took the lead in providing Medicare to the dying

people. This made Biafrans to regard the church as the medium

through which the saving grace of God reached them.

In the same vein, Nwosu (1992:173) indicated that: “the church, like the state, was immediately after the war faced with an enormous task of reconstruction and 128 rehabilitation.” Many people came out of the war tattered and battered, homeless and penniless, without job and without schools.

In as much as Religion was credited for positive social impacts in Nigeria, the researcher also finds out that it was discredited for some negative social influences. Prior to these negative influences is social conflict. Uzoma (2004:651) stressed that:

The different cultures propagated by Christianity and Islam have

been a source of social conflict in Nigeria. adherence to Islamic

beliefs makes northern Nigerian Muslims appear to owe greater

allegiance to their religion than to the state, which is a situation the

Christian population finds difficult to understand. Southern Nigerian

Christian converts, on the other hand have accepted the western way

of life that accompanies Christianity.

The above impact is loss of (African) Nigerian ancient culture of brotherliness in place of Arabian and Western cultures. These imported (foreign) cultures have some contradictions to African ways of life.

The more serious negative impact to the social conflict is the shedding of human blood which some religious sects are involved in. one of which is the Islamist sect – the

Boko Haram insurgents. Aidoghie (2012:5) stressed that:

Agony, anger, sorrow yesterday characterized the mass burial of

victims of Christmas Day 2011 bomb blast, which Boko Haram

claimed responsibility. They were laid to rest at the churches

premises. The Islamist Sect sent 43 worshippers of St. Theresa’s

Catholic Church, Madalla, Nigeria State, to their early graves last 129

December. The victims include babies, widespread condemnation

trailed the incident.

The incident was so inhumane. The religious sect has caused some unprecedented crisis.

Also the other follow up of the activities of this sect was the bloodletting in the three years of insurgency in the areas of North Eastern states (of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa

States) was so agonizing. All the same, Religion has cushioned some victims of this dastardly act. Olanrewaju (2014:34) averred that:

Right from the world go, the church has always been taking care of

orphans, widows and other less privileged in the society, as that was

the reason for our lord’s coming. In my capacity as a leader of the

church and representative of Jesus Christ, the Bishop of Maiduguri

Diocese which lovers Borno, Yobe and some parts of Adamawa

States, I have to take up the challenge of taking care of the widows

and the poor.

Above all, it appears that Religion has impacts in all, facets of social life in

Nigeria. It is interesting to note that Christian missionaries were credited for introducing football game in Nigeria. Agha in Okwueze (2004:125) reported that:

Life can hardly be complete and enjoyable in any community

without, recreation. Consequently, the missionaries introduced

different types of games. They brought football game which was

played by school children. This game has become the most

important and lucrative game today in Nigeria.

In all, the social influence of Religion on the Nigerian democracy is a tale of sweet and sour. 130

5.2 Educational Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy

In this section, the researcher has greater outstanding reasons to prove that religion brought good foundation for developments on Nigerian democracy. This is not an overstatement. In reality, religion has contributed many positive impacts on Nigerian democracy especially in the educational sector. Precisely, each of the three major religions in Nigeria had some remarkable impacts on Nigeria’s democratic process.

Culturally and traditionally, African traditional religion had registered much influence on the character formation of the founding fathers of Nigerian democracy. Through the teachings of African traditional religion, traditional education was transmitted with

African identity and personality. Though the education was and is still informal, it had great influence on the Nigerian people. Gathogo (2001:NP) stressed that:

… Prior to the introduction of formal education, boys were brought

up to take whatever occupation their fathers engaged in. In some

cases, the boys were sent to other masters as apprentices to learn

various vocations and life etiquette ….. Intellectual training for

them consisted of their sitting quietly beside their fathers at

meetings and listening attentively to learn the process of such tasks

and skills as arbitration of cases, oratory, wise sayings and use of

proverbs.

Among the ancient form of educational institutions in those early period was that of vocational schools. In these vocational schools, some professions were learnt, though some academic courses were taught as well. Agha (1999:72) stated that:

Through the influence of Henry Venn, the Secretary of the CMS,

the society started an industrial schools where carpentry tailoring 131

and art of growing cotton were taught to the students. At the

grammar school founded 1845, the students were taught the usual

academic subjects in addition to knowing how to grow cotton.

On education proper, Islamic institutions like nomadic schools have helped in the development of agriculture which has helped to boost the Nigerian economy. These educational institutions bred and trained government personnel (politicians). The Islamic religion also influenced both individual and government to build koranic schools. Some of these schools are for the soldiers. However, some of these schools have some combinations of Arabian and western cultures. William (1991:np) attested to this when he wrote that:

In the umma, both rudimentary and advanced Islamic education are

given. Millions of both levels of Quranic schools are spread all over

the areas where Islam had its influence in Nigeria. With

modernization, some of these schools have been combining western

education with Islamic ones. It is therefore noteworthy that the

education given includes science subjects such as mathematics,

technology and astronomy. These according to an Islamic scholar,

could be regarded as scientific contribution of Islam to development

in Nigeria.

Other segments of influence of religion within the auspices of education are the lingua-franca, the printing press and the publishing. On this Onwubiko (1973:212) made it clear that “some missionaries in order to promote the study of African languages established printing press.” Consequently, they started to publish newspapers. According to him (Onwubiko), Rev. Townsend brought the first printing press into Nigeria in 1852. 132

He also started the first Yoruba newspaper in Nigeria which was called “Iwe Irohim” in

1859. This is the fundamental incentive to education (civilization) and development in

Nigeria. The real effect of education which was the major influence of religions is the

Nigeria’s lingua-franca (common language) which is English. The English language was introduced and encouraged in Nigeria by the Christian missionaries. It is the general language used commonly in Nigeria. It is used both by the contemporary press and by the entire people of Nigeria. Ojobo (2011:oral interviews) stressed that “Religious leaders left legacy to the contemporary Nigeria’s newspapers. Presently, religious magazines and newspapers which were prepared by various denominations or religious bodies influence

Nigerian society educationally.” In agreement with Ojobo, Ogudo (2011: oral interview) affirmed that, “religion has been currently boosting much influence on Nigeria through the media, in education sector.”

In considering the educational institutions in Nigeria today, one could say without doubt that those educational institutions which are owned by religious bodies are many.

Also they are better managed than those institutions owned by the government.

Contemporarily, educational institutions which are managed by religious personnel and religious bodies seem to be waxing very strongly in terms of good administration and management. The fact remains that this effort has been the legacy left to Nigerian democracy by the Christian missionaries. On this Onwubiko (1973:212-213) affirmed that:

In Nigeria, the work of the Christian missions in education is no less

spectacular. The first grammar school in Nigeria was opened by the

C.M.S. in 1859 in Lagos. They followed this up with the opening of

the first secondary school for girls in 1868 also in Lagos. The 133

Methodist Boy’s High School was opened in 1876 while Gregory’s

College was opened by the Catholics in 1881. Hope Waddell

Institute was opened at Calabar in 1895 by the church of Scotland

Mission. Along with these, the missions also established hundreds

of primary schools for boys and girls all over Nigeria. In fact, as late

as 1942, the missions controlled 99% of Nigerian schools and over

97% of Nigerian students were attending these mission schools.

Onwubiko, confirmed the active control and monopoly of education in Nigeria by religion as early as from the 19th century. The effective management was entirely almost in the hands of all religious bodies and in all religious denominations. The above comments testify to the fact that religion did not only influence Nigerian democracy but also extended its influence to be the principal actor in the building of the Nigerian democracy. Agha in Okwueze (2004:123) confirmed these statements as follows:

The most comprehensive college in the West Coast of Africa was

the Hope Waddell Training Institution established in 1895 by the

Scotish Presbysterian missionaries in Calabar under the leadership

of H.M. Waddell. The school contained various parts of

Departments including Primary and Secondary, Teacher Training,

Carpentry, Engineering Tailoring and Printing Press. The school

has since produced many eminent scholars, politicians Teachers,

technicians, civil servants, leaders in key posts throughout Nigeria.

these people were instrumental to the development of Nigeria as a

Nation. 134

With the above instances, it stands as a fact that religion is the superstructure or super architect of the Nigerian democracy. This fundamental impact was stressed by Makozi

(1988:15) that:

As a result of Western Education and the influence of Christianity

the Nigerian, like other Africans, began to see equality with the

colonial masters. This was the basis for emancipation. Thus,

Nigerian nationalism was born and nurtured; thus began the struggle

and attainment of power “the ultimate aim of politics” according to

chief Obafemi Awolowo.

The educational influence of religion is again concretely shown by the present return of schools to their rightful owners namely, religious bodies and individuals. Many states governments have realized the active educational influence of religion in Nigeria.

Anambra State is a case in point. It is written in Anambra Government gazette

(ANGH/S/HE/INT/1/1796) as follows:

In line with the provisions of the Public Education (Transfer of

Schools) (Special Provision) (Amendment) Law, 2011, I Mr. Peter

Obi, CON, Governor of Anambra State, hereby return and handover

to the Catholic Church of Nigeria the 453 numbers of primary

schools named and described in the schedule to attached copy of the

public Education (Transfer of Schools) (Special Provision)

(Amendment) Law, 2011 Dated this 21st Day November, 2011.

For Anglicans, the primary schools which the government handed over were 301 in number. Such are likely for other voluntary agencies. The above highlight is just to 135 confirm that religion has already influenced Nigerian democracy very positively in the education sector.

Again, religious personnel aim at producing wholesome people for Nigerian state. This idea of producing intergral and wholesome personality among the youths was made manifest in the purpose and venture of youth village educational institutions erected by the Catholic Archdiocese of Onitsha. In his interview granted the author of the work,

Okeke (2011: oral interview) declared that:

The intention of the Church for having the four gigantic hostels at

Awka for the Nigerian youths is to help the society and the

government to produce a good number of youths who will pass out

with intergral virtues and wholesome personality.

Through this venture – Youth Village Hostels at Amansea–religion has influenced very good moral orientation among students for our dear country Nigerian. In the same vein, with regard to integral education, Arinze (1990:113) declared that:

A very high number of primary and secondary schools in Nigeria

have been spearheaded by the church. Kindergartens, vocational

training centres, adult education centres and teachers’ colleges have

been given priority by the government interest developed…. The

school is to be rated among the primary agents of progress in

Nigeria. It helped to usher in all-round development: religious

educational, cultural, social, political and economic.

More importantly, the researcher agreed with Arinze that educational religious impacts affect, various aspects of life in Nigeria’s democracy. This assertion is accepted with the view that religious personnel were credited to the translation of several books of 136 the Bible. The early Christians reduced the Bible into native languages. Onwubiko

(1973:212) stated that:

In Nigeria, Crowther reduced the Yoruba language to writing and

translated several books of the Bible into that language. Nupe,

Hausa, Kanuri, Ibo and Efik were also developed in the same way

by the missionaries… In this way, the missionaries were able to

teach their converts how to read the Bible in the vernacular and so

produced the first widespread literate class in West Africa.

Another relevant area of the educational impact of Religion on the Nigerian democracy worthy of remembering is the riverine apostolate. The church has built some schools in this area. Okika in Okeke (2003:270) reported what Ezeanya said as follows:

I would like to draw your attention in to the situation in the Riverine

areas of our Archdiocese. There movement is very much restricted

because of the absence of good roads; living conditions are difficult

and many of the people are poor. We must therefore exercise our

Christian Charity towards them by parishes and communities

sponsoring their nursery schools.

In considerations of the aforementioned records, the researcher asserts that educationally, religion is the architect of Nigerian democracy. This stance is an indisputable fact when one reckons the roles religious personnel played in the nation building especially in education sector.

5.3 Economic Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy

It is an obvious fact that Religion has been credited for much impact on the

Nigerian democracy. The three major Religions (African Traditional Religion, Islam and 137

Christianity) had for long been the pivot for nation building especially in the area of economy as well as other developmental strides. Zakaree et al (2011:43) made this clearly when he wrote that:

Religion has contributed much to development of human race, and it

will be totally absurd to ignore the contributions of religion

especially Christianity and Islam. Both religious communities have

become the key determinants of history and destiny of the nation.

Religion is given a reasonable degree of recognition by

governments of Nigeria and some other countries as a major factor

determining the stability of a nation.

The above reasonable commendation is confirmed in the gratuitous words of the first Prime Minister of Nigeria-Abubakar Tafawa Ballewa in his maiden independent speech to Nigerians. Odeh (2007:33) wrote that:

There have been countless missionaries who have labored unceasingly in the cause of education and to whom we owe many of our medical services. We are greatful also to those who have brought modern methods of banking and commerce, and new industries I wish to pay tribute to all of these people and so declare our everlasting admiration of their devotion to duty.

The first Prime Minister of Nigeria gave a concise testimony on how Religious bodies assisted in building the early Nigeria’s economy. Zakaree (2011:41) reiterated that:

Indeed, religion is so important in the society as a form of a social

control because of people’s adherence to religion, whether

traditional, Christian or Islam, which are the recognized religions in 138

Nigeria. Christianity and Islam, especially have a great influence on

the daily lives of Nigerians, and plays a significant role in the socio-

political and economic development.

In acknowledging this fact, (htt//www.nigeriavillegesquare.com) testifies that

“NGOs include charitable and religious associations that mobilize private funds for development, distribute food and family planning services and promote community organization”. In this regard, too, Nyemutu et al (2011:34) posited that: “The missionaries also built hospitals, clinics and maternity facilities in different parts of Nigeria, and religious organizations built schools, colleges and even public libraries in different parts of the country.”

Religious leaders also decreed that the economy of the country would grow through encouraging people to contribute to Internal Generating Revenue (IGR). Arinze

(1983:250) stated that “A good Christian is a good citizen. You must love your country, obey its laws, respect your leaders and pay your taxes. You are called to take due part in political, social, economic and cultural affairs.” On this note, therefore, it is an incontrovertible fact that Religious impact on Internal Generating Revenue (IGR) boosts state’s economy.

The influence of religion also extends to socio-economic activities. The religious leaders render some assistance to women in their small scale business. This is a sort of empowerment. Lewu (2010: np) noted that:

… empowering women has some possible positive effects, which

include accelerated and balanced social development in addition to

improved welfare, education and health for children. It is generally 139

believed that the improvement in the socio-economic conditions of

women usually translates into improved welfare for their children.

This women empowerment is particularly in the aspect of loans and provision of agricultural seedlings. Okika in Okeke (2003:269) indicated that:

The Archdiocese provided agricultural assistance to the farmers.

Grants and revolving loans were made available. At the end of each

planting season what was granted as a loan was collected with little

interest and then given back to the farmers. By may 1990, this

agricultural loan-scheme was already functioning.

Commenting in the same vein, Arinze (1990:113) asserted that “church has been aware that evangelization would not be complete if it did not take account of the unceasing interplay of the gospel and of man’s concrete life both personal and social.” What the work is asserting is that Religion through her adherents had registered some economic impacts through empowerment processes in both small and big scale production. Similar to the provision of Grants and revolving loans was the industrial training which some religious denominations gave t heir adherents as economic boost in the rural areas. Agha in Okwueze (2004:126) noted that:

The Rural Training Centre was established at Asaba in 1948 by the

Church of Scotland Mission (CSM) Women training Centre was

established by the (CSM) Presbyterian Mission on 30th January

1937 at Ogabanehu and another at Ikot-Inyang in Akwa-Ibom.

Other Missionary Societies played the same significant role in other

parts of Nigeria. 140

Fundamentally, some religious missionaries were commercially and economically inclined. These missionaries assisted in improving the economy of the ancient Nigeria. onyeidu (2001:28) and Onwubiko (1973:214) were of the opinion that legitimate trade supplanted slave trade. Specifically Onyeidu (2001:28) stressed that:

The propagation of Islam from the colony of Lagos to hinterland

was mainly through trade-Right from its inception” Islam never

loses a chance. Every Mohammedan trader is a missionary of his

faith. Also some Muslims who were engaged in service of the

colonial masters as soldiers, gardeners and gatemen, helped to

propagate their religion.

The above statements were confirmed by Ubaka in Adigwe (2003:164) with the following words:

These commercial centers grew to become Islamic centers. The

traders who were mostly Muslins carried their religion along with

their commodity to the newly established cities. They even

succeeded converting business partners… Here we see the link

between trading or commercial cities and Islamic learning in these

early years.

Reflecting on the above quotations, one understands that religion assisted in the development of commercial cities as well as boosting the Nigeria’s economy. Ubaka

(2003:169) reiterated that: “These Muslims took advantage of the construction of roads and railways and the establishment of new forms such as Jos, in Plateau State, to expand 141 their commercial and “religious interests”. The above instances indicate the double business in Religion: the evangelical and economical businesses.

These businesses (evangelism and economy) were concretely experienced in the provision of material goods and services (like monies) as well as pastoral services by the clergy or religious leaders. Nyemutu et al (2009:34) stated that:

Religious institutions contribute in no small measure to the gross

national product (GNP) of the country, especially when cognizance

is taken of the amount spent annually on all goods and services

connected with them. One obvious economic role that organized

religion plays in Nigeria is as an employer, in particular providing

livelihoods for religious professionals, their families and

dependants. Thus members of the clergy are in most cases employed

and paid by their respective religious organizations.

With reference to the aforementioned explanations, it means that some religious institutions expend economic values (monies) on employees or workers who in turn contribute to national economic development. In the same vein, the writer agrees with

Zakarees (2011:41) who quoted Nwite and Wilson (2010) “stated that churches in Nigeria has contributed immensely to the economic development of the country through investment in different sectors of the economy like real estate, capital market, shopping complex and schools.”

In as much as religion is creditable for some positive economic influences, one will not lose sight of its discredit in Nigerian economy. Though religion “per se” remains neutral, at times some religious leaders or religious adherents misuse religion in the name of religious fundamentalism. Zakaree (2011:45) alerted that: 142

However, religious intolerance among the people which often lead

to crisis claiming several lives and destruction of properties has a

negative impact on Nigerian economy. Adherents of religious

fanatism or intolerance and its attendant problems such as unending

intensive strives, fight of superiority, loss of human and material

resources.

While the researcher reserves kudos to religion in terms of economic impact, he does not overlook the economic losses discredited to it. There were huge loss of material resources as well as much destruction of societal wealth. The worst of it all is the loss of human resources and talents. These could have made Nigeria to ascend the ladder of being among the developed countries in economy sector.

5.4 Moral Influence of Religion on the Nigeria Democracy

Indeed the spirit of any religion affects the behavioural disposition of her members. Consequently, the individuals exhibit those characters of their religions inherent in their actions as morals. For instance, in the meetings of the Nigerian National

Assembly (NNA), any social scientist will realize the different traits of the respective characters of the three Nigerian major religions. Taking of cognizance their dressing habit, some Christians put on likely European attires like the early missionaries, some of the Muslims put on their caps and amulets while the African traditional religionists might put their red caps in accordance with African traditions. In speech, they act conscientiously in accordance with their mindsets and belief systems. Hence, Adibe

(2009:40) noted that:

Conscience is the centre of human activity. For Igbo man is always

in continuous training through proverbs, folklores, reprimanding 143

and punishment given to delinquents of traditional norms. This

brought about respect for religion and persons and security enjoyed

in the Igbo society. All make effort to be faithful to the traditional

religion and moral in behaviour.

The researcher agrees with Adibe on the relevance of conscience nurturing by religion especially African traditional religion. Education of conscience is really the fundamental task of religion. African traditional religion and Christianity in a special way rate education of conscience as priority. In contemporary Nigeria, the deterioration of morality is as a result of the Nigerian neglect to the education which is being offered by religion. In this regard (education of conscience), His Holiness Pope John Paul II in

Arinze (1982:250) exhorted that:

A good Christian is a good citizen. You must love your country,

obey its laws, respect your leaders and pay your taxes. You are

called to take your due part in political, social, economic and

cultural affairs. When you are eligible you should vote and be voted

for in political elections.

What the writer is stressing at is the fact that religion influences the populace to obey civic rules and orders in the society. Hence, majority of the citizenry are now embracing civic responsibility like voting and being serious in other political affairs.

There is a lot of difficulty in directing the conscience of the Nigerian religious leaders. The condition is very disturbing to social and ethical analyst. The case of our

Nigerian leaders is an example. Agha (2003:59) observed that:

Conscience can depreciate or decline in value and in either case it

will affect the moral decision and behaviour of the agent either 144

positively or negatively. The case of Nigeria today is a clear

example where it has almost become impossible to check since

some of those whose duty it is to check vices are partners in crime.

The most educated conscience is that of the man who has the

highest ideal who wishes to realize the best life which humanity is

capable.

It is certain that each (every) religion grooms conscience into her adherents. Agha posited that conscience can either depreciate or decline. But the depreciation or the decline lies on the individuals or the religionists. The writer again thinks along with Agha that some Nigerian leaders (political or religious) whose duty it is to correct situation or to condemn vices become leaders in those corrupt attitudes. References are made where some priests, pastors, or any other religious leaders drive fleet of expensive cars, live very high luxurious lives, involving themselves in businesses either locally and internationally and going with high security forces (Army or Police) and escorts. At times, the priest or pastor may be involved in the “so called religious 419” otherwise known as extortion of congregation for self aggrandizement. The victims of materialism are griped by the depreciation of good conscience in religion. On this note, Ekwunife (1994:156) asserted that:

Thus, in their life styles, one often fails to distinguish between the

wealthy secular Nigerian or a business man and a priest. Hence

some of the indices of a successful priest in Nigeria today are:

doctorate secular degree that is marketable; lucrative job or

commanding secular sphere; fleet of hungers-on or dependents, a

gigantic well finished house and at times police escorts or army 145

escorts. In order to keep servicing these fleet of cars, indices of

power, the priest at times imitates the circular world in the pursuit of

wealth.

Those religious’ leaders, by their action of driving expensive fleet of cars, show the

Nigerian political leaders that leadership is not for service. Their attitude to those things that help life (life cars) are for the exposition of wealth and richness. Owing to this kind of life pattern by such people whose duty it is to show good example by abhorring materialism, some government official emulate them. On this, Zebendilo (2011: oral interview) stated that:

“Some religious leaders showed bad examples to some politicians

by their life of extravagancy. They show off wealth. And the

politicians (government officials or civil servants) in the process of

trying to live like the rich pastors and priests, dupe government and

people”.

On this note, the writer asserts that religion (through her leaders) influenced Nigerian democracy so badly. This attitude is evident in both Christianity and Islamic religion.

In Islam, the Emirs and Alhajis frequently go to Mecca for pilgrimage. Some even go for business under the pretext that they are fulfilling a religious obligation. While on return, they import expensive goods (like cars, shoes, wrist watches etc) for sale. These materialistic tendencies are mostly found among some religious personnel in Islam and

Christianity. They operate businesses under the guise of religion. In this respect, Obiorah

(1998:151) highlighted that:

There was this reported case of a pastor who duped the wife of a top

army officer resident in Benin State of N2m. With this money, he 146

established a magnificent church in Benin. He bought fleet of cars

and evangelical vans. He then appeared on a television programme

and was telling the viewers how God has blessed and enriched him

and how God in this infinite mercy has turned him into a fisher of

men “money”.

In the above quotation, Obiorah indeed revealed how a religious leader has negatively influenced Nigerian society through materialistic lifestyle. That is why materialism is increasing in Nigeria by leaps and bounds.

In the same vein, some Muslim adherents are not different. Some of them are not behaving morally well especially in terms of economic pursuit. Ahanotu (1992:23) revealed that:

The Governor of Kano, Abdulahi did not make matters better when

he said, Take Kano State, for example, some 20,000 to 25,000

pilgrims go from there. Less than a quarter of them are sincere

pilgrims. The others are traders or even pick-pockets.

In judging the above instances, the researcher exhorts that religious adherents should try to live up to their religious ethics.

5.5 Health – Care influence of Religion in Nigeria

It is a glaring fact that religion had recorded much influence on the Nigerian democracy through health care services. Much had been said on this by many authors in

Nigerian. Okwueze (2003:113) said that through the centuries, the Catholic Church as well as the Anglican Church and Methodist bodies had established hospitals, orphanages, homes for the aged and infirm. He noted that any mission almost automatically had attached to it a clinic or dispensary where medical aid was rendered to those in need of it. 147

The aforesaid statements are so evident in Nigeria of today. Without doubt the numerous hospitals established by religious organizations in Nigeria have helped to promote the health of her citizens. It is an incontrovertible fact that majority of these religious establishments have helped much to advance Nigerian democracy. The Christian

Missionaries for instance initiated the move for the building of hospitals and clinics.

William (1990:NP) attested to that, too that:

Christianity introduced orthodox methods of health care services in

Nigeria. Early in the life of the various Christian missions, health

care services were given in cottage hospitals, maternity homes and

dispensaries in every remote areas. They dispelled superstitious

beliefs brought about through ignorance and taught simple hygiene.

They were also involved in leprosy relief work and they built

leprosaria …. The collaboratory attitude which existed between

state and church in this area continued throughout the colonial

period and well into the 1970’s when government took control of

health services.

In reference to what William has noted, that early Christian Missionaries introduced health care services, it is noticed that government had emulated the charitable venture. Another interesting point is that this good work has continued till this day. Most exceedingly, the Nigerian government and many religious denominations have contemporarily been keeping to this noble venture of caring for the sick, the disabled and all that require healthcare services. Consequently, the Nigerian government created an arm of government called ministry of health to care for the health of the populace.

Currently, in some religiously owned hospitals, some sick people like those with acquired 148 immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) (TLWA), and asthmatic patients have been receiving free medical care. Officially, Nigerian government has recently created an organization called Nigerian Agency for the Control of AIDS” (NACA) which cares for acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) patients. The organization distributes drugs for the care of some HIV/AIDS patients. In the early period of the advent of the missionaries, the Christian missionaries established orphanages and homes for the disable. On this, Akukwe (1985:245) said that:

About 1937, the leprosy service was being run by a Holy Rosary

Sister, Dr. Luke Theresa operating from Ihiala… The service was

more a mobile clinic in which the doctor and his team moved from

one station to another to provide treatment for lepers on fixed days.

In 1945, about 500 were receiving treatment. In April 1945, the

Government started the Nigeria Leprosy Service. By this act the

government took over or adopted the existing leprosy settlements

being run by the Catholics, the CMS, and the Methodist

Missionaries.

In the above quotation, Akukwe had pinpointed out that government adopted the charitable services (caring for lapers) which were run by the missions. The most interesting thing is that the Nigerian government emulated the charitable services initiated by missionaries. According to Akukwe in April 1945, government took over the already existing leprosy settlements. This is no small influence. Currently, the Nigerian ministry of health has been helping the religious organizations in caring for the sick and the disable. Government also built general hospitals in every state to alleviate some health 149 problems in the society. These leper colonies were confirmed by Agha in Okwueze

(2004:125) when he stated that:

The establishment of hospitals also attracted the opening of leper

colonies throughout the country. The leprosy patients were not left

untreated. The (CMS) Presbyterian mission opened a leper

settlement at Itu in 1928, and another one at Uburu the same year

(Macdonald, 1963). In 1936 the CMS opened the Oji River Leper

settlement while the Methodist missionaries settlement while the

Methodist Missionaries opened a leper colony at Uzuakoli in

1930…

Ultimately, as common front, Makozi (1982:97) quipped that: there was also the formation of the Christian Health Association of Nigeria which coordinates all the medical activities of the churches”. With the much on record, Religion is credited for laying foundation in health sector in Nigerian democracy. The religious personnel should also be given a ‘pat’ for the active continuous assistance in this health sector uptil today.

5.6 Agricultural Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy

It is interesting to note that the record of religious impact will not be closed without mentioning the input on agricultural sector. By this assertion, the researches is of the opinion that religious personnel did not leave any stone un turned in the bid to assist in Nigeria’s development. Really, the missions were mostly responsible for the introduction of certain crops and farm seedlings in Nigeria. Agha in Okwueze (2004:127) stated that:

Through the Norwagen Church, the Presbyterian Church established

a large farm land at Ikwo in 1962. The church introduced foreign 150

crops like Rice, Mango, Pineapple, Yam, Plantain, Maize and

varieties of beans among others. The church introduced scientific

methods of cultivation, co-operative system of farming which

enabled the people to be well established.

Agha’s statement was confirmed by Akukwe (1985:249) as follows, “the early missionaries had started with growing gardens, planting economic trees (citrus, palms, coffee, mangoes etc), and keeping poultry and piggery in the missions. As schools developed, rural science was taught in schools and school farm was an essential part of every mission school”. In substantiating this development in agricultural sector,

Onwubiko (1973:214) stressed that:

The missionaries showed great interest in the development of

agriculture… New crops were introduced, plantations were set up

and new methods of producing and preparing farm products for

export were taught. Some of the missionary bodies even formed

trading companies to supply necessary imported goods at

reasonably cheap process to people.

Aligned with the introduction of farm products was the introduction of horticulture. The missionaries imported some beautiful fowers and fruit trees. Onyeidu (2001:37) testified to this assertion as follows:

At Onitsha as in other parts of the mission field, it was the

missionary agents and the colonial masters that introduced different

species of beautiful flowers, carpet grass, fruit trees and vegetables

which we have taken for granted today. 151

By and large, religion through her adherents created much impacts on agricultural sector atleast at the early period of Nigeria.

In the last analysis, the researcher opined that” religious influences on the

Nigerian democracy were more of woes than blessings as far as some Nigerian governments or some individuals are concerned. That notwithstanding, the researcher incontestably and incontrovertibly asserts that religion has made some significant impacts on the Nigerian Democracy.

152

CHAPTER SIX

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

6.1 Summary of the Findings

The work “Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy” has very outstanding major points. Generally, the impacts are both positive and negative. That notwithstanding, the observed negative influences outweigh the positive influences. The major findings are as follows:

i. Religion was influential to the provision of African identity to Nigerian society.

Religion (African traditional religion) groomed Nigerians to acquire African

virtues. These important virtues include African hospitality to strangers, the spirit

of brotherhood and sense of unity.

ii. Religion forestalled some evils in the early Nigerian society. For instance

Christianity was credited with the abolision of slavery, human sacrifices and other

human right violations. In other words, religion helped to restore human dignity.

iii. Religion (especially Islam) brought political unity to northern Nigeria. The

caliphate system was copied by the colonialists when they introduced indirect rule.

iv. Educationally, religion (all the three major religions) remains the bedrock of

Nigerian democracy. African traditional religion rendered moral education.

Christianity was credited with western education (e.g. women emancipation)

which is the catalyst for nation building, while Islamic religion introduced Arabian

cultures (e.g military schools and Arabic numerals).

v. Socially, religion promoted the policy of rehabilitation, restructuring and

reconstructuring (the 3R’s) in Nigerian society. It saved life especially during and

after the Nigerian civil war (Rehabilitation). It continues to provide employment

152 153

(restructuring human persons). It helps government in the provision of physical

and developmental structures (reconstruction).

vi. Other important positive effects include: health care delivery and western style of

marriage. Christianity provided orthodox health-care system as well as

monogamous family system. African traditional religion is still providing African

style of health care – natural healthcare. In as much as religion is associated with

many social developments in Nigeria democracy, one will not be deterred to

acknowledge its negative roles within the same society. vii. The first point is on the economic front. There is no doubt that some religious

sects (personnel) are responsible for the destruction of properties which has caused

much spending to both government and individuals. viii. Religious fanaticism which is so evident in the action of some government

personnel has led to the derogation of the Federal Constitution of Nigeria.

ix. Presently, the work x-rays the insecurity of life and property caused by some

religious sects and individuals (eg: the Boko Haram sect). Religious riots and

other sectarian violence have led to loss of lives and destruction of properties in

Nigerian society.

x. The researcher found out that the adaptation of sharia by 13 states has the potential

of eroding the secularity of the Nigerian state. Nigeria in danger of loosing its

secularity of state.

6.2 Contributions to Knowledge

This thesis is really invaluable to the Nigerian society. The work has generated a lot of ideal which I believe have contributed to the already existing knowledge on the

Nigerian democracy. These contributions may be summed up as follows: 154 i. This work exposes religion as a super structure in Nigerian society. It reveals

the fact that Federal Constitution of Nigeria is based on divine structure. The

concepts of God, faith and human rights laws are divinely oriented. ii. The work highlights the concept of “utra vires” in the judicial lexicon. It is

now a proven fact that the president/governor alone has no right to issue or

exercise some executive powers (like that of Babangida in registering Nigeria

in OIC) without the consent of masses as represented by the Nigerian National

Assembly or the State Houses of Assembly. This has become a clear

information for all and sundry. The real knowledge it engenders is that

sovereignty belongs to people (citizenry) and not to persons or group of

individuals. iii. The thesis is a work that projects religion as “Health Science”. There is no gain

saying that when one reads through the work, one will understand that

religious institution (eg churches mosques and shrines) and religious rituals

(prayers, vigils, praises) are remedial avenues and exercises for spiritual and

physical healing/cures. iv. The work gives some detailed behaviour of some politicians as well as the

actions of other social scientists. It provides good directives (knowledge) for

politicians. v. The study gives insight on the possibility of good coexistence for the three

major Nigerian religions (Islam, Christianity and African traditional religion).

This harmonious coexistence can be termed “Ecology of Religion” vi. The research highlights the fact that religion can help the society in achieving

good polity. Religion can achieve this when religious leaders act responsibly in 155

educating the electorates. This work will help the masses to understand their

civic responsibilities. vii. It is a fact that religion helped to build the Nigerian society. This was done by

the missionaries (Islam and Christians) by being responsible for structures and

developmental institutions like schools, universities, health centers, hospitals,

the press and other infrastructures. The work reveals also the paradox that the

same religion that helped to build the society could as well help to destroy the

same society by the actions of some religious fanatics and sects. viii. The work highlights the fact that amalgamating diverse tribes and religions

was the most fundamental causes of unrest, crisis and disorder in Nigerian

society. ix. The work is a “vade mecum” for the government. It contains some advisory

instruments on how to run government and how to manage the multi-religious

nation like Nigeria. x. From the work, it is a clear fact that religion can challenge government in some

positive respects. Some social institutions (schools, hospitals, banks, the press)

owned by religious bodies are far better managed than those ones owned by

government. xi. The thesis also conveys the message that priests and pastors and Imans can

read civil law and be good jurists. Some have already become law practicing

personnel. More importantly, the fact that priests and pastors are becoming

chaplains in the force (army, police and navy) is a religious influence to

Nigerian society. 156

xii. The work provides the message that religious leaders can advise government

and political leaders and can as well intervene in the course of unjust

democratic principles, like that of the intervention of His Holiness Pope John

Paul II for the release of Obasanjo and his colleagues in prison.

xiii. The work is an ‘eye-opener’ to the society that religion engenders distractions

to society. This is done through the uncharitable deeds of noise making in the

name of early morning evangelism.

xiv. Most importantly, the thesis provides a veritable information on the gradual

extinction of African traditional religion. It projects the fact that foreign

cultures are scrambling to replace African culture hence the alert on the

gradual collapse of African traditional values and norms.

The above points are the added and very substantiated values of information, facts, and wisdom for the Nigerian society. They are the new achievements gained from the work for Nigerian society. Obviously, when these knowledge are used, religion will bring

Nigerian society to a very greater height.

6.3 Recommendations

For religion to achieve its expected goals on the Nigerian democracy, the following points are recommended:

i. The researcher advocates for civic education and ethics in the Nigerian schools

both private and government. The courses will start from secondary to tertiary

institutions. Government will produce and provide the required and requisite

common syllabus and curricula for the course.

ii. Some religious leaders should be encouraged to read law to become lawyers,

magistrates and judges. The production of these religiously minded men of the 157

jury will enhance the rule of law and good democracy. It will give sanity to the

judiciary for the course of justice. iii. The writer proposes that there will be Nigerian national festival of arts and

culture (NNFESTAC). This plan should start from tertiary institution. The

federal government and state governments will carter for the competitions at

the federal and state government levels, respectively. The gathering will

engender oneness, brotherliness, love, and promote African cultural values. It

will encourage arts, cultures and games etc (for entertainment and unity). iv. It is in the mind of every true Nigerian that democracy is something we should

join hands to nurture and protect. As such, it needs every ingredient that can

make it alive and prosperous. For its sustainability, there is need for every

body’s sacrifice, fairness, due process, in the rule of law, non partisanship,

justice and patriotism. v. The writer exhorts that all religious leaders should live up to the ethics of their

religious profession. Let this be the key to the transformation agenda and

coexistence in the Nigerian society. The religionists should be loudly and

powerfully outspoken. They should be real fearless watchdogs in the society.

Above all, the leaders should be powerfully emphasizing those positive and

common values that unite. vi. More importantly, the researcher appeals to all and sundry to be patriotic and

work toward making Nigeria to be secular as the Federal Constitution of

Nigeria stipulates. For this, all hands should be on deck. In the same vein, there

is need to see our different cultures and various religions with positive mind as

there is beauty in diversity and unity in diversity. 158

vii. The researcher suggests that no other sharia states will be approved or created

forthwith nor any other constitutional law be introduced except the Federal

Constitution of Nigeria.

viii. Finally, the researcher passionately appeals as well as recommends that the

Nigerian National Assembly (NNA) should start negotiating the process of

deregistration of Nigeria from the OIC and the Islamic Development Bank

(IDB) as this will help to restore the confidence of non-muslims in Nigerian

democracy.

6.4 Suggestions for Further Research

This work is too vast that it has various related topics in view. On this note, the followings are the most relevant ones:

i. Is Religion agent of unity/division in Nigeria? (A socio-political discourse)

ii. How can Religion upgrade Nigerian Economy?

iii. How can religious leaders effect Deregistration of Nigeria from the Organisation

of Islamic Conference (OIC)?

6.5 Conclusion

In the course of this work, “Influence of Religion on the Nigerian Democracy”, the researcher strongly affirms the following points. Firstly, it is an incontrovertible fact that religion has recorded myriads of both positive and negative impacts on the Nigerian democracy. Egbowele et al (2011:np) agrees to this assertion when he wrote that: “the effect of religion on politics all over the world is mixed grill in the sense that it is both positive and negative”. Religious effect is positive because as earlier identified is full of values through the ardent religious believers. Also it has negative effects from the 159 perspective of situations where religious bigots and fanatics do anything in the name of religion to ensure that power, positions and offices are gained.

On the positive side, the researcher affirms that religion is globally credited for the

(unified) wholesome formation of human personality. The personalities who brought independence to Nigerian society were the products of religion. Physically and socially, it is not to be argued that religion had helped in the nation building in all facets of developments.

That notwithstanding, the researcher clearly opines that religion seems to be dividing Nigeria into two (North and south) opposition parts. Religion foresters exclusiveness, ethnocentrisms and weakens patriotism. Similarly, the researcher is pointing out the fact that religion has led and can still lead Nigerian society into economic disaster. Emewu et al (2012:np) confirmed this statement when he wrote that, in one such space of violence and guns…. Boko Haram (a sect in religion) members stormed a Bank which he (Abu Qaga) could not reveal its identity and location and harvested N41 million” This action of Boko Haram (of storming bank) is just a tip of ice burg amidst economic lapses discredited to religion. However, religion can change this deed if religious leaders eschew selfishness and live up to their religious ethics.

In the same negative term, it is on record that since the end of the military rule in

1999, religious violence and inter-communal crises in Nigeria have claimed innumerable lives. On this note the researcher posits that Nigerians should join hands to stop these bad omens especially the shedding of human blood. This is tolally negative and counterfeiting to religion and abysmally dysfunctional to the Nigerian democracy.

More importantly, the researcher strongly asserts that according to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, (sect 10 of Federal Constitution of Nigeria) the 160

Nigerian society is a secular state. It is not a theocratic state. Diara in Achunike

(2009:160) emphasized that:

The adoption of Sharia in some states of Nigeria with effect from

October 27, 2011 no doubt brought a situation of legal dualism –

democratic and theocratic legal systems – in the country”.

The researcher asserts that this dualism of legal system in Nigeria could destabilize democracy in situ. More emphatically, Diara (2009:160) stated that: “Since the inception of Nigeria as an independent nation in 1960, there has never been an enduring democracy.” This means that the entire Nigerians should allow democracy to thrive in Nigerian society by the entirely choice of the constitution of the Federal

Republic of Nigeria. From the work, both the existence of Sharia, the registration of

Nigeria into the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) and the Islamic Development

Bank (IDB) are inconsistent to the Nigerian democracy.

All the same, the researcher on this ground asserts that religion performed both functional and dysfunctional impacts on the Nigeria’s democracy. Nevertheless, very glaring prospects should keep Nigerian`s alive for continued prosperity and unity. This prosperity and unity should be achieved only when all Nigerian citizenry (especially the religiounists) are consistently, persistently and effectively be committed to the real ethics of their religion. The borderline to determine how good or bad Nigerian society should be in future depends on how well religious personnel have functionally started to act.

Conclusively, the research directs from the foregoing that religion has failed through her adherents hence it is on record that her influences are more dysfunctional than being functional in the Nigerian society. 161

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ORAL INTERVIEW

Name of interviewee Profession Place of Age Date Interviewer origin Akukalia, A. Farmer Abatete 88yrs 3/4/1980 Onwudinjo Benedict Kosisochukwu, D. Civil Servant Lagos 58yrs 5/10/2011 Onwudinjo Benedict Mohammed, A. Retired Kano State 80 yrs 10/10/2010 Onwudinjo Teacher Benedict Ngwudike A.C. Chief Nsukwu 85yrs 30/5/2010 Onwudinjo Abatete Benedict Odenigbo, A. Retired civil Abatete 85 yrs 25/5/2010 Onwudinjo servant Benedict Okeke, V. Religious Dunukofia 58 yrs 5/6/2011 Onwudinjo minister (Onitsha) Benedict Anambra State Onwujiaku D. Retired Civil Iheduru 78yrs 7/7/2011 Onwudinjo Servant Benedict Onyedikachukwu, Retired civil Abatete 80yrs 6/6/2011 Onwudinjo O. servant Benedict Onyejekwu C. Retired Civil Ihiala 62 yrs 5/7/2012 Onwudinjo Servant Benedict Udeh, C. Anglican Eziowelle 70 yrs 20/5/201 Onwudinjo Pastor Benedict

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

Oil was discovered in Bomu in Gokhana-Ogoni in Gokhana Local Government Area of Rivers State, in commercial quantity in 1958. This really gave hope for a greater tomorrow and hope for a promising future to the people. This was after the WilInk Commission “of inquiry into the fears of Minorities and Means of Allaying them” Report of 1958 had recommended necessary remedies to appease the agitation of the Oil Minority Areas. These remedies among other things included the establishment of a special board (The Niger Delta Development Board) to handle the development of the river-rine areas of the Niger Delta. Unfortunately, these recommendations were never implemented.

It was rather, the Ogoni ethnic nationality that was of late plunged into the darkest period in their history. This was a period of social injustice and marginalization, ecological and environmental pollution, and abject poverty. Mitee (2002) graphically described the situation the people of Gokhana found themselves thus: Since the start of oil production in Ogoni, the traditional people could no longer produce food to feed themselves. The farmlands were destroyed, air and water polluted. Many Ogoni children and animals lost their lives when they fell into large open pits constructed during drilling. Between 1958 and 1993, gas flaring in the area had been going on day and night (p.21). 1

Thus, Mitee (2OO2:10) maintained that the Gokhana people were wronged for many years and did not know what to do. Therefore, in 1990, the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) declared through the Ogoni Bill of Rights (1990), the demands of Ogoni people thus;

(a) For social and economic emancipation. (b) The right to self-determination as a distinct people in the Nigerian Federation. (c) Adequate representation as of right in all Nigerian institutions. (d) The right to use a fair proportion of the economic resources of their land for their development, and (e) The right to control their environment.

Fruthermore, since the killing of Mr. Ken Saro-Wiwa and the other eight (8) Ogoni leaders on the 10th November 1995, and the subsequent harassment, detention and torture of the stakeholders in Gokhana and Ogoni of the (Niger Delta), the crisis has not only escalated but has assumed and presented other critical management problems. According to Niboro (2007), Saro Wiwa’s martyrdom is the metaphor for the raging crisis in the Niger Delta today. Isaac Adaka Boro before Saro Wiwa set the tone for the military junta in the war to keep Nigeria one. Like Saro Wiwa, many years down the line, Isaac Boro believed in the sanctity of the Nigerian State. He only sought for a better deal for the people of the Niger Delta and drew attention to his point of view. But Saro Wiwa went the opposite direction, declaring a nonviolent struggle. This culminated in the enunciation of the Ogoni Bill of Right 2

in 1990. The rolling-off of the Niger Delta crisis has since Saro Wiwa’s martyrdom, taken a life of its own. One of the crucial lessons learnt from his death and that of Boro before him is that the Niger Delta struggle can actually continue without a defined form. Today, we are confronted by militants operating in amoebic cells, and distributed in varying intensities across the waterways of the Delta (p.16)

Fundamentally, Niboro (2007), in the above quotation crystallized and underscored the immediate unfortunate concern, struggle and crisis that confront the Ogoni ethnic nationality in general and the Gokhana group in particular. The concerns of the Gokhana people and the role of TAC in managing the crisis however, form the main focus of this thesis. This is so because Government crisis management measures and tools to resolve the conflict appear to be dysfunctional.

At this juncture, the study examined closely various government measures vis-à-vis the desperate role the oil-producing communities had played in the national oil economy. It also took a cursory look at the needs, demands, interest and over-all well- being of the Niger Delta especially the Gokhana people as a unit of the federation of Nigeria.

According to Suberu (2003:35) Government had used the redistributive policies as a measure of remedy in the management of the Niger Delta conflict. Firstly, the redistributive policies are state decisions that consciously dispense valued resources to one group at the expense of other claimants to state resources. The

3 most important redistribute policy that government introduced involved the assignment of 2 percent and 1.5 percent of proceed from oil, to oil producing areas (Efeni 1992:10).

In recognition of the poor state of infrastructure and the harsh terrain of the Niger Delta, successive governments since independence have also established special development agency for the region. First, there was the Niger Delta Development Board in the 1960s, which was recommended by the Willink Commission. Second, in the 1970s, there was the Niger Delta Rivers Basin Development Authority as the principal tool of rural development, not only in the Niger Delta, but across the country. Since then, other efforts at addressing the concerns of the Gokhana people and Niger Delta agitations have included the special fund created by the 1981 Revenue Act for Oil Producing Areas and the special Presidential Task Force for the Development of the Oil Producing Areas which administered the special fund amounting to 1.5% of the Federation accounts created in 1989. In fact, the main intervention of this sort which began in July 1992, by Decree No.23 of that year, gave birth to the Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) and committed 3% of Oil revenue to it (Ibeanu, 2008:28). Ibeanu (2008) submitted that “there were high hopes at its inception that OMPADEC will become the driving force behind the regeneration of Gokhana-Land and the Niger Delta. The financial resources that ostensibly were available to the commission bolstered this good will.” But sadly enough that was not to be.

4

The last special development intervention by government in the Niger Delta in general and Gokhana-Land in particular was through the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). Since January 2001 when the commission took off, and with a projected budget of at least 40 Billion Naira annually, many observers were concerned whether the Master Plan will be implemented. Ibeanu (2008) underscored the focal point of this work when he expressed serious concerns about the result oriented-ness and effectiveness of this measure, as a means of re- addressing the ill of the Niger Delta region. In his words, These concerns point to the repeated failure of development in the Niger Delta – the tendency for development to under-develop the Niger Delta and Gokhana-land. In the end, in spite of all these attempts to develop the Niger Delta and after Billions of Naira have been pumped into the region by government, aid donor communities, it seems that the development of the Niger Delta has in fact reversed rather than improved. Infact, it seems that every development strategy that has been developed for the Niger Delta has paradoxically under-developed the region. It is not surprising that a recent survey study of oil revenue governance in the Niger Delta that I did with a number of other colleagues showed that on all accounts, development has tailed in the Niger Delta (p.32).

Therefore, he adduced reasons for this colossal failure of Government on the development of the Niger Delta. First there is no accountability, transparency and public participation in development programmes and spending. Secondly, development projects have been deliberately and unequivocally exclusionary of vulnerable groups like women, children and the disabled. Thirdly,

5 development projects have been unsustainable, particularly in creating alternatives to the petroleum industry and in environmental protection and remediation.

The question then is whether these policies were able to really ameliorate the suffering and impoverished conditions of oil- producing communities? Suberu’s observations concerning this management initiative are very helpful for the purpose of this study. Suberu indicts the policies as inadequate or a failure. He posits that: It is useful to note the increase in statutory allocations to the mineral producing areas and the ecological fund entailed a corresponding reduction by 1.5 and 1 percent, respectively, of statutory allocations from the Federal Account to the Federal and State Government. This is in the nature of redistributive policies, which characteristically involve the gratification of some interest or demands at the expense of others (p.37).

Little wonder then, why the agitations have continued. Embarrassingly too, the recent history of militancy, kidnapping of both expatriates and nationals employees of oil companies in Gokhana has continued unabated. Government has not lived up to her expectations in this regard.

The second conflict management mechanism employed by the Federal Government is the re-organizational policies. Re- organizational policies refer to state efforts to restructure or reconfigure political or administrative institutions and relationship in order to accommodate group demands or strengthen the efficacy of centralized state power (Suberu 6

2003:35). He further stated that, it was a decisive instrument of Federal development patronage, since the policy continued with the standard of inter-unit equality in distributing Federal financial resources and infrastructural opportunities to the nation’s constituent communities and segments, while the oil- producing communities did not get direct benefits. In any case, the effectiveness of this conflict management measure did not yield the desired results. For, while the oil-producing units demanded for the creation of state like Oil Rivers and for Upland Rivers State, what they got was the further subdivision of the units into 24 from 14 Local Government Area in Rivers State. Consequently, the Rivers Forum for State Creation eloquently captured the oil-producing communities feeling concerning this policy measure thus: Creating more Local Government Area is a step in the right direction, but not the only step... states must be created (in Rivers State) because of its disproportionate contribution to national wealth... (and) the equally disproportionate suffering of its people (Efeni 1992:11).

The question this study seeks to unravel is, can this unjust situation be allowed to continue to ravage the Niger Delta and Gokhana in particular? Can the Christian church and The Apostolic Church approach to conflict management help resolve the conflict? Can the Christian churches request for a stop action on the oppressed people of the oil producing communities without demanding justice from the government of Nigeria and the multinational oil companies? Moreso, since the church is acknowledged to have the ministry of reconciliation can the

7 church be relied upon by the oppressed and depressed people of the Niger Delta?

In terms of reconciliation, The Apostolic Church in Gokhana has used ethical and theological discernment to manage their members and church affairs in the face of the conflict to a large extent. The Apostolic Church Gokhana programmes and social activities provide a transformation model of conflict resolution in a multi-religious and multiethnic society.

1.2 Statement of the Problem Living conditions in the Niger Delta and Gokhana are indeed harsh and difficult. This is due to what Ayoob (2004:90) described as “state failure”. This is a condition where the state has failed to perform her basic civil responsibilities, such as the provision of basic infrastructure, roads, water, housing, hospitals and security of life and property. Furthermore, Ayoob (2004:90) maintains that “state failure” is the product of government over use of power which becomes tyrannical and tantamount to anarchy. This trend can lead to a failed state. “Failed State” is also as a result of the Federal Government inability to provide result oriented management policies in a region. Federal Government’s application of the redistributive, reorganizational as well as the regulatory policies has not been adequate in Gokhana and the Niger Delta.

8

Where does this ugly impasse lead the struggling but God-fearing people of Gokhana in Ogoni to? Does it follow that because state policies have failed the present silence by government and the oil companies have proffered the solution and resolution to the conflict? The most probable answer is no. For it is clear that Christianity has in the past and in various societies acted as an agent of social change, conflict management and resolution. And this researcher also believes it can do the same in Gokhana and in the Niger Delta. In this connection, we believe that there is a nexus between political action, evangelism and social action. And since there is a relationship between evangelism and social action, it is clear that Christianity as an agent of social change, conflict management and resolution will provide the answer to the Gokhana crisis.

The problem of this study therefore, was how to evaluate the strategies of the church (TAC) such as their strong sense of personal responsibility which had attracted meaningful change in their local church communities. The obvious problem that this work endeavoured to unravel was whether the fact that the massive programme of evangelism, redemptive activities or social action and life-style of The Apostolic Churchin Gokhana can provide an alternative tool for management, and transformation of the Gokhana and Niger Delta crisis. Furthermore, the researcher is also dissatisfied with the over-dependence of the Ogoni people on outside aid for solutions to the plight of the poor, oppressed and over exploited communities rather than depend on the TAC

9 strategies. However, the present tendency of resorting to kidnapping, hostage taking and keeping and in some cases the killing of innocent citizens as a redress to the injustices, are also worrisome and therefore not a good omen.

1.3 Aim of the Study The purpose or objective of this study was to critically examine the Gokhana (in Ogoni) of the Niger Delta conflict and attempt to find the right management tools especially from religious perspective; that would provide a lasting solution to the conflict. Therefore, the thesis in particular examined: a. The background of the Gokhana-Ogoni conflict/crisis. b. The management strategies and tools employed by Government and the oil companies on one hand, and the church on the other in resolving the co nflict. c. The level of success The Apostolic Church has achieved in bringing about peace and stability in Ogoni land. d. New models to the solution to the Ogoni conflict. e. The leadership challenges of the church in Nigeria in general and the clergy (men on the pulpit) in particular. This will also contribute in practical terms to the management of economic and ethnic conflicts in Nigeria.

1.4. Significance of the Study The main concern of this work is not just with the Niger Delta conflict but with how the crisis can be successfully managed for the well-being of the people. The significance of the study

10 therefore includes the following: a. To enable Nigerians and members of The Apostolic Church community in Nigeria, to properly understand the issues, concerns and complaints of the oil-producing communities and the Ogoni conflict in particular.

b. It will help re-direct the church in Gokhana and Ogoni in general to focus on her practical duty of theologizing. In other words they will come to full grip and understanding of their exploits in evangelism and social action as a veritable tool of managing social crisis, especially in Gokhana.

c. The study will help Government and the oil companies harness the capacity of The Apostolic Church in particular and Christianity in general in conflict resolution and management.

d. It will contribute to the already existing literature in the field of Religion and Society and enhance further study of the Gokhana people.

e. It will motivate a consistent Christian life of Pastors, elders, and church workers, knowing that their contribution in evangelism and social work can help transform the society.

f. Finally, the research will help immensely in inter-religious dialogue and cooperation between individual believers, church leaders and denominations in Gokhana and Ogoni in general. This will not only enhance religious tolerance, but foster cooperation among church leaders the government and the multi-national oil companies.

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1.5 Scope of the Study The scope of this research starts and focuses primarily on the Gokhana group in Ogoni. The Niger Delta region comprises the following states: Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, Akwa-Ibom, Edo, Abia, Cross River, Ondo and Imo State. The Niger Delta has been described as one of the world’s largest wetland covering over, 20,000 square km in South Eastern Nigeria. About 75% of the states is river-rine and inundated with water. In some areas the percentage of flood plain drops to about 50% (World Bank, May, 1995) in Fubara (2002:15). The area is made up of distinct ethnic groups with 26 language groups in Rivers and Bayelsa States only. The Niger Delta covers an area of 70,000 square km and consists of districts and zones. The characteristics of the Niger Delta are large rivers in tropical regions, coastal ridge barriers, mangroves, fresh waters, swamps forest, low lands and rainforests. (Ndes, 1995:15).

Among the Niger Delta states the most affected regions by oil exploitation and exploration by ecological degradation, pollution and devastation is Rivers State. And the areas so affected in Rivers State include the whole Ogoni land, Kala, Obagi, Egi, Egbema and Ndoni communities. In Bayelsa State they are Oloibiri, Sagbama etc; in Akwa Ibom, Eket, Iko, Ibeno, Uguo (Esi- urua) and others. They all have the same measure of destruction. These areas have experienced different kinds of acid rain which is detrimental to the ecosystem (Ndes, 1995:15).

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The general focus of this research is Ogoni Land with particular interest in Gokhana land. Ogoni consists of one hundred and twenty towns and villages spread over six kingdoms constituting the nationality. These include Gokhana, Khana, Nyokhana, Kenkana, Babbe and Eleme kingdoms. There are three languages spoken in Ogoni mainly Nyokana languages. The scope is specifically on Gokhana-land where The Apostolic Church in Gokhana in Rivers State Maritime Field has prospered in social transformation programmes for the past eighty (80) years.

1.6 Research Methodology This research employed the descriptive and historical methods of research in which issues were raised) described and critically evaluated in the context of the research.

In the process of data collection the primary and secondary sources were used. In the primary source of data gathering some experienced church leaders, government agents as we as workers/personnel of the oil companies were interviewed on the subject matter. In the field survey, the researcher personally visited Bodo-City, the Maritime Field headquarters of the Apostolic Church in Rivers State and other local churches in Biara, Boomu, Lewe, Gbarako, B.Dere and K, Dere; to see for himself what was on ground relevant to this study. On the other hand, the secondary source concentrated on pure library research from where information was gathered from text books, journals, periodicals, newspapers, magazines and materials from

13 both the archives and internet. The data collected through the primary and secondary sources, were collated, interpreted, analyzed and presented through the descriptive analytical style.

1.7 Definition of Relected Terms The following terms will be defined not only within the conceptual or contextual use, but also as used in this work. The term include: The Apostolic Church, Christianity, conflict, conflict resolution, management, conflict management and conflict transformation.

1. The Apostolic Church This is a Pentecostal Christian denomination which originated in 1904 during the Welish Revival. The Apostolic Church is a common term describing churches and group within the oneness movement. The theological beliefs of The Apostolic Church as summarized in its statement of faith, is known as The Tenets (Turnbull, 1959:5).

The Apostolic Church tenents of faith describes the 12 points cardinal beliefs of the church. But the most distinguishing among them is the belief concerning the government of the church by Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, Pastors, Teachers, Elders and Deacon (Acts 1- 13, Titus 1:5-9, Heb. 13:17, 1 Pet. 5:1-4). While the ministry of the Pastor is predominant in other Pentecostal churches, in The Apostolic Church fold, the role of the Apostles and Prophets dominate as church leaders: (Turnbull, 1959:5).

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2. Conflict Conflict, according to Agbonifor (2000:15) is seen as an inevitable consequence of the operation of a social system. It may disrupt a social system or contribute toward the maintenance of such social system. Conflict is therefore seen as an engine of growth and change in a society. He observed that human societies change as result of conflict.

Conflict according to Hughes (2006:51) is a situation in which people groups or countries are involved in a serious disagreement or agreement. It is a violent situation or period of fighting between two countries, a situation in which there are opposing ideals, opinions, feeling or wishes. It is caused by lack of understanding of the position or interest of parties, over issues of common good. Goldthrope (2004:15) says that conflict may take many forms. The word as used by sociologists is a wide one, and includes debate, bargaining, competition as well as violence.

3. Management The term “Management” has been used in different ways to describe the essential aspects of organizational activities which determine how people should work and the materials to be used in achieving organizational goals. Thus, management process involves the ways organizational resources are used to achieve its goals.

Therefore, to manage, says Fayol, is to “forecast and plan, to organize, to command, to coordinate and to control”. Thus,

15 whatever view is preferred concerning the definition of management; the implication is that good management is the key difference between the success and failure of any enterprise (Cole, 1996:13).

4 Conflict Management According to Akpuru-Aja (2007), conflict management basically means the use of dialogue to assist opponents or parties not only to have agreement against hostile images or actions, but to comply with early agreed resolutions and strategies. It is a process that spans through conflict phases from prevention through outright resolution. Best (2006) has also defined conflict management as: The process of reducing the negative and destructive capacity of conflict through a number of measures and by working with and through the parties involved in that conflict.., it covers the entire area of handling conflicts positively at different stages, including those efforts made to prevent conflict, by being proactive. It encompasses conflict limitation, containment and litigation (p.95).

It is very sensitive; it is impartial and gives a lot of leverages and relevant concessions when necessary to achieve desired objectives. It could involve either unilateral or bilateral actors. Dialogue is the most desired medium of solving conflicts. Therefore, the most urgent need of the Gokhana in Ogoni economic conflict is the involvement of both unilateral and bilateral actors; using dialogue as the most desired medium of solving the conflict.

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5 Conflict Transformation According to Nnadozie and Uzuegbunam (2010:35), this means changes in all, any, or some combination of the following matters regarding conflict:

• The general context or framing of the situation • The contending parties • The issues at stake • The processes or procedures governing the predicament or the structure affecting any of the aforementioned. It entails the coming into being a new situation involving conflict issues, perceptions, relationship and communication patterns (Jeong, 2000). As change, it can be seen descriptively in the changes created by social conflict, and prescriptively in the deliberate intervention by third parties to create change.

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CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW

The literature review on this study was done under the following sub headings: (i) Introduction, theories and concept of conflict. (ii) Crises in the Niger Delta (Gokhana in Ogoni) Causes and Effects. (iii) Christianity, The Apostolic Church and Conflict Management.

2.1 Theories and Concept of Conflict Gaya-Best (2006) underscored the significance of the analysis of theories and concept of conflict when he argues that: The use of theory may be common to only scholars and not those who wish to approach conflict casually. Different people have different attitude towards theory. Some like it and some don’t. The crux of the matter is that conflict analysis is rooted in theory, and when is removed, the soul has also been severed (p.73).

Therefore, the study examined various social conflict theories with the view to relating these theories to the Ogoni conflict and particularly in Gokhana land. Again, Udaya (2010:1) spoke in the same vein when she posits that: “though divided opinions on the nature, causes and impact of conflict are reflected in the fact that there is hardly any single widely accepted theory on which scholars agree, scholars have tried to make sense of the phenomena”. Thus Udaya (2010:2) maintained that the 18 variety of approaches of inquiry in the field has led to proliferation of theories. Quoting Sandole she provides an explanation thus that: Practitioners work at different levels, operate in different domains and derive their ideas from a variety of sources. And the domains in which they operate influence their goals, methods and overall approach (p.2).

Basically then, the social conflict theories are theoretical viewpoints anchored on the inevitability of change in human society.

Commenting on the divided opinions of scholars on the nature, causes and impact of conflict, Saale (2008:19) supports the argument of Faleti (2004:36) as he asserts that conflict is not always negative as mostly depicted. It can either be constructive (positive) or destructive (negative) depending on how it is handled. He considered conflict as a fluid and finitely elastic concept, which can take different shapes and has become an issue over which scholars find themselves in sharp disagreement. Saale elaborates: However, it is possible to justify this apparent disagreement within the standpoint of the multi- disciplinary nature of conflict research. This difference in theoretical approach has also affected the practice of conflict resolution (p.19).

Therefore, Saale (2008:21) contended that conflict as a multidisciplinary and dimensional fact of life, and the ways of explaining it are also in several dimension. Therefore, Saale asserts that: 19

As far as affairs of life are concerned, every section of the globe is involved. This universal truth justifies the inevitability of conflict in the entire political strata of Nigeria (p.21).

However, we must state affirmatively that the practice of conflict resolution, whether through resolution proper or transformation as in Gokhana “is in direct relationship of mutual dependence between theory and practice”. As Sandole (1992:IX) sees it, “theory is used in practice”, “theory is tested by practice”, and “theory is generated by practice”.

In line with the above, Cohen (1968:2) observed that “the goal of any theory is to explain something which has occurred with a view to dealing with the problem which arises or may arise as a result”. Thus explanation usually requires the use of models (Faleti, 2006:37). Theories and models are developed because they are considered logical explanations that become necessary from the moment problems are discovered.

2.2 Crises in the Niger Delta (Gokhana in Ogoni) Causes and Effects. On 21st May 1995, as part of his goodwill message on the first anniversary of the detention of Ogoni youths and leaders, Saro- Wiwa made the following statement, that: We all know that the brutal murder of the four men, the detention and trial of myself and other Ogoni leaders, the hunting of Ogoni youth, the dismissal of Ogoni Civil Servants from Rivers State Civil Service and the unprecedented mayhem visited on unarmed Ogoni men, women and children are an attempt to silence our 20

legitimate and non violent protest against environmental degradation, political marginalization and economic strangulation (2005:14).

The above quotation crystallizes the struggle in the Gokhana - Ogoni conflict; and underlined the serious fact that there is an on-going conflict in Gokhana - Ogoni land. The conflict is a dispute over the activities of Shell Petroleum Development Company, the Federal Government of Nigeria and the Gokhana - Ogoni people.

Saale (2008:32) explained that the main issues, demands and interests of the Gokhana - Ogoni people as articulated by MOSOP are recognized by article 20 of the African Charter of Human Rights which was signed by the Nigeria Government before the origin of the Gokhana - Ogoni struggle. He identified the cause of the conflict as the fundamental contradictions within the state system; with the Federal Government and non-colonial business operating against required reforms, especially in the oil-rich Niger Delta. According to Saale, both the Federal Government and the multinational companies have violated all natural and international laws and rights.

Menegbon (2005:124-129), viewed the agitation of the oil producing areas as vital part of the democratic development that will change the undemocratic experience in the country where the Federal and State Governments are not accountable to the people. Commenting on the conflict, MOSOP (The Movement for

21 the Survival of, the Ogoni People) opined that the political and economic arrangement must be restructured radically so as to move Nigeria forward. Accordingly, Menegbon insisted that the stance of MOSOP and indeed all other ethnic self determination movement in the Niger Delta “remains that the political economy must be restructured radically before Nigeria can move forward. The questions raised often are: does MOSOP want the Federal Government to hand-over completely to State Government or to ethnic self-determination groups?” Should not the resources generated in the region reflect in the development of the region?

Furthermore, Okemini observed rightly too, that the Nigerian nation masterminded the problem of the region, while the oil companies nursed it to maturity through their divide and rule- sponsored violence in the region. However, he pertinently notes that in addressing the Niger Delta question and agitation, there will be no quick fired solution due to the present level of dissatisfaction of the people of the oil bearing communities against the government of Nigeria and (SPDC). According to him, the response of the multinational corporations to the communities’ quest over the years had been very uncertain and frustrating. Moreso, they have world-wide operational knowledge and experience for many years in similar circumstances. Yet they have failed to apply the experience in the case of the Niger Delta region (Saale, 2008:43).

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Uduaghan (2007:31) postulated that the cause of the Niger Delta conflict and its constant escalation is as the result of the failure of authorities (Government/Shell) to pay attention to surveillance network, gathering and using it to strengthen the security network in the region. He calculated that the question of pipeline vandalism is a very complex issue. But the easiest segment to deal with it is the community.

In addition, the issue is cardinal to the Niger Delta - Ogoni conflict. According to Akpobari (2004), the President of Niger Delta liberation project: …13% derivation is 87% deprivation! Another issue we must confront head-on is the diversionary antics, which the Government and their agents are adopting in the name of dichotomy. The Niger Delta people have been demanding for “Resources Control” since 1966 when their son, Isaac Adaka Boro launched a revolutionary campaign against the Federal Military Government of Nigeria. Ken Sero-Wiwa continued the demand for Resource Control till he was hanged in 1995. At no time had we as a people demanded for any thing less (p.10).

This, according to Suberu (2003:32), is perhaps the most radical demand of the oil-producing communities involved in the agitations for the restructuring of the internal territorial configuration of the federation. Among the Ogoni people, there have been insistent demands for greater ethno-political 23 autonomy in order to give to the people the “right to the control and use of a fair proportion of Ogoni economic resources for Ogoni development (Ogoni Bill of Rights, 1990:4).

Therefore, Suberu noted that derivation is, of course a longstanding principle of revenue allocation in Nigeria. The derivation or original principle of distribution stipulates that a significant proportion of the revenues collection in a locality should be returned to that locality or segments. However, it is noteworthy to observe the radical shift at the expense of the Niger Delta for derivation, has however, been progressively de- emphasized as mineral exploration replaced agricultural exports as the principal source of government revenue and foreign exchange earning in Nigeria. This change in the rules for allocating revenue has been denounced by MOSOP as a politically motivated assault by the Federal Government on the economic rights of the Niger Delta communities, who are perceived as to small and weak to threaten the stability of the federation.

In the Ogoni Bill of Rights (1990:4), MOSOP indeed gave primacy to the constitutional position of Ogoni in the Nigeria federation. As the first on the list of the Ogoni Bill of Rights centered on the “Political control of Ogoni affairs by Ogoni people”, Ken Saro Wiwa and indeed MOSOP perceived the non creation of an Ogoni state as “an affront to truth and civility, a slap in the face of modern history; it was robbery with violence”. According to Robinson (1996) Saro-Wiwa maintained that:

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What Babangida was doing was transferring the resources of the Delta, of the Ogoni and other ethnic minorities to the ethnic majorities – the Hausa Fulani, the Igbo and the Yoruba – since most of the new state and local government were created in the homes of these three. None of the local government or state is viable; they all depended on oil revenue which was to be shared by the states and local governments according to the most outrageous of criteria (p.17).

Thus, the continued transfer of the resources of the Niger Delta; and the denial of the Gokhana people of the political control of Gokhana affairs by Gokhana people remain serious threats to peace and undermined concrete efforts towards the resolution of the conflict.

Another fundamental issue in Gokhana - Niger Delta conflict is the environmental devastation; the impact the activity of oil multi-national companies has had on the ecology of Ogoni land. Robinson (1996) graphically described the devastation thus, that environmental pollution from oil industries has had far-reaching effects on the organization of peasant life and production. And in addition to the effects of spills on mangroves, spills of crude, dumping of by-products from exploration, exploration and refining operations (often in fresh water environment) and over flowing of oil wastes in burrow pits during heavy rains; environmental devastation has had deleterious effects on bodies of surface water used for drinking, fishing and other household and industrial purpose. Spills, disposal of industry by-products, and flaring of gas also have had widespread repercussion on

25 availability and productivity of farming land to the over-all detriment of the people.

Robinson painfully stated that another serious threat posed by oil related pollution is its effects on the ground water, which is a source of drinking water for the area residents. According to him, ground water pollution resulting from spills can never be totally cleaned up; the only real solution lies in prevention. On the devastation by oil spills, Robinson relying on credible records explained the damage on the trail of oil spills. According to an independent record of Shell’s spills from 1982 to 1992, 1,626,000 gallons were spilt from the company’s Nigerian Operations in 27 separate incidents. Of the total number of spills recorded from Shell – a company which operates in more than 100 countries – 40% was in Nigeria. Between 1976 and 1980, Nigeria recorded a total of 784 spills involving 1,336,875 barrels of crude (Awobajo, 1981). Most of these spills occurred in the Rivers State followed by Bendel State in the Niger Delta.

Aaron (2003) has also argued that “oil exploitation in the Niger Delta leads to environmental degradation which violates the human rights of the region, its inhabitants and an attempt to re- assert this lost human right leads to future environmental degradation.” He aimed at highlighting the dynamics of the interconnectedness between human rights violation and environmental degradation in the Niger Delta. He described the people of the region as deprived and poor without anything to show for it as producers of wealthy on which the entire 26 nation depends, and that they are reduced to benefiting only from compensation for oil pollution. Commenting on environmental degradation in the Niger Delta, Ibeanu (2002:12) observed that at the root of the mismanagement of the environment by big oil companies and the state is the modernist/positivist perception of the environment as something external to be exploited for present needs.

Saale (2008) bemoaned the obvious negligence and understudy of religion as a useful tool of conflict transformation and resolution. According to him, one thing is common to the studies of the Ogoni conflict in general and Gokhana in particular, as we can see from the above literature, is that scholars have focused their attention more on the basic causal factors of the conflict. While the role of religion, especially Christianity in peace making and peace building for the people of the Delta of the Niger remain understudied.

2.3 Christianity, The Apostolic Church And Conflict Management Jesus as the founder of the Christian faith remains the foundation of Christian participation in social activities throughout the ages. His attitude to politics and political leaders of his time remains his legacy for Christians.

The Christian church over the years has followed the “steps of the Master”. Stott (1998), wrote to say that “it is exceedingly strange that the followers of Jesus Christ should have needed to 27 ask whether social involvement was their concern, and that controversy should have blown up over the relationship between evangelism and social responsibility”. For it is evident that in his public ministry Jesus both “went about teaching .... and preaching” (Matt. 4:23, 9:35 RSV) and “went about doing good and healing” (Acts 10:38 RSV). Therefore, Stott insisted that:

In consequence, “EVANGELISM and SOCIAL CONCERN have been intimately related to one another throughout the history of the Church .... Christian people have often engaged in both activities quite unselfconsciously, without feeling any need to define what they were doing or why” (p.3).

It is evident that evangelism and the preaching of the gospel has been relevant and very essential in achieving justice, peace and meaningful development and to resolve conflict in human society. Therefore we consider that the use of evangelism could be a successful Christian tool in the management of the Gokhana - Niger Delta conflict.

Reflecting on the power of evangelism as useful tool to reinvent society, Stott maintained that there were some remarkable examples of this in 18th century Europe and America. According to Stott, the Evangelical Revival, which stirred both continents, is not to be thought of only in terms of the preaching of the gospel and converting of sinners to Christ; it also led to widespread philanthropy, and profoundly affected society on both side of the Atlantic.

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The gospel John Wesley preached inspired people to take up social causes in the name of Christ. Historians have referred to Wesley’s influence rather than any other fact as to why Britain was spared the horrors of a bloody revolution like France. The change which came over Britain during this period was well- documented in John Wesley’s remarkable book “England Before and After Wesley, subtitled The Evangelical Revival and Social Reform”. This study forced him to conclude that “the true nursing mother of the spirit, character and values that have created and sustained free institutions throughout the English-speaking world”, and Anglo-Saxon history”, was “the much- neglected and often-lampooned Evangelical Revival.

The 18th century Britain was characterized by the wanton torture of animals and humans for sport. The bestial drunkenness of the populace, the in-human traffic in African Negroes, the kidnapping of fellow country-men for exportation and sales of slaves, the growing prevalence of lawlessness, the political bribery and corruption. The ecclesiastical arrogance and truculence and the insincerity and debasement rampant in church and state –such manifestations suggested that the British people were then perhaps as deeply degraded and debauched, as any people in the Christendom (Stott, 1984:3).

Then things began to change. There is but one answer commensurate with stubborn historical truth. It derived from a new conscience. And that is a social conscience mothered and mumbled by the Evangelical Revival of vital practical 29

Christianity. Accordingly Stott (1984:3) asserted further that the evangelical leaders of the next generation were committed to EVANGELISM and SOCIAL ACTION. The most famous among them were Granville Sharps, Charles Grant and of course the guiding light, William Wilberforce.

Stott also maintained that the same story can be told in the United States in the last century. Social involvement was the child of evangelism. This is clearly seen in Charles Finney’s work in 1835. Thus Stott noted the observations of various authors of this period concerning the relationship between evangelism and social concerns, reforms and transforming the life on earth into the harmony of heaven. For instance, Dayton (1987) says that “it is astonishing to read Finney’s statement in his 23rd Lecture on Revival that the great business of the church is to reform the world ... .The church of Christ was originally organized to be a body of reformers.

Thus, Stott persisted that in accordance with the “Wheaton Declaration”, the primacy of preaching the gospel to every creature and a verbal witness to Jesus Christ are firmly bracketed with evangelical social action, and urged all evangelicals to stand openly and firmly for racial equality, human freedom, and all forms of social justice throughout the world.

Therefore, for Stott (1984:11), and Dayton (1987) the church must look beyond personal structures, beyond caring for the poor to improving and when necessary transforming the economic

30 system (what ever it may be), and the political system (again, whatever it may be), until it facilitates their liberation from poverty and oppression.

2.3.1. The Apostolic Church and Conflict Management in Gokhana land The Apostolic Church world wide started as the result of the Pentecostal crisis and dispute of 1904 in Southern Wales (Turn bull 1959:15). The experience enabled the church develop and fashion its process of crisis management and dispute resolution. In Nigeria, according to Aaron (2007:103) the breaking away of the Goldsmith Church from the Faith Tabernacle Congregation gave birth to the Apostolic Church, Nigeria in 1931.

Igwe (2005:35) argued that there were rumblings of split in the Lagos Area as well as gapping signs of a real split in the Igboland hierarchy of the church leadership. He maintained that the schism in Igbo land between 1938 and 1939 centred around personality differences. Consequently, lgwe (2005:35) posits that as Pastor Anyahuru protested against perceived domination in lgbo land by church leaders from the then Calabar Area, Pastor Anyahuru labelled it “Non-submission to the over lordship of stranger” as he perceived spiritual master/servant relationship in the church hierarchy in Igbo land by the Efik-Ibibios of the then Calabar Area.

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The Leadership crisis also spread to Gokhana in Rivers Maritime Field.Nyiedah (2010:173) asserted that early in 1960, Pastor R.J.J Lewis’ administration nursed certain ambitious programmes to introduce drastic reforms that include re-shufflement of offices and a break-away from the Amurnara-lgbo land administration. Furthermore, in 1985, according to Nyiedah (2010), Pastor M.F.L Brown as chairman proclaimed the three areas around Port Harcourt, lgbodo, Ngo and No 39 Creek Road, Port Harcourt Church an autonomous Maritime Field. Nyiedah emphasized that the secessionists made cardinal allegation on the Ogoni dominated leadership of the Rivers Maritime Field. Anyacho (1998:36) described The Apostolic Church experience of crisis as “Coup in the Church”. He affirmed that there was crisis in the church in Igbo land. At that meeting they decided to turn over The Apostolic Church to a yet to be conceived Ngwa Apostolic Church. They felt strongly that the leaders from Calabar were dominating a church based in Ngwa land and manifested their leadership even in material possessions. They conspired therefore to wrest the leadership from Pastor Ene, Udom and others, and to take away the church (p.36).

The Apostolic Church was able to ensure through official protocols that the worldly spirit of tribalism and sectionalism did not disrupt the progress of the church. One of the major factors of the crisis in Gokhana is sectionalism and to ensure the peace and progress Gokhana leaders must officially and collectively deal with this problem.

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Indeed, this was a major crisis in the lgbo land Apostolic Church as Anyahuru and his men seized all the stations in the Aba District of The Apostolic Church. Anyacho (1998:38) contended that “the root of the schism was materialism and tribalism. The Apostolic Christian Church of Anyahuru group even reintroduced the practice of appointing polygamists as pastors, deacons, elders and workers, and they shared in the communion. Surely, these doctrinal differences further deepened the crisis. And this terrible schism in The Apostolic Church almost crippled the thriving church. However, the leadership of the church unitedly stood together; and God gave them victory. The T.A.C. spirit of unity and oneness of purpose in proclaiming the gospel of the kingdom of God became the source of victory and a model of unity of purpose for Gokhana leaders.

Understandably, from the foregoing discussion one can reasonably deduce that The Apostolic Church in Nigeria is the most schismatized Pentecostal denomination in Nigeria. In fact, and historically too, the Boba Bari New Apostolic Church Bodo City (1976), Ascension Apostolic Church in Khana Local Government Area, seceded from the Gokhana Field (Nyiedah 2010). While Anyacho (1998) and Onukaogu (n d:20) submitted that The Apostolic Christian Church in Ngwa land, Abia State and The Apostolic Christian Church Amumara in Mbaise, Imo State respectively clearly illustrate the rebellious spirit and tendency toward schism prevalent within the denomination. Yet, The Apostolic Church in Gokhana and Nigeria in general has thrived

33 over the years. And has successfully developed crisis management mechanisms or tools which has endured and has seen the church weather through the trying times with reasonable degree of success. These mechanisms of crisis management include love, forgiveness, Godly leadership and evangelism.

Therefore, The Apostolic Church crisis management tenets of love which is the greatest weapon that can sooth ailing nerves has to be properly exercised by both the leaders and the led in our churches. Love, Nyiedah (2001:194) maintained can solve a lot of problem in both the church and the social environment (1 John 3:16, Romans 5:8). Anyacho (1998) avouched that the key they employed in weathering through the lgboland crisis was love. He argued that: Crises, conflicts and wars could be averted, controlled or even avoided if we love ourselves because we are expected to exhibit the true love of God which does not boast, does not abuse, is never proud, not self-seeking neither is it found in anger in dealing with conflicts and resolving crises (p.40).

The second important factor that The Apostolic Church found helpful and a useful aid in conflict resolution was forgiveness (Anyachor, 1998). According to him, when two parties to any conflict situation are able to forgive each other, peace will surely come in. But forgiveness to be effective according to Nyiedah (2001:194), it should be accompanied and followed by forgetting (Eph. 4:31-32). He maintained that the present situation in

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Gokhana requires the forgiving and forgetting spirit that The Apostolic Church is propagating.

Indeed lgwe (2005) and Anyachor (1998) opine that these attributes of love, forgiveness and Godly leadership The Apostolic Church Gokhana had bequeathed to the Niger Delta provide the most relevant and potent management tools for the effective management and possible resolution of the conflict. They further maintain that, while all previous Government policies and mechanisms used in the management of the crisis deal with the outside or natural side of the human heart, the instrument of love, forgiveness and Godly leadership deal with the heart. It starts from the inside, the spiritual side of the individual to the outside. Thus, the inward transformation when it takes root affects the outside or actions of the individual; and remains permanent social behavour of the individual. And such behaviour is not subservient to changes endosed by outside influences. But remains a continuous part of the individual’s life styles. That is what the Gokhana crisis requires at this point in time (lgwe, 2005).

Commenting on the importance of the inward transformation of the individual as a catalyst for social transformation and conflict management and transformation, Akpuru-Aja in lkejiani-Clark (2009) affirms that:

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Conflict transformation starts in the minds of people. Hence, focusing on ‘mindset adjustment’ against violence and its effects is very fundamental. Without changing parties image of a conflict situation, the other interlocking processes of conflict resolution and conflict management may find application difficult (p.24).

Consequently, and not differently Akpuru-Aja (2009) maintains that conflict transformation must involve the readjustment of the emotional, perceptional and spiritual approaches to a conflict situation. It is in the belief that conflict or not is attitudinal and change in mindset affects decision that in turn affects action; and that interveners in the Gokhana and Niger Delta conflict must now pay consistent and committed attention. Thus, The Apostolic Church initiative touches on the core nature of human beings, and provides direction for positive change and assists the church and individuals to recognize that by living and working in a more tolerant, spiritual, accommodating and governable setting fulfills the purpose of God for man. The purpose of God for man is to live in peace and in a peaceful locale.

The next indispensable method The Apostolic Church both in Gokhana and other areas employed effectively and in transforming the church was active and explosive evangelism. Onukaogu (n.d:20), Anyachor (1998) and Nyiedah (2010) agree that the formidable force of evangelism provides an invaluable assert in conflict management and conflict transformation. Accordingly, Anyacho (1998) affirmed that:

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From October to December, 1939, we lost 75 stations in Aba Division and only 33 stations continued in The Apostolic Church till The Lord reopened our way through brotherly visiting in Evangelism. Pastor Anyahuru and his men called the churches they seized True Apostolic Church but later renamed them Apostolic Christian Church (p.36).

Nyiedah (2010) who described evangelism as “explosive conversion” because of it impact on the communities underscores the relevance picturesquely thus: The successful establishment of the church in Bara and the breaking of the notorious juju curses and covenants and releasing the citizens from its servile demand, ushered into Gokhana the breathing of air of relief by most peace loving citizens. There was an accompanying upsurge of evangelism into surrounding communities using Biara as the starting point. The advances made in the religious atmosphere in Biara led to a group being organized by that church’s witness group to venture out to redeem juju entangled citizens of Bera in particular (p.90).

He maintained that the by-product of evangelism is the “development of the community as a whole as it has produced men and women who have taken leading role in community programmes”.

The Apostolic Church has maintained a transformatory stronghold on Gokhana society in particular through educational institutions at the primary, secondary and higher levels of education that over the years had provided quality religious instructions for the people. The impact of these institutions of learning as agents of social transformation and socio-cultural-

37 religious integration is the corner stone of the stable social life noticeable among the people. Thus, these schools have become crisis management tool, since most members of social groups, social organizations, and schools of thought were products of these centres of transformation.

Furthermore, as members of the same faith and hope, these elites of Gokhana society had common understanding among themselves. They shared common interest in the development, progress and the well-being of Gokhana and Ogoni in general. Apparently, Nyiedah (2001) asserts that:

In order not to allow the member of the church get alienated from the fast development of the Nigerian society, we established the schools. Thus, we shall be contributing our own quota in creating a free and democratic society, a just and egalitarian society, a united, strong and self-reliant nation, a great and dynamic economy and a land of bright and full of opportunities for all citizens (p.159).

Consequently, today, most sons of Gokhana who are professionals in vital disciplines and fields such as law, medicine and engineering, Nyiedah (201 0:159) contended were products of The Apostolic Church school system. Most of these professionals are actively involved in the quest of managing the Gokhana conflict and the drive toward finding a lasting resolution to the crisis.

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2.3.2. Critical Role of Evangelism and Spirituality From the previous and above discussion, the role of evangelism as an essential tool of conflict management and social transformation cannot be overemphasized. The essential style of evangelism of The Apostolic Church that has transformed the human society in Gokhana provides the panacea for the closer study of evangelism.

Hence, as part of her spiritual efforts toward social mobilization through evangelism, The Apostolic Church Gokhana has introduced and used Evangelism’s “Strategic Role of Partnership in World Evangelization” to effectively harness the impact of strategic evangelism to facilitate the integration of Gokhana communities. This type of ‘Strategic Partnership’, Kraakevik and Welliver(n d:29) have argued offers today’s Christian context extraordinary opportunities, specialties, or diversity of witness: and strategic alliances for greater effectiveness.

This partnership according to the authors would apply to specific contexts “like church to church, mission to mission, north to south-eastwest, and two-thirds world to two thirds world partnership”. And community to community, village to village, kindred to kindred partnership which The Apostolic Church is propagating in Gokhana as a model toward the effective management and transformation of the Niger Delta conflict. Kraakevik and Welliver, (n d: 28) underlined the idea succinctly when they postulated that:

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They believe strongly that the idea of partnership touches on different aspects of human affairs and has relevance to all aspects of kingdom life. It is relevant, of course, important to the existing churches in areas where the gospel of Christ may have been known for millennia. But our focus is at primarily people groups, regional areas, or mega-cities where presently no significant indigenous witness or peace within the social context exists (p.28).

They maintain that such integrated partnership involve the individual parts of Christ’s body, combining to do something that none of them could do separately. The authors opine that, “What we have here [Gokhana] is an integration of four or five different ministries or denominations linking hands in succession, accomplishing different parts of a process, the process of sowing, watering, reaping and eventually disciple-ing that includes social transformation and prosperity. Furthermore, they explained that this strategic role of partnership” flows like a two way traffic; the horizontal and vertical integration of evangelism.

Horizontal and Vertical Integration Therefore, to help manage and transform the Ogoni and Niger Delta Conflict, The Apostolic Church Gokhana contends that there must be an integration of churches, social groups, government, the multinational oil companies and other stake holders in one of two ways, either horizontally or vertically. The Apostolic Church relates horizontal and vertical integration, as in businesses or industries, to kingdom affairs and the matter of partnership, and by extension the Ogoni crisis. Accordingly, Kraakevik and Welliver (nd:31) would use three Gokhana groups:

40 the Biraras, the Bodos, and the Boomus as models or study cases. They could also use one specialty, such as broadcasting, as a factor of integration, which may be serving all three of the language groups. But the authors emphasize that if we want to see the church of Christ bring social transformation and peaceful co-existence for the better life of communities, we must integrate Scripture translation, medical work, broadcasting, development, literature, visiting teams, and personal witness into a conscious, intentional, vertically-integrated, voluntary partnership built on these kingdom principles. According to the authors, the diagram below demonstrates how these principles work

(See figure 1 .1)

BIARAS BODOS BOMUS PERSONAL WITNESS VISITING TERMS LITERATURE BROADCASTING DEVELOPMENT MEDICAL SCRIPTURE TRANSLATION Broadcasting (or any other specialty) may “horizontally” serve a wide range of language groups. However in a single language group (like the Biaras above) the objective of seeing a viable national church is most likely when all the specialties are vertically integrated into a co- ordinate strategy. In other words, the use of a common language enables the gospel progress, unite and facilitate the unity of one group of people like the Gokhana group.

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Figure 1.1 Sources: Billy Graham Centre, Monograph Therefore, The Apostolic Church is absolutely committed to the essential nature of horizontal and vertical networks or integration. The horizontal networks are critical for example in scripture translation; for social integration and political re- integration, reconstruction and development of Christianity and Gokhana people. The horizontal network the authors contend, ties people across nationalities, across languages, communities, villages and kindred.

It makes development functional and able to serve the Gokhana people group. But development, by itself, is only one part of the group of kingdom asserts needed to reach the Biaras and Ogonis in general. Undoubtedly, The Apostolic Church would need to exploit other specialized forms of partnership like church to church or mission to mission partnership, to ultimately find expression in a local sociopolitical context. Indeed, and rightly too, The Apostolic Church is finding some kind of integrated, specific, co-ordinated strategy in bring the various elements of the body of Christ together. So a strategic partnership, locally or regionally, even globally focused, targeted at bringing peace and wellbeing to the Niger Delta will ultimately maximize the return on the kingdom of God investment that The Apostolic Church and other churches in Gokhana have made. Kraakevik and Welliver (n d:32) made this clear in the diagram below:

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(see figure 1.2) BIARAS PERSONAL WITNESS Operational VISITING TERMS Partnerships LITERATURE BROADCASTING DEVELOPMENT MEDICAL SCRIPTURE TRANSLATION All international partnership, no matter how specialized, can find expression in local or regional “vertically-integrated” partnerships.

Figure 1.2 Sources: Billy Graham Centre, Monograph

Therefore, Kraakevik and Welliver (n d:32) submitted that “these working relationships are not just a theoretical witness, but a functional witness to the glorious healing and transforming nature of God. Above all else, the good news of the Lord Jesus Christ is good news about transformed relationships- communities and societies”. The good news of the glorious healing and transforming nature of God through evangelism is what The Apostolic Church Gokhana had used to effectively impact strategic partnership and facilitate social integration of the various communities.

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2.3.3 The Spiritual Need of the World Highlighted Strand (1981:7) has observed that world events are racing toward a conclusion and there is a frenzy of condition that is deteriorating wherever you look. The entire world system is built on illusion, on that which can be seen, touched, tested, smelled and heard. But that which is eternal and lasting is the reality. Ln fact the crisis in Gokhana and the Niger Delta is also part of the global spiritual crisis that is today threatening human existence on the earth; and highlights the spiritual need of the people in the Niger Delta. Like Strand, Johnstone (1991 :21) believed that what the world needs is Jesus Christ because He is the control room of the universe. This is true of the world today in wars, famine, earthquakes, deprivation, economic and socio-political oppression as in the Niger Delta.

Again, Weekly (1969:13) admitted that the spiritual need of the world which includes the Niger Delta can only be met through revival campaigns. Hence Weekly posits that: First it will affect a spiritual awakening in the lives of Christians, resulting in renewed dedications and consecration among them. Second, it will energize evangelistic outreach, taking the gospel of Christ to the unconverted for the purpose of turning them from wickedness to salvation (p.13).

The truth of the matter was graphically driven home by Heeselgrave (1980:30). He pointed out that three fourth of all men and women in the world are yet to believe in Jesus Christ as God and only saviour. He therefore opined that the Christian message

44 is universal and, applicable to both Latin Americans and Africans and the people of Niger Delta. And has the redemptive power to transform lives irrespective of race, language, culture or circumstance. This redemptive power to transform lives remains an important option toward changing the situation in Niger Delta. Still speaking on the spiritual need of the world as a catalyst to the development of society, Strand affirmed that: People come in all sizes, shapes, and colour, but each one has a hurt: each is looking for an answer to life: Something to fill that “God shaped vacuum” that is inside every human being. To some people it’s just an indefinable gnawing need. How can the church minister to this world? How can they meet the desperate needs of the human souls? How can you as an individual meet the need of the human souls? How can you as an individual effectively communicate God’s message to him? The Great Commission given to the church by Jesus Christ is still the valid answer (p.7).

Consequently, Ezeigbo, Umoh and Oti (nd) see the spiritual need of the world to be pragmatic – the pragmatic use of the word of God. The pragmatic use of the word of God to change lives through changes of mobilization strategies, change in people’s attitude and life style, and submission to the Lord. This is where Malphur’s “theology of change” becomes an invaluable and useful guarantee for spiritual and sociopolitical transformation in the Niger Delta region. Indeed, The Apostolic Church in Gokhana has used this spiritual tool to guarantee social transformation in the churches and society at large. This “theology of change”, according to Malphur (1999:100), which The Apostolic Church champions, consists of

45 three Fs: function, form, and freedom. This form of evangelism that The Apostolic Church has used to ensure social cohesion of the local churches, groups and adherents include, Crusades, Door-to-door Outreaches, Friendships camps, Deeds of Kindness ministry, and Web sites – developing evangelistic web sites. For example Malphur (1999:112) argues that The Apostolic Church use of the “deed of kindness” form of evangelism such as mowing a neighbor’s yard, washing a car at a free church sponsored car wash, painting a house, carrying a sack of groceries, giving away free beverages, and so on”, has brought tremendous social trust, social integration, love and forgiveness in the Gokhana communities, since everyone likes acts of kindness. Reflecting further on The Apostolic Church “theology of change” in Gokhana, Ferguson (1 987:26) described it as a “Paradigm shift”, a term he asserts is a distinctly new way of thinking about old problems, such as educational paradigm, the paradigm shift in medicine, and so on”. Ferguson draws the balance between The Apostolic Church theology of change and social transformation, which is spearheading the “paradigm shift” both in thought and life-style in Gokhana, and social transformation. According to him:

The potential for rescue at this time of crisis is neither luck and coincidence, nor wishful thinking. Armed with a more sophisticated understanding of how change occurs, we know that the very forces that have brought us to planetary brinksmanship carry in them the seeds of renewal. The current

46 disequilibrium – personal and social – foreshadows a new kind of society. Roles relationships, institutions, and old ideas are being re-examined reformulated and redesigned to facilitate the peace and progress of the society (p.26).

Thus, the Gokhana society is experiencing personal paradigm shift, shift from fear to trust and from crisis and chaos to transformation. Therefore, Ferguson (1999:33) argues that “having found a core of strength and sanity within, those who have learned that they can trust themselves are more comfortable about trusting others. Those who are cynical about change are usually cynical about themselves and their own ability to change for the better. Indeed, transformation requires a certain minimum of trust”.

For Okwueze (2003) the concept of the theology of change or “shift of paradigm” synchronizes with “The liberation” of Israel in Exodus which becomes a paradigm of God’s will to liberate the politically and socially oppressed”. But the complexity of modern life has added new dimensions to the problems plaguing mankind; that in addition to the overall social problems of the world, situations are demanding attention as problems of such dimensions that a new philosophy is desperately needed to solve them” (p.163).

This new philosophy is the paradigm of God’s will or theology of change for the liberation of the Niger Delta.

Okwueze concurred that it relates to Ethics, Religion and Politics and this dates from time immemorial. He maintains that both

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Religion and Politics flow together with the ultimate aim of changing the behaviour of individuals for the benefit of society. Thus Okwueze (2003) maintained that: Religion seeks to regulate behaviour in such a way that the man whose behaviour is regulated benefits as much (if not more) than the man who would have been affected by his behaviour if left unregulated. Politics is an attribute of man in society and happens also to be man’s attempt to regulate behaviour in relation to the facilities available and common to a group. The two therefore seek to check man’s behaviour in such a way that does not only benefit one but prevent one from hurting or injuring others (p.149).

Therefore, according to Okwueze, any one who is exercising political power has a responsibility to those upon whom he exercises political power. Both politics and religion advocate responsibility in the exercise of power. If the politician is religious it helps him and the society all the more. If he is irresponsible it is expected that religion owes him the duty of reminding him of his responsibility to his people.

However, it is as Okwueze examined the volatile question of the extent to which the present church as a body can get involved in issues of politics and social justice, which he arrived at the bottom-line between the concept of “theology of change” or “shift of paradigm”, social justice and the Niger Delta ethno-social crisis. According to Okwueze (2003:156), the church must be in politics but not of politics. She must be in and ‘above’ politics. This is indeed a “shift of paradigm especially for the churches in

48 the Niger Delta and Gokhana. For it is a matter of striking a balance, a harmony between pasture and grace and this requires a courageous church with adequate personnel and expertise, an adaptive, foresighted and energetic church for a respectable role in politics.

Therefore, the church must not remain conservative any longer, but must change her attitude and be involved in the “shift of paradigm” going on across the globe. Okwueze (2003:156) cries and questions the luke-warm and lackadaisical posture of the church toward the wind of change. He laments that:

The church cannot keep mute at a time when social change is nothing but that which is achievable within the framework of traditionally conservative norms, and when political and economic development are regarded as foolish ventures. Should the church be mouthing till eternity when the cherished future of a nation (Nigeria) is under the threat of secession? What is the anticipated duty of the church to the faithful in period of tyranny and oppression, in times of want and penury, in moments of pain and agony, in times of maiming and destruction, in periods of misery and regret, and when the sanctity of human life is being trampled upon with impunity (p.156).?

Again, Okwueze (2003) queries further that: How should the people of God react to salient issues when the situation at hand involves how to replace resentment and frustration with laughter and joy, injustice and oppression with justice and reconciliation and separation and alienation with caring and sharing. What should the church do in a situation where

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dictatorship overwhelms democracy, where the former has no other language but that of force and flaunting of ill-gotten wealth? Should church men fold their arms and watch in times of state coercion, inhuman treatment and retro-active laws, and as the faithful are being indoctrinated with new ideologies of confusion, poverty and madness (p. 157)?

Okwueze’s graphic description, picturesquely describes the situation in Gokhana and the Delta region of the Niger where even the “church” has slowed down evangelism and programmes of social transformationm, seems to be lethargic and crucially indifferent of the present state which has contributed to the stalemate and conflict.

Therefore, Okwueze (2003) reminds the church, the stakeholders and all involved in the crisis and peace process in the Niger Delta of the “paradigm shift” taking place around the global. According to him, “the fall of communism in USSR, the Iranian revolution, events in the Philippines, China, Bennin Republic, Congo, Malawi and South African should serve as relevant examples of what the church did or did not do when called upon by providence to act”. He calls the church in the Niger Delta to follow in the foot-steps of the Catholic Bishop of Dili Carlos Belo, a victim of power-brokers’ cleansing, who ensured that East Timorese are currently rejoicing in the fragile peace now reigning in that country. He further summons the church in the Niger Delta and Nigeria to get involved in politics to protect human dignity, rights and values, stand as an antidote to the anonymity of power, and be the moral watch-dog of the nation in politics. This role of the church should be determined by factors of time, place and historical 50 contingency. The time for the church in Niger Delta is now, and the historical contingency, is the role of The Apostolic Church in Gokhana and the Niger Delta conflict.

2.4 Summary of Literature Review The work first and foremost reviewed and explained the conceptual framework of theories and concepts of conflict because of the significance and the need to understand that theoretical approaches also affect the practice of conflict resolution. And that the domains in which theories and concept operate influence their goals, methods and over-all approach. Therefore, the goal of any theory is to explain something which has occurred with a view to dealing with the problem that may arise. We also reviewed the various types of theories, their nature, causes and the impact on conflict situations. In-fact, the essence of comparing these various theories one with the other is to highlight their basic differences, the positive relationship and positive values they make in achieving positive change and resolution of conflict. Therefore, the analysis of theories counts significantly in our understanding and explanation of the nature, causes, impact and solution to the Gokhana and Niger Delta conflict.

The research further reviewed the Gokhana conflict with the Federal Government of Nigeria and the ShelI Petroleum ‘Development Company (SPDC) over their activities in Gokhana Ogoni-land. The work endeavoured to harness the opinions of

51 various scholars on the conflict. The researcher further underlined the main issues in the conflict and the attempt made to resolve the conflict.

In the course of the review, the writer discovered that most literature on the conflict in the Niger Delta flowed along the lines of the two main sociological traditions and the perspective of functionalism and Marxism. But not much literature was available from the Christian point of view. And as such it could not adequately reveal much on the relevance and impact of the role of Christianity in the settlement process. This research work therefore is an attempt to fill the above gap in knowledge as it aims at x-raying evangelism and social transformation as tools for conflict management. Consequently, the literature review has also given the researcher valuable insights which form salient part of his assessment, summary, recommendations and conclusions.

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CHAPTER THREE THE GOKHANA PEOPLE AND CULTURE

For a greater understanding of the problems, difficulties and constraints the kingdom of Gokhana faces in the Ogoni and Niger Delta question of injustice, human rights abuse, socio-political impasse and oil exploration, and exploitation, a brief history, religion, economic and socio-cultural life of Gokana kingdom, and people are very inevitable and concomitant to the study.

3.1 The People of Gokhana The Gokhana kingdom is one of the six kingdoms that make up the Ogoni land. The rest include: the Eleme and Tai kingdoms on the east, the KenKhana and Nyo Khana Kingdom on the north, and the Babbe kingdom on the west. The Gokhana kingdom is actually located on the southern fringes of Ogoni land, very close to Delta. It includes the following towns: Kpor the local government headquarters, Bodo city the headquarters of the Rivers Maritime Field of The Apostolic Church Nigeria, and Biara, which literarily means “surplus” or super abundance which was founded by a warrior who hailed from Nwebiara early in the 15th Century A.D (Nyiedah, 201 0:15). In Biara existed an evil forest called “Kolbiara, where were surplus demons, jujus and other ancestral fetish elements and deities at the present site where the town now situates. It was in this forest that all the dead who could not be buried in the community because of their devilish lives had to be buried; and made their abode with the different

53 demons and ancestral spirits. Biara had no rival in fetishism in Gokhana as a whole: as most of the other community demons had their headquarters as it were, located in Kolbiara “forest of surplus”.

The other towns in the kibangba zone of Gokhana include Deken, Nwebiara, Barako, Nweol, while in the eastern axis of Gokana people lays the Panmu zone communities of Kegbara Dera and Baranyonwa Dere. The Deres as the two communities were often called are well known for the Amanikpo masquerade. There are other towns like Mogho, Giokoo, Boomuu, Deeyor and Yeghe. Gokana has one of the highest population densities in the world.

The area is geographically located between approximately latitude 4.05’ and 4.03 north of the equator and longitude 6.01 and 7.31 east of the Greenwich meridian. Nyiedah notes that the area is inhabited by six vibrant and traditionally seeming docile groups but who in reality have a long tradition of recalcitrant objection and resistance to domination and subjugation (Nyiedah, 2010:125).

3.2 The Culture of Gokhana What is Culture? The English social scientist Taylor (1 871:21) has defined culture as: that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art moral, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” Also, Ukeje, (1973) in his descriptive definition sees it as an all- embrasing sorts when he said that: 54

In general therefore, culture may be defined as the fabric of ideas, beliefs, skill, tools aesthetic object, methods of thinking, of eating and of talking as well as customs and institutions into which each member of the society is born. In short it includes the way each individual makes a living, the music he plays, celebrations and festivals, modes of communication and transportation, the house we live in and food we eat (Iwe, 1985:55).

From the above definitions therefore, it is obvious that culture refers to a way of life that reflect a people’s distinctive genius and spirit, their fundamental character or nationality, values, orientation, world view, various fields of human endeavours, legal, literary, artistic and scientific, religions, philosophical, socio-political life and technology. In brief therefore, culture is an aggregate concept fundamentally characterized by the distinctive spirit, way of life, device for living and attainment of a people (Iwe, 1985:55).

The Gokhana people possess and present a peculiar culture which is distinct among the Niger Delta nationalities. For instance, Lewe is the second oldest village in Gokhana Kingdom. Thus there is much Gokhana can be proud of when it comes to culture and tradition. So there is no doubt that the present- day Gokhana has benefited a lot from the cultural heritage of Lewe. Although there are some similarities in the cultural activities of Gokhana people, the uniqueness of the Deegbaa Festival, Simagboo, Dogo and Kpabina ceremonies of the Lewe people has very rich appeal (Pobe 2007:04). Therefore, we studied and analysed the cultural life and activities of Lewe as 55 representative of Gokhana culture and tradition.

New Yam Festival “Deegbaa” The celebration of the new yam festival is one of the most important cultural activities that take place annually in Lewe and other village in the Ogoni nation. The festival is usually celebrated between the months of May and June every year with pump and pageantry. This is to celebrate hard work, dedication and faithfully of God to mankind, and last for four days. During the period, the elders of the village select the most convenient day, usually “Deezua” in the Gokana calendar that would be suitable for the festival. However, the celebrations are graduated in days of activities.

The Libation Day This is the first day of the festival. The elders usually purchase large fishes and palm wine used for the sacrifices and libations to the gods of the land. The gods are usually honoured throughout the period of the celebration for making it possible for the people to successfully plant and harvest their crops for the year. During the period of the celebration, all married women carry their yarn to their father’s and sisters compounds. Women who do not want to celebrate with their parents are frowned at and are not to be blessed by the gods. One of the things that give flavor to the celebration of the new yam festival has been the constant libation of palm wine to the gods by the elders. In deed, there is this belief that gods have a greater role to plays in protecting the people’s crops in the coming year and can influence the yield of yarn 56 planted in a particular planting season. It is therefore in recognition of their role as the custodians of the people’s crops that much respect is accorded them. Joby (2001:14-42).

The Masquerade Day The second day of the festival usually goes with fan fare. The “Dubaalolo” masquerade display and wresting by able —bodied men add color to the day’s occasion. On this day men usually converge at the forest of “Loodin” where they arranged for the masks and other local leaves. The masquerade groups are arranged in two lines for orderliness as they dance from the forest to their family head’s compound. The head and leader of Dubaalolo masquerade in the village of Lewe was Chief Nkpoo Giadom. The honor given to Chief Giadom while he was alive is still given to his compound today during the new yam festival and Dubaalolo celebration.

According to Joby (2001 41), when all masquerades arrive at the compound of Chief Giadom, gun shorts are fired as a mark of honor to the leader. And as soon as all the necessary sacrifices are completed there, the Dubaalolo masquerades immediately display round the village, pursuing mostly women and calling for their crops. On this day women are advised to stay indoors as the activities for that day do not permit women to move freely and any woman seen outside will be molested, even if she donates anything. The masquerades usually continue to display till the end of the day.

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The Wrestling Group On the masquerades day, the wrestling group display side by side with the Dubaalolo group. Some able-bodied men who look well- fed normally converge at the town-square to wrestle with one another. According to Kpani (an oral informant) the wrestling contest is intended to underline and underscore the strength and dexterity of the Ogoni man. As soon as this start, mostly in the evenings, women are now free to come out and watch with their male counterparts. During the period, one man usually come to the centre and invites any person of his choice to come in to wrestle with him. If he refuses, he is cajoled by all the spectators and such a man is regarded as effeminate.

The Naanbiradee Celebration The Naabiradee celebration is another cuftural activity that takes place in Gokhana kingdom, including Lewe village. It is done by the “Amanikpo” group, one of the very powerful and prominent society in Gokana. Historically, the Amanikpo society migrated from Ibiblo-land and spread to all the villages in Gokana. Sampson (19993) maintains that the “Naadbiradee” is usually celebrated between the months of March and April annually. As this period approaches, the leaders of the Amanikpo Society converge at Mogoho to discuss the mode of the celebration for that year. The village of Mogho has some historical significance. Apart from the fact that Mogho is one of the oldest villages, it is known to be first where the Amanikpo society originated. It is in recognition of this fact that Mogho is given the honor during the period of the celebration.

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The Naabiradee celebration usually lasts for about three days. On the Deezua, the day of zua in Gokana, the entire Amanikpo group from all villages in Gokana coverage at Mogho. To make some sacrifices as a mark of honor to the leadership of the society. The Amanikpo societies from the various villages entertain the people with their renown wrestling outing. The wrestling display is usually moved from the town –square to very prominent compounds in the village. It makes the evening exciting, since all categories of persons participate in the activities, unlike the dubaalolo group that discriminate against the women folk (Sampson 199:34).

Final Day The third day of the new yam festival does not usually have much fan fare. This is the day to end the whole celebration and as usual special types of yam are cooked on this day for the final sacrifices to the gods. And before people eat them, the elders usually throw some to the floors outside for the gods to eat first, as a matter of tradition, before the people are allowed to eat And at the end of the day, the occasion is rounded off with the final libation to appease the gods.

On this day also, the Lokpo masquerades are properly dressed and stationed at strategic locations around the village as early as 5.30am. To arrest non-members, except school pupils who are allowed to move freely. Non members of the Amanikpo society are not allowed to move freely without being led by a member. The

59 society is a secret one in Gokana and its activities are a secret to non-members.

In the olden days, any person arrested by the Lokpo masquerade was made to pay the sum of six kobo only and be free. But where the culprit failed to pay this sum, the entire Amanikpo group would visit his compound in the night and will be made to pay more. As a secret and powerful society in the village, people are always prepared to make peace with them and avoid trouble as much as possible. The highlight of the final day’s activities is to libate for the protection of the people and properly settles the gods that govern the society.

The Kpabina Ceremony This is one of the highest titles a man could acquire when his wealth and contribution to the growth of the village have been well known. A man who has successfully performed the Dogo ceremony could proceed to perform the Kpabina ceremony. To be initiated, one must have sufficient money to the tune of above twenty pound (two hundred naira). This was known as “tub-book page”.

In connection with this, certain traditional materials were provided in some villages for use during this very important ceremony in Gokana Kingdom. For example, any person in any of the villages, including Lewe could obtain the traditional bina instruments from Barako. These instruments were rods and drums to be played on the occasion. The person was also required

60 to obtain “Koni” instrument from Bera while all “Oiitan” rope was to be obtained from Lewe. When all these instruments had been made available, the Bina ceremony would be performed.

As an important ceremony, sufficient food and drinks were served the participants who would dance around the person’s compound as the Bina and Koni instruments are being played. And as people danced, the person performing the ceremony would give out those cash gift. Also a special gift was given to the paramount chief of the village who would bless the occasion. At the end of the day’s ceremony, a trench would be dug in the person’s compound into which oil and ash were poured. Also two live trees were planted on the compound, signifying wealth and bravery in the society.

3.3 Religion and Religious Activities of Gokhana people The Gokhana people have always been very religious. According to Saale (2008:89), Gokhana people believed in the existence of a feminine, anthropomorphic supreme and all-powerful deity called “Kawaabari” meaning “mother of creation”, who is the creator of the universe. They also believe in the existence of spirits and ancestor. They are venerated through religious institutions and functionaries such as priests, kings, medicine men, diviners and oracles. Indeed, the Gokhana people operated a theocratic, communistic ritualistic, indigenous and traditional life-style and society.

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And significantly so, villages derive their names from the names of deities. For instance, Biara according to Nyiedah (2010:75) which means “surplus” or super abundance” derives it name from the existence of a forest called “Kolbiara”, an evil forest where there were surplus demons, jujus and other ancestral fetish elements and deities at the present site where the town now situate.

However, before the advent of Christianity, the people of Lewe worshipped idols. The ancestors worshipped and believed in Juju as the only gods capable of doing everything. When any person was ill, the juju were contacted for the cause. In most cases, people regained their health whenever the problem was identified by the juju. In some cases where the juju was angry there would be an epidemic like Gberebaga or a “great number of deaths” in the village. This made people to embrace Christianity, more so as the Bonny people who had earlier welcomed Christianity lived a better life. During the spread of Gberebaga in the village, it was the missionaries that prayed for the eradication of the diseases. The people observed that the missionaries were also capable of destroying jujus and dealing with evil forests in the village, so they requested for the establishment of a church to enable the missionaries visit regularly (Telma 2002:66-67).

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Establishment of the first Church (Anglican Church) in Gokhana According to Akekue (2004:3445), when the people of Lewe realized the prominent role Christianity and the establishment of the Anglican Church played in transforming the lives of the people and bringing about peaceful settlement, the villages requested for the establishment of church in their village. The people of Bonny promised to assist the people of Lewe. They sent Bara Hart, Amubo, David Jumbo, Viura to Gokhana to see to the establishment of the church there. Initially they discovered that the people were not interested in having a church. Although there was absolute lack of interest among the people, the missionaries decided to establish Christ Army Church at Kerabana-koro. From there they proceeded to Lewe and established another church.

Furthermore, Lewe people requested for a school. They invited the district officer in charge of the area to establish a school for them. He was assured of available land for the project. Thus, with the consent of the traditional rulers, a central school was established in the village center because it was intended to take care of four villages whose headquarters was Lewe. The Lewe central school was the first to be established in Gokana, followed by the central school, Nwebiara. (Akekue, 2004).

3.4 The Orientation of Gokana People The people of Gokhana are predominately farmers. Mitee (2002:9). Their activities from earliest time were determined by

63 their geography. Many of them are engaged in subsistent farming, poultry, gin distillation and fishing, while some others were engaged in trading with their neighbors.(Tusina, N. D:12). The Gokhana people are well known for the cultivation of yam (zia) cocoyam (geere) or “ede”, and cassava, and other cash crops that the Christian missionaries introduced to them. Some wealthy farmers cultivated cash crops like rubber and palm. The main source of labour according to oral source was the wives, children, servants and neighours, They something organize communal team work using people of the same material or paternal relations on a rotational basis (Ikoro, 1983-13-15). Kingdom (1999:115) asserts that the Gokana people live within a culturally homogenous community. Their indigenous political structure is drawn from the kingship structure, this would include the family (be), lineage (Ga) village (Bue) and clan (Bua). The family is made up of both nucleus and extended family members that have a filial relationship. There is an order of seniority made up of most senior members, which include husbands, sons and first daughters. Although every member had the privilege to attend and contribute at family meeting on matters affecting them, serious decisions were taken only by elderly people (Kingdom 1999:115).

Furthermore, the lineage level is an extension of families. It consists of members that have a filial relationship traced to single paternal or maternal ancestors. At this level a person enjoys a dual membership, that is he or she can belong to the paternal

64 and as well as the maternal groups of the lineage having equal right to property and share of other’s problems. There existed order of seniority and the most senior people representing their various families formed the basis of administrative council of the lineage. Members of the lineage council settled all disputes and other matters at the family level. Decisions reached by those at the lineage council were binding on every member of the lineages.

According to Kingdom (1999:115), at the village level, the village head was appointed to take charge of the government of the village. The head of the village was usually the direct descendant of the founder of the village. Those belonging to the same founding lineage formed the royal lineage. The law of the primogeture was adopted in the kinship succession. The village heads in liaise with the paramount ruler appointed the head of a limited conglomerated village of the same founding fathers. The paramount ruler was selected from among male children and some time first daughters not given out in marriage of the same founding father of royal lineage.

It is noteworthy to observe here that the Gokhana traditional society was well structured and organized. This ensured the peace and prosperity of the people. For instance, the role of selecting and decorating the ruler during enthronement was an exclusive right of members of the council of elders. Indeed, oral sources have it that memberships into this council were based on representation of the delegates of various families and lineages. The council is regarded as the storehouse of wisdom in 65

Gokhana society. Hence, they settle matters, such as land disputes, stealing, and murder. Where-as important issues such as witchcraft were treated by the paramount ruler and the village heads in conjunction with the elders after consultation with the people and the gods of the land through the priests. In fact, what could be described as participatory democracy was in operation before the advent of Christianity and Gokana conflict. It’s the altering of the geography, philosophy, and religion, politics economic and socio- cultural life of Gokhana people that is the bedrock or core of the Gokhana conflict.

In the later course of the pre-colonial history of Gokhana, there occurred something of a religious revolution. This was the advent of Bari-Gokhana or BanMogho, since the deity was located at Mogho. Bari-Gokhana, it is noteworthy to observe dominated the live of the people with profound influence that it came to dominate the history of the Gokhana people for the remaining parts of the pre-colonial era (Wangbu, 2003:12-13).

3.5 The Genesis And The Impact Of The Niger Delta Crisis On Gokhana People In what Nyiedah (2010:165) sub-titled “The Church in a Turbulent Environment: The socio-political Imbrogio of the Maritime-Field”, he enunciated the genesis of the Niger Delta crises. According to him, Ogoniland and her immediate neighours were seriously engrossed in a most unfortunate social and political upheaval that created an embittered environment

66 between 1990-1994. The genesis of the upheaval was the grievances nursed by the people of Ogoni against the continued marginalization and exploitation by both the oil prospecting companies especially the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (SPDC) and the then Federal Government of Nigeria under the administration of Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha.

The Gokhana crises involved the clash of conflicting and incompatible interests, concerns and ideas of interests in the oil exploration and exploitation in the Delta of the Niger River region. According to Robinson et al, (1996:28), the crises is an economic, ethno-political, social and cultural conflict It seeks to enforce the theory of political, cultural, economic and social liberation, emancipation and transformation of an oppressed, poor and marginalized ethnic group within a multi-cultural Nigerian society. The crises take the form of debates over the nature and content of the constitution of Nigeria as it relates to the right of the minority ethnic group, and competition over resource control.

Issues of Oil Exploration and Exploitation MOSOP maintained that the basic issue of the Gokhana conflict is the exportation and exploitation of oil in Gokhana and Ogoni in general. Petroleum was found and discovered in Boomuu (Dere) in 1958, and after 33 years of degrading effect of oil exploration and exploitation in the following oil field: (i) Boomuu (ii) Bodo West (iii) Lubara Greek and Yoria all in Gokhana, and Korokoro, Tai and

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Afam, the people have complained over the neglect, deprivation, injustice, poverty, environmental degradation and political marginalization of Shell to the Nigeria Government without real results (Robinson et al, 1996:28). The response and reaction of successive military and civilian administration of Nigeria to the complaints and demand by the Gokana- Ogoni people constitute the issues in the crises.

The Formation of the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP). Additionally, the formation, recruitment into the mainstream and control of the organization of the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP), and the misinterpretation of MOSOP’s demands, with illusory promises, actually plunged the area into the series of upheaval and crises. In the words of Tusiima, because recruitment into the mainstream and control of the organization was not properly scrutinized, vis-à-vis the identity of the people who would join with selfish and ulterior motives, in no time, the laudable aims and aspirations of the organization degenerated into chaotic factions. In effect, it was the manner of handling the affairs of this organization that actually plunged the area into the series of upheavals and turbulence that characterized the Rivers State between 1992 and 1995 (Tusiima, 2010:165).

At the beginning, (MOSOP) did not go violent. Rather the leaders chose an approach that was appreciatibly calm and friendly

68 devoid of all traces of confrontation, bitterness and rancour. But when the Federal Government adopted the feet-dragging approach tactics, to dialogues demanded by the leaders of MOSOP, the cat was let out of the bag. Confrontation was unfortunately allowed to take the place of peaceful negotiation and settlement hence “the dense cloud of imbroglio that was suspended over the Rivers State had to descend violently”.

Actions of Overzealous Youths: In Saale’s opinion, the unwarranted actions of overzealous Youths introduced a deadly diamension in the conflict. In no time, the Youth captured the laudable objectives in the demands by MOSOP and gave the struggle a violent posture. From January 1991 Zorzor, (1991:167) asserts the youths acting as vanguard of the Gokhana demand, adopted monstrous riots style and became extremely restive. Their restiveness gave MOSOP’s peaceful struggle a dent and almost made it lose its creditability and flavour that had earlier made her approach amiable in the ear of the people. Some of the overzealous youths especially the economically redundant ones, reinterpreted and coloured the well-intentioned article contained in the “Ogoni Bill of Right”, and gave it several other misinterpretations and chaotic representations that indeed plunged the less informed ones among them into daring the Federal Government’s might. Among the misinterpretation introduced into MOSOP demands, according to Tusiima (nd), were:

69 i. The Illusory promises of a sovereign state ii. A separate territorial existence outside Nigeria to be granted Ogoni people at the end of a battle for survival. iii. The capability of earning millions of dollars if the present oil prospecting companies could be effectively dislodged from the territory and other oil prospecting companies are allowed to mine our oil.

The above unfounded and frivolous rumours, as absurd as they look faned the ember of the Andoni – Ogoni clash that left a staggering death tolls and casualties behind.

Creek Road Water Front, And Oyigbo Skirmishes According to Akpabo (2010:169), the December 1993 clash at the Creek road axis of the city of Port Harcourt between the Ogonis and the Okrika occupants of the area, in addition to the Ogoni and Andoni dash, paved the way for the complete breakdown in the socio-political interaction between the communities involved. The obvious result was the destruction of several churches and the fleeing of many Ogoni families from their farmlands, including civil servants, church member and pastors from their stations.

Accordingly, in some cases, churches were burnt down by angered natives of the area. And in others, several settlements were lost or destroyed while uncountable lives were lost. Consequently, the environment of Gokhana, the most volatile and mobile clan in Ogoni was politically and socially overcharged. Nyiedah (2010) Saale (2008), and particularly Niboro captured the 70 intending holocaust graphically in these words thus: Consequent upon the belligerent posture of the state which culminated in the forced withdrawal of most citizens of Ogoni from their former places of business, was an over concentration of population in Gokana which incidentally is the most volatile and mobile clan in Ogoni (Gokhana has one of the highest population densities in the world). The environment of Gokhana was politically and socially overcharged by teaming and redundant restive youths who nursed grievances against the loss of their property, position and economic means of livelihood elsewhere in the state. (p. 170

Therefore, the overzealous youth attempted to see their present plight as a veritable moment to reinterpret the dreams of MOSOP vis-à-vis social and economic emancipation. Their revaluation of the contents of MOSOP demands and promises forced them to refashion and redress Ogoni agenda. They claimed perhaps erroneously too, that their leader had romanced with the Federal Government on their demands. Calamitously, the momentum of the youths was froth with mischievous intentions. And this finally led them to brand some of the leaders as “vultures” because of the claim that they were bribed by the Federal Government to rescind the ideals of MOSOP. Thus, hell and doom to let loose, was just a question of time.

The killing of leaders and “the Ogoni Nine”: In-deed, hell was let loose with the killing of Ogoni leaders. Saale (2008) contends that this was the straw that breaks the Ogoni from Gokhana, who were frontline political leaders and all season

71 leaders of Ogoni people into their untimely graves.

They were the late chief Edward Nna Kobani (a former commissioner) from Bodo city, Gokhana, Mr. Albert Tombari Badey (fOrmer secretary to the state government also of Bodo city, Gokhana), others were Mr. Samuel N. Orage (also a former commissioner) and his brother Mr. T. Orage, both from Bomu, Gokhana. And the killing of Mr. Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight others through the instrumentality of Government, often referred to as “the Ogoni Nine”.

In fact, the comments of Niboro (2007:) on the impact of the killing of “the Ogoni Nine” remain definitive and instructive about the crisis. Niboro postulates that: Sara-Wiwa’s martyrdom is the metaphor for the raging crisis in the Niger Delta today. Isaac Adaka Boro before Saro-Wiwa set the tone for the military Junta in the war to keep Nigeria one. Like Saro many years down the line, Isaac Boro believed in the sanctity of the Nigerian State. He only sought for a better deal for the people of the Niger Delta. But Sara Wiwa went the opposite direction, declaring a non-violent struggle. This culminated in the enunciation of the Ogoni Bill of Right in 1990. (p. 16)

Accordingly, Niboro maintained that: The rolling of the Niger Delta crisis has since Saro- Wiwa’s martyrdom, taken a life of its own. One of the crucial lessons learn from his death and that of Boro before him is that the Niger Delta struggle can actually continue without a defined form. Today, we are confronted by militants operating in amoebic cells and distributed in vaiying intensities a cross the water ways of the Delta (p.16).

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In totality therefore, the ubiquitous nature of the aforementioned monstrous clashes, the accompanying death tolls, the devastated settlements and the loss of the five prominent citizen who could have contributed to the over-all struggle for the so called soclo- economic emancipation, left Ogoni land in general and Gokhana people in particular in a dilemma with several unanswered question than answers for the youths who are the leaders of tomorrow. The leadership gap imposed on the Gokana- Ogoni axis of the Delta conflict by the systematic elimination of these all seasoned leaders, presents a new dimension to the management and resolution of the conflict. And opens a new chapter of leadership crisis that will take years to over come. Infact the Ogoni nationality is the worst for the killings.

The Confrontation with the Rivers Internal Security Task Force The next factor that paved the way for escalation of the conflict and the spread of the imbroglio was the confrontation of MOSOP, with the Rivers State Internal Security Task Force. While the MOSOP youth wing changed MOSOP tactic from that of consultation to outright confrontation; and issued various ultimatums to their leaders on issues at stake with the

Government, and took laws into their hands by sending four Gokhana front-line political leaders to their untimely graves, Government consequently respond quickly by drafting into Ogoni- land the notorious detachment of a “blood thirsty military gang” called the Internal Security Task Force under Major Paul

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Okuntimo Commandant of the 2nd Amphibious Brigade in Port Harcourt, which supervised all the acts of aggression against the Ogoni people. According to (Niger Delta Liberation Project, 2005),:

The orders to the illegal and unprecedented Task Force were simple: box in the Ogoni and subject them to the authority of the Rivers State Internal Security Task Force.

And further again, Carry out “wasting operation”.., wasting operations during MOSOP and other gathering, making constant military presence justifiable. Wasting larges cutting across communities and leadership cadres especially vocal individual of various group. (p. 67)

Thus, project (2005:68) submits that this amazing memorandum to Lt. Col. Komo, the then Rivers State Military Administrator is a confirmation of the genocidal intentions and plans laid by the Nigerian Military dictatorship against Ogoni people. Project further argues that “the fact that it was actually carried out is even more blood-chilling”. Moreover, Mitee (2010) argues emphatically that the drafting of the squared by the Federal Government aggravated the situation of suffering and agony for the people of Ogoni. According to Mitee,

The squad employed all known and imagined brutal force and technique both physically and morally to complete the total devastation of what was left behind by the irate vigilantes in Ogoni land. As an assignment given to them by the government in hidden agenda which was contrary to the spirit of peace, unity and restoration that was expected of such a body. It was 74

this situation that finally led to the dense cloud of imbroglio that suspended on the Rivers State. (p.172).

The project (2005:71) bemoanfully posits that the result of organizing these “wasting operations” left wounds and scar that only time will heal and repair. For hundreds of Ogoni men, women and children were shot by the Nigerian troops in cold blood, many were maimed, and hundreds of thousands were driven into the bush. Money was extorted from the over six hundred men who were detained and tortured in special detention centers established for the purpose in Kpor and Ban. Many houses were destroyed and a lot of private property looted. While villages were forced to pay protection money in order to escape major Okuntimo. Yet, for organizing these “wasting operations” and this genocide, neither Major Okuntimo nor Lt. Col. Komo was chastised. The Nigeria Army subsequently promoted Major Okuntimo to the rank of Lt. Col. And Lt. Col. Komo continued to act as the Military Administrator of Rivers State and executioner of the Ogoni people (project, 2005:7 1).

Ogoni Internal and External Conflicts The Ogoni ethnic nationality has its internal conflict that underpinned the crisis in Gokhana. The Ogoni culture and the unhealthy leadership competition among the elites are the major internal factors that generated conflict in Gakhana-and. Ogoni people speak four distinctive dialects. They include Khana, Gokhana, Tal and Eleme dialects. The dialects each underline the four main tribes in Ogoni land. There is no centrally developed

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Ogoni language. Thus conflict often arises among the users, simply because they hardly and mutually understand themselves during communication with one another in the various dialects.

In the thoughts of Dr. Paul Birabil, the first Ogoni elite, (Tusiirna nd:13) the establishment of various early mission schools was an attempt to bridge that potentially explosive gap in communication. These early mission schools though established with good intensions, yet underpinned and served as the bed-rock of the dividing lines in later critical period of Ogoni development. These early school and colleges were the Birabi Memorial Grammar School (mixed) at Bori; the traditional Headquarters of Ogoni, Saint Pius College (boys) at Bodo in the Gokana area and the Marian High School (boys) at Eleme and the Reginal Charles Teacher Training College, now at Noaga-Gbam in the Tal Area. The establishment helped to some extent to manage the communication conflict. Many of Ogoni elites were trained at the schools and thus become friends and associates. Notable among these students are: Paul T. Birabi, Edward Kobari, G. N. Lob, G B Leton, Albert Bade, B.N. Wifa, T. Orange and Kenuel Saro-Wiwa etc. Saale (200.8:97) notes the important contribution of this group to the course of Ogoni- land. In his words:

These elites formed the “Kagote” social-cultural organization, with the aim of resoMng Ogorii internal conflict, and championing the Ogoni struggle for su,vival in the multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi- religious Nigeria.(p 97).

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Thus, many of the long-standing inter community conflicts were settled following the meditation of these ex-students. It is interesting to note that these elites were able to reach an understanding on the way forward for the Ogoni people. They saw themselves as one people with the same origin despite dialectical differences.

Politically, the agitation for the creation of Rivers State and Port Harcourt State between 1968 and 1975 affected the unity of Ogoni. The Ogonis (Gokhana and other kingdoms) were indeed, divided on the issue. They felt that successive administration in Nigeria marginalized Ogoni land and indeed Rivers State. Therefore, when Bayelsa State was created from the old Rivers State during the Babangida regime, the need for more Local Government Area in the new Rivers State arose. The Ogoni elites were again divided. While some agreed to the need for new Local Government Areas to be created in Ogoni land for Khana, Gokhana, Tai and Eleme in order to bring back some part of Ogonis, from the Okirikas and Ndokis respectively. Some others opposed it, but when eventually the four Local Government Areas of Khana, Gokhana, Tai and Eleme were created, the Ogoni’s from these areas created along the distinctive Ogoni dialect, return home to form a new political leadership which the new development provided. The old Ogoni council of traditional rulers, disintegrated as well as the “Kagote” organization. This was indeed the fundamental point of departure of Ogoni unity and peaceful coexistence. The old Ogoni council of traditional rulers

77 disintegrated because the new Government of Rivers State had to create new first class, second class and third class chieftaincy stools in all newly created Local Government Areas.

The crack in Kagote - a cultural organization that held the Ogoni leadership together- and the subsequent disintegration Mitee (2008) and Saale (2008:99) maintained were not unconnected with the leadership competition among the Ogoni elites. According to them: The main contenders for the leadership of Ogoni are the Khana and Gokhana political elites who had also converted the Tal and Eleme elites to themselves. In some instances and on certain political issues, the Gokhana elites would have upper hand to getting the Tal and Eleme elites to themselves, to struggle for political opportunities, zoned by Government to Ogoni land. At some points, the Tal and Eleme elites would agree not to join neither the Gakana elites nor the Khana elites, but present themselves as distinctive contender (p.99).

Consequently, in Ogoni internal vortex, there are the khana, Gokhana and Tai and Eleme factions. In many instances, and toward the total exploitation of the common good, the competition might reach a cut throat level on issues such as the appointment of the Rivers State Chairman of Council of Traditional Rulers, when it’s zoned to Ogoni land, payment of compensation for oil spillage by oil companies or monthly ecological fund to the oil bearing communities. In deed, and understandably so, at such a time contention amongst the Ogoni elites on who should become the president of ‘Kagote’ organization was keen, because

78 whosoever becomes the leader of the organization, eventually becomes the leader(s) of the Ogoni politically.

Again, another divisive issue according to Ross (1993) concerned the quest for more money for the development of the Local Government Areas. This also brought about the argument as to which Local Government Areas of Ogoni owned more oil locations than the others. It was in the midst of these confusion, misgiving, misunderstanding and conflict that both the Government of Nigeria and the multinational oil companies particularly Shell (SPDC) stepped in with their divide and rule sponsored violence approaches; what Ross (1993:35) called “Structural Conditions” type of conflict. This is the direct attention to force which “can make a society more or less prone to violence than another to particular levels and forms of conflict and violence”. This knocking of the heads of some of these self-centred Ogoni elites against one another, according to Saale (2008:100) has culminated into series of community clashes in Gokhana and Ogoni land.

Therefore, to resolve these internal crises, some well meaning Kagote members formed the Movement for The Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP). The late Dr. G.B. Leton and late Chief Edward Kobani who were leaders of the ‘Kagote’ organization invariably became the first President and Vice President respectively. While Kenule Saro Wiwa (late) was the mouth piece of MOSOP. Conversely, it is noteworthy to observe that the trio of Leton, Kobani and Ken Saro Wiwa were leaders from different Ogoni 79 dialectical groups and truly were political opponents.

Nevertheless, MOSOP under the leader of G.B. Leton, E.N. Kobani and Ken Saro Wiwa on October 1990 presented the Ogoni Bill of Right (OBR) to the Government and people of Nigeria. Hence, on 4th January 1993, 300,000 Ogoni men, women staged a massive peaceful protest march against shell’s ecological war and the Nigerian Government denial of the Ogoni’s of their rights. The march alerted and alarmed both shell and the ruling Nigeria military dictatorship of the intent and potent of the Ogoni struggle. But the fragile peace and unity in Ogoni occasioned by the agreement between the leadership of the ‘Kagote’ and “MOSOP” was again short lived and disrupted by the mistrust and conflict between MOSOP steering committee members.

The crisis over participation in the 1993 general elections by MOSOP led to the emergence of many factions in Ogoni. Dr. G.B. Letori and Chief EN Kobani led the ‘Kagote’ block of the older Ogoni elites; while Ken Saro Wiwa and Ledum Mitee controlled the younger and more volatile elites. Traditional rulers, uneducated men and women, youths and children were divided alone these group-lines of thought. The conflict between the leadership of “Kagote” and MOSOP was further deepen in 1994, when the Kagote block or group sponsored its candidate against MOSOP candidate, Ken Saro Wiwa, to the National Constitutional Conference.

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Expectedly, during such conflict, some derogatory names were coined by political elites like the “pa-do” meaning “strangers”, slogan. These names were used to raise sentiments within the Gokana speaking group against their Khana opponents during elections. Some Ogoni activists used the “Gbo Dere”, literally meaning “group of vultures” in the Khana dialect during leadership competition in Ogoni among the elites to identify the pro-government Ogoni elites and chiefs. Most times, the use of these derogatory terms by the supporters of the different elites competing for the leadership of Ogoni has been the source of crises, It was in the middle of these conflicts, especially, the 1994 crises following the election into the constitutional conference that the military junta of Sani Abacha deployed armed policemen and soldiers to Ogoni land under its internal peace keeping task force arrangement led by then Major Paul Okuntimo. By 21st May 1994, Ogoni land and people paid the price for the self generated internal crises among them. The crises came to anti-climate with the killing of four prominent Ogoni chiefs namely:’ Edward Kobani, Albert Bade, and the two sons of Orage, all of the Gokhana speaking group of Ogoni at Giokoo. Indeed, this development runs antithetically, if not paradoxically against the original meaning of the name “Giokoo” which means “community of friends” (Tusima nd:7). How can there be friendship in the mist of such killings. The killing of the four Ogoni leaders took place while the chief and leaders from Gokana kingdom were at a meeting in preparation for the delegate’s election to the constitutional conference.

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Therefore, the government took advantage of the chaotic situation and leadership crises in Ogoni land to detail the final onslaught on MOSOP and Ogoni leadership. Ken Saro Wiwa, Ledum Mittee and other MOSOP leaders were arrested in connection with the killing of the four prominent chiefs. Consequently, the people fled into the bush as they where driven by the military personnel deployed to Ogoni land. Moreover, on November 10, 1995, Ken Saro Wiwa and eight other were judicially murmured by hanging at the Port Harcourt prison. While on the other hand some recognized chiefs, traditional rulers, members of the other deceased families and “Kagote” leaders were harboured by the Rivers State government. This development left hatred between the families of various factions in Gokhana and Ogoni.

The children, wives and relatives of the four prominent chiefs killed at GiokooGokhana and those of Ken Saro Wiwa and the eight others judicially murmured, have not forgiven themselves despite all efforts by church leaders and government to reconcile them. In Gokhana Local Government Area where the killing of the four seasoned Gokhana leaders took place, there is conflict between the families of the deceased and supporters of MOSOP. More-so, because many of the MOSOP supporters and family members of those judicially murmured together with Ken Saro Wiwa were all from the same Gokhana speaking group of Ogoni where the unfortunate incident took place. Again, and worse still, the reconciliation and compensation organized by government following the recommendation of Oputa Panel only took care of

82 the families of the Ogoni thirteen (13) and was not extended to the rest of the people of Ogoni whose children, wives, husbands and relatives were killed or hurt during the military campaign in Ogoni land (Niboro, 2008:105).

Therefore, the aftermath of the internally generated crises in Gokhana land is fundamentally a leadership competition one. Obviously, that is the reason the cream of Gokhana and Ogoni chiefs/leaders is the worst hit in any given crises. According to Nyiedah (2010:105), all is not well with MOSOP under the leadership of Ledum Mitee. The external influence of government and shell divide and rule, and motivated violence seem to have eaten deep into the fabric of the organizational structures of MOSOP. lnfact, MOSOP oversea wing comprising of Ogonis in diaspora at some points had two leaders, one led by Mr. Noble Nwibani from the Tal speaking group, while the other group was led by Dr. Owens Wiwa, young brother of the late Ken Saro Wiwa from the Khana speaking group of Ogoni. But crucially divisive also, is the fact that the Gokhana dialect speaking group has no leaders and followership. While MOSOP at home in Nigeria is led by Dr. Ledum Mitee who has remained a controversial figure in Gokhana politics; Gokhana and Ogoni land is not only factionalized but seriously polarized to a fault. Its wall is cracked with very many lines. Many self-acclaimed or self imposed leaders with diverse ulterior motives have formed various factions. A situation that has given the signal that the Ogonis and indeed the Gokhana speaking group are yet to have genuine and

83 credible leadership since the death of the four prominent Gokana leaders – Dr. G. B. Leton, Edward Kobani, Albert Bade, Chief Orage, Kenule Saro Wiwa and their likes in the past.

The internal and external conflicts in Gokhana land have had great impact on the Gokana youth. Some youths no longer have respect for the elders of the land because of the unhealthy competition among the elites and chiefs who should be the leaders of the Gokhana. Gokhana youths are split into groups along the lines of the division between the elites and chiefs who sponsored them against one another. The two notorious cults operated by some youths in Gokhana land, namely; “DeeWell” and Dee-Gbam”, were used by members of the opposing leadership and chieftaincy functions against each other.

Another aspect of the impact of the Gokhana – Ogoni conflict on the youths and the security of Gokhana land is the increasing rate of cultism in recent times. During the military campaign of the Abacha regime in Gokhana land, some Gokhana youths were given marks of initiation into juju cults while seeking for protection against gunshots, and machate cuts. After the 1995 – 1996 military activities, these youths were not delivered from the juju cults nor were sacrifices made on their behalves to placate the spirits. Therefore, they have continued to cause intra and inter communal conflicts in the land. In some Gokhana communities according to Kinee (2007) oral informant, youths are revolting against been delivered from the powers of some

84 community gods and cults into which they were initiated during the times of the military campaign. These youths argue that since the juju cults were ancient community cults and gods whose protective powers were sought through communal ritual and sacrifices, their chief and elders should organize their deliverance from such powers. For it is a collective responsibility. Yet some other notorious ones have continued to use the juju power to go into armed robbery and other vices in the land. Further, politicians and some affluent elites recruit these youths particularly during political elections to orchestrate violence and malpractices. Some of the very notorious ones are recruited into the various Niger Delta militant groups; such as the Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPRF), and the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). By implication Niboro (2008:111) maintained that, many Gokhana youths and people are turning away from God to seek protection through the help of juju, a development which gives the impression that the people lack confidence in God and do not believe in his protective power and care for his people in times of adversities and hostilities. He argues that the present scenario is a serious test and trying times For The Apostolic Church and Christianity in Gokhana.

Furthermore Niboro (2008) submitted that the fact that some youths in Gokhana and indeed the Ogoni ethnic-nationality have turned away from God, and have jettisoned the traditional respect for elders for which Ogonis are well known for, underscores the depth of the internal crisis. This was buttressed by the episode of

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12th and 14th May 2007; at the rededication of Gokhana and Ogoni land to God, initiative. During the occasion some youths who held the view with MOSOP that the Rev. (Fr) Kukah intends to bring back shell to Ogoni land, protested and attempted to disrupt the ceremony attended by former President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, Bishop Mban Prelate of the Methodist church, Nigeria and other eminent spiritual and temporary leaders.

These youths had argued along side the thought of MOSOP leadership that Rev. (Fr) Kukah violated some paragraph of the peace process. According to Saale quoting Azubuike (2007), the President was visibly angry over the opposition of these youths to the peace initiative. The President dissuaded the youths from shouting at (Fr) Kukah while presenting his address; the President posited that: It was un-African for a younger person to disrespectfully abuse an elder while talking. I am an African. In African we respect authority, and respect age. Here are people of authority, here are men of God. What are you shouting out there for? What do you want to achieve? What do you want to say you know? It is bad manners (pp.32-34).

Both the Bishop W.A Yobe of the Methodist Church, Nigeria, Bori Diocese, and Apostle Kine, of the Gokhana speaking group and President of the Ascension Apostolic Church respectively, confirmed the disrespectful manner of some Ogoni youth toward the elders and constituted authorities (oral information). According to some other informants, what became the 86 outcome of that meeting, seemed to give the impression that the planned rededicating of Ogoni land to God on one hand, and the former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s visit to Ogoni land on the other, was stage managed by Government. This suspicion was confirmed by the fact that the proposed visit of the President to Ogoni land was put into vote following some heated debate among the people who attended that meeting. And the result of the voting was in favour of those who were opposed to the President’s visit. The incident of 14th May 2007, Akpobari (2010) submitted, further underlined and supports the argument that government had continued to use the obnoxious and inordinate competition for the leadership of both Gokhana and Ogoni among the elites to implement its divide and rule and sponsored violence in Gokhana land.

Again, a critical examination of the position, interest and fears of the multinational oil companies in Gokhana certainly underscored the impact and otherwise of the conflict. According to (Robinson et al) in “Ogoni The Struggle Continues” (1996:2-4), Shell – SPDC in particular argued that it pays royalties and rent to the Government. Because as a responsible Nigeria company, it obeys the Land Use Decree of 1978, which vests ownership of all land with the Government. Therefore, MOSOP should direct any royalty claims to the Government Thus, the company argued that most of MOSOP demands are outside the business scope of oil companies, and rather, are within the government share of responsibility. Oil revenues provide about 90 percent of Nigeria’s

87 foreign exchange and 80 percent of the Federal Government’s total revenue, part of which are for the development of oil producing areas by providing infrastructure such as roads, electricity, water, school, hospital, cottage industries and other basic amenities. Moreover, the argument posits, under the present terms of the memorandum of understanding between the Federal Government and the major oil companies, SPDC remains the operator of the joint venture on behalf of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). The NNPC holds 55 percent, while Shell holds 30 percent, ELF 10 percent and AGIP 5 percent shared profit accruable form oil.

Therefore, because of the impact on relationship of processes, Shell continues to change patterns in behaviour, reworks strategies and reaction to the actions of Gokhana and Ogoni people; Shell claimed that it had made several efforts to resolve the Niger Delta (Gokhana) conflict but the people of the region were not prepared to reciprocate its goodwill. Some of these impact relationship efforts of Shell are shown below: i. In 1994, Shell made public the record of its role and responsibilities in Gokhana and Ogoni in order to protect its name against what it considered general crime and threat

ii. In 2005, Shell welcomed the initiative of the Federal Government of Nigeria to resolve the longstanding Gokhana and Ogoni conflict.

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Therefore, according to Shell’s Nigeria brief titled “The Ogoni Issue” (1994:2–4), in 1993 Shell spent about $2 million on the Gokhana and Ogoni area, some 16 percent of the total community budget for the Eastern Division of their operation.

In 1994 /1995 $220,000 was spent on food, clothing, blankets and mattresses as part of the company’s humanitarian aid to communities in Gokhana, Ogoni and Andoni communities following a border dispute between the two ethnic groups, even when it had pulled out of the area. Shell maintained that it has always made socio-economic impact on the Gokhana and Ogoni communities. For instance from 1965 Shell claimed it has developed a network of agricultural community programmes such as new high-yield disease resistant crops including cassava, yam, pineapple, plantain, rice, ginger, oil palm and fruit trees to pass on to farmers in the Niger Delta which has benefited some 6,800 Gokhana and Ogoni farmers. Other development projects by Shell and the communities sited in Gokhana and Ogoni between 1982 – 1992 are shown in the table below:

DEVELOPMENT YEAR SITE L.G.A PROJECTS Classroom block & 1987-1988 Government Girls Gokhana School Furniture Secondary School

School Fence 1992 Government Girls Gokhana Secondary School

School Furniture 1997 St. Pius Gokhana Secondary Scholl Bodo-City

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3km Road 1992 Mogho Town Gokhana

Fuel Tank & Water 1988 Mogho Town Gokhana Facility

School Furniture & 1988-1991 Mogho Town Gokhana Classroom Bock, Community Secondary School

Science Equipment 1990 Mogho Gokhana Community Secondary School

Water Scheme 1990 K. Dere Gokhana

Classroom block & 1989 K. Dere Gokhana Science equipment community secondary school

Science Equipment 1987 B. Dere Gokhana Government Secondary School

School furniture 1998 B.Dere Gokhana community secondary school

Hospitla equipment, 1991 Kpor Gokhana water scheme, science equipment Governmnet Secondary school

Classroom blocks, 1991 Bomu Gokhana equipment & furniture community secondary School

Classroom blocks 1990 Birara Gokhana community secondary school

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Classroom blocks 1990 Kokokore Tai community secondary school

Classroom furniture, 1986-1992 Kpite Tai water scheme community secondary school

Hospital equipment & 1990-1991 Kpite & Ueken Tai water scheme

School furniture 11991 Botem Tai community secondary school

School furniture, 1991-1992 Nonwa-Gbam Tai science equipment Comprehensive secondary school

Classroom block, 1986-1990 Kpean Khana science equipment & school furniture community secondary school

Water project 1989-1990 Bean, Kwawa & Khana Kono

3km Road 1989-1990 Bori Khana

Science equipment, 1989-1990 Bori Khana school furniture, fencing Birabi Memorial Grammar School

School furniture, 1988 Bane Mariam Source: SPDC NIGERIA BRIEF: The Ogoni Issue

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The above diagram or table graphically illustrates the impact of Shell in the socio-political and economic life of the Gokhana people. infact, out of the 24 cases referred to here, 14 are located in Gokhana, while the rest are in other Ogoni communities of Tail and Khana. How be-it, Shell allegages that sabotage is responsible for the negative impact Shell activities had on Gokhana land. Accordingly Shell maintains that some 75 percent of oil spills throughout their operations are from corrosion in older pipeline and other facilities, and from oil operation. Unfortunately, between 1989 and 1994 about 2.5 percent were the result of sabotage. In Gokhana area, investigations show that 69 percent of all spills between 1985 and the starts of 1993 have been caused deliberately by the communities. This calculated sabotage is done to win compensation and make political gains. In accordance with Nigeria law, we – Shell do not pay compensation for spills caused by sabotage only accidental spills. Shell argued that common methods of sabotage are hacksaw cuts and opening or tempering with valves.

Again in Gokhana from 1985 up to the beginning of 1993, when Shell withdrew its staff from the area, 5,352 barrels of oil were spilled in 37 incidents. Sixty of those incidents, were sabotage (44 using hacksaws) from 1993 to October 1996 following the withdrawal of SPDC staff from Gokhana, there have been another 24 spills, 17 of which have been confirmed as sabotage, with another 4 of unknown cause. SPDC “The Nigerian Brief” argues, has been inadvertently gracious in using Gokhana contractors 92 to clean up these spills where it has been permitted by local communities. Invariably increasing the economic upliftment of the economy and standard of living of the people, since the beginning of 1993, all five flow station in the Gokhana area has been vandalized. The repair bill is likely to top $40 million. The cumulative impact loss is not only that of Shell, but also that of the communities. Furthermore, Shell had impacted the well-being of Gokhana land through the awards of scholarship in secondary schools. But since the conflict, Gokhana children have been denied the lucrative opportunity. Shell highlighted the loses. For instance, in 1994, 1,600 secondary school scholarships were awarded by Shell to children from Gokhana and other oil producing areas. In 1993, 1,100 of similar scholarships were awarded by Shell of which 58 went to Gokhanaians. University Scholarship Awarded on country quota base: in 1993, 550 University Scholarships were awarded by Shell International on country quota base of which 18 went to Gokhana people. Another angle the conflict in Gokhana and Ogoni had impacted the people, is over the loss of employment opportunities in the lucrative oil industries. Again, (Shell Nigeria Brief 1995) highlighted the significance of the set-back. Between 1986 and 1992 Shell registered 43 companies as contractors to handle works in the area where possible, of which one contractor for security of Shell SPDC facilities in the area is with a Gokhana company. And 85 Gokhanaians only work directly for SPDC. The losses underline the serious and adverse effect of the crisis on Gokhana.

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According to (Shell Nigerian Brief 1995) the impact of the loss had also affected the responses of Government to the welfare of Gokhana citizens. SPDC source highlighted the fact that a government fund was set up in 1982 comprising 1.5 percent of oil revenues to develop the oil producing areas. But little of the money appeared to reach the target communities in Gokhana. Although it was not shell’s policy to be involved in local politics, SPDC has endeavoured to make representations to the relevant authorities on behalf of the Gokhana communities, over the distribution of money and other entitlement.

In additions to the foregoing, (The Nigerian Brief, 1995) sustains its argument that, in 1992, SPDC took part in an inquiry into the distribution of fund and made recommendations that was adopted by Government. The effort brought about the formation of Oil Mineral Producing Area Development Commission (OMPADEC) and the increase in revenue allocation from 1.5 percent to 3 percent for the oil bearing communities SPDC also worked closely with the commission to ensure the money was used to address the needs for the development of oil-bearing communities in the Gokhana axis of the Niger Delta. In deed, this is in contrast to the present situation, where Gokhana is seriously not impacted by the activities of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) due the conflict with Shell.

Further, in February 1994, SPDC over-saw the investigation into the problems in the oil-producing area by a ministerial commission. The commission made recommendations to the 94 relevant authorities. However, SPDC claimed to have been committed to spending some $20 million a year on community projects alone as part of its contribution for the 1.5 percent of oil revenue earmarked by Government for an environmental fund covering the whole country. But the share of the $20 million yearly expenditure has been denied the Gokhana area.

Lastly, the Gokhana, Ogoni conflict left its negative foot print on the religious life of the people. For since the Gokhana society is a multi-religious one, this constituted another problem faced by Christian leadership. Many Gokhanians are not Christian. Consequently, they held onto their traditional belief, therefore, it became difficult for Christian leaders to coordinate them for effective reconciliation. While the non-Christians relied on the use of jujus, the Christians approached the conflict via the normal Christian church prayers, fasting and mediation. Apart from the church and traditionalist dichotomy, some churches according to Nwisah (2007) oral informant, remained pacifist, and advised their members to adopt a neutral position in the Gokana-Ogoni conflict. They argued that it was not the place of Christians to fight for the inheritance of this world where they are merely strangers or pilgrims.

Moreover, for Nwisah (oral informant) Christian concerns ought to be directed towards things that are heavenly where their hope is (Col. 3:1). Besides the above reason, some Christians adopted the neutral position in order to play a proper mediation role in the Gokhana – Ogoni conflict. It was therefore discovered that the 95 church could not encourage the Gokhana people as a whole to use arms against their oppressors and at the same time the church could not support the Government of Nigeria of injustice, human rights abuse, exploitation, oppression and environmental degradation, which have become the bane of the conflict. The Gokhana-Ogoni conflict has also shown that all was not well with Ecumenical Associations in Nigeria. The Christian Association of Nigeria (EAN) and the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN) was split along both ethnic and political lines, while some supported the Government, other supported MOSOP. This ecclesiastical split led to the failure of Christianity in general to take the issues in the conflict seriously. Thus Nwala’s (2001:41) position on Christianity and the handling of crises prove to be true. According to Nwala (2001) “religious crises depict the internal and external disintegration of goals and objectives geared toward biblical principle for human consumption”.

The people of Gokhana in the midst of their crises could not take a positive stand in Christianity. They become disappointed in Christianity and looked at it as a slow and unrealistic means of achieving their goals. They therefore, turned to shrines and jujus which they believed could provide protection against gun shoots and knife cuts. The level of religious activity at this period was low. And even The Apostolic Church, the dominant church in Gokhana experienced managerial difficulties. The people did not allow the church to freely preach the gospel in Gokhana land effectively.

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CHAPTER FOUR

THE ADVENT, SPREAD OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH IN GOKHANA-LAND OF THE NIGER DELTA AND MANAGEMENT OF GOKHANA CRISIS

4.1 The Advent Of Christianity In Gokana-Land Christianity was introduced to Ogoni land as a whole before colonialism. Gokana, according to Tasie (1978:9) was predominantly the first point of approach or port of call. It later spread to the Babbe axis of Ogoni in Khana kingdom by the British imperialist power in 1913. Tasie says that the early agents of Christianity in Gokana land were the Niger Delta traders who served as middle men between the Gokana people and the European traders during the legitimate trade. They were Christians from Bonny, Opobo and Ndoki who visited the boarder communities of Gokana with European goods, which they exchanged with African products. The Gokana boarder communities visited by these agents of Christianity in earliest times before 1900 were Bodo-City and Bomuu in Gokana, while the spread into the Khana axis was through Kono, Okwale, Opoku, Bo-ue and Gwara.

The African Church, Presbyterian, Niger Delta Pastorate (Anglican) and the Garrick Braide’s Christ Army Church were the first Christian churches introduced to the Gokana people. This first phase of missionary activities in Gokana-land was disrupted by the strong resistance by adherent of indigenous religions with

97 their strong beliefs in Gokana deities. The entire Ogoni kingdom was brought under the control of the British imperialist power in 1913, following three successful punitive expeditions led by Captain C.J. Sinclair. And as a follow up,-district station was established on the Gwara Sii road with a British district officer Mr. Hutch in charge (Ikoro. 1992:19).

Although the Christians were not in the forefront of the several punitive expeditions in Gokana and even Ogoni as a whole, they could not escape the allegations leveled against them by the people, because Christian missionaries came in the same boat with the imperialists. The missionary schools were one of the greatest weapons used by the colonialist to capture the entire six (6) kingdoms of Ogoni land.

The aims and objectives of these missionary schools were to educate the people especially the youths. And to enable them desist from their traditional beliefs and believe in God. These missionary schools were headed by educated blacks i.e. the Gokana (indigenes) according to their level of Christian commitment, tribe and location. Despite the presence of these missionary schools, hard work and dedication of the first precursors of the Christian enterprise in Gokana experienced considerable failure. The Christian Missionary Schools (CMS) at Bodo in Gokana was stopped because the mission authority did not consider it a viable venture, since the first set of pupils registered in the school were unwilling to attend the school. In the same vein, the Anglican Church was despised and rejected

98 the people of Gokana and even the entire Ogoni populace, despite its provision of educational facilities; simply because some of the Gokhana Christian who were employed by the mission were not trained beyond the rank of church agent, catechist or parish priest. While their Okirika, Bonny, Opobo, Brass and Nembe counter parts were trained and ordained Bishops to head their various dioceses. In fact Tasie 1978 posits that this was the bedrock of religious–cultural differences in Gokhana-land. It was because of this ecclesiastical marginalization and injustice that the late Revs. Badi and Vincent left in annoyance for the Methodist mission 1908 when Ogoni was under Bonny district. The grouping of Gokana under Bonny implied that all money collections from Gokana went to the building of St. Paul Cathedral in Bonny (Akekue, 2004:74).

Perhaps under divine plan and programme the Methodist, Catholic and Lutheran churches played greater role in the educational progress in Gokana and Ogoni land as a whole. These missionary churches built primary schools and colleges in Gokhana between 1914 and 1960. Many of the first batch of Ogoni elites were trained at the Methodist college Uzuakoli in Abia State. The Methodist church became the dominant Christian denomination in Gokana and Khana kingdoms followed by the Catholic Church because they shouldered the educational responsibility of the people. The Tai and Eleme kingdoms are predominantly Anglican because the Anglican mission under the control of Bonny and Okrika also offered educational facilities at Bonny and Okrika.

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4.2. The Advent and Spread of the Apostolic Church in Gokhana The Apostolic Church in Gokana is the result of the intensive missionary enterprise of The Apostolic Church Penygroes in South Wales. According to Turnbull, (1959), The missionary committee’s desire has always been to do whatever possible to help forward the work in Nigeria, as of all the countries in which we have overseas interests) there can be little doubt that Nigeria ranks the highest in advancement and achievement. It has been, through the years the most productive of our missionary enterprises universally (p.71).

However, this revival in Nigeria, particularly Bodo-city and Kpor in Gokhana has not just been the work of missionaries or African leaders, but of the Holy Spirit Himself. Historically, The Apostolic Church Penygroes Wales was the offshoot of the Welish Revival, 1907-8. From 1907 onwards in all parts of the British Isles, small assemblies of people were baptized in the Holy Spirit and manifested the gifts of the spirit, especially the gift of prophecy. While the issue of prophecy and the prophetic office raised questions, time was the only deciding factor; as to the importance and significance of the gift of prophecy.

As God, impacting the Apostolic vision into the hearts of men and women who believed in the prophetic office, and accepted the guidance through them, many people also accepted the revelation that apostles should be in the church. Very soon apostles as well as prophets began to be revealed and began to take their place in the church. Thus, The Apostolic Church is so named because she

100 believes in the church Government of apostles and prophets. This was initially a new development within the Pentecostal circles.Turnbull (1959) substantiates that: The Apostolic Church and its founders and Ministers were being used in the hand of God to bring into being the scriptural order of church Government. If we as an Apostolic Church witness to one thing above any other it is to the fact of church Government by apostoles and prophet.We have never at any time spoken against God’s people, that is, against other Evangelical and Pentecostal denominations. As a body of people our eyes have been opened to church Government and body truth and we have stood strongly for them, believing these doctrines are according to scripture (p.17).

The Apostolic Church commenced in Penygroes under the ministry of Pastor D.P. Williams as an Apostle, and his brother, Pastor W. J. Williams, as a Prophet. The Apostolic Church as the official name took effect from 1916, with Penygroes, Wales as Headquarters.

The Apostolic Church really started in Western Nigeria in 1918 through the ministry and activities of late Pastor J.B. Esinsinade and Prophetess Sophia Odunlami (later Mrs Sophia Ajayl), who together founded the “Diamond Society”. The name was later changed to “Precious Stone Movement”. The activities of the Precious Stone Movement led to affiliation with the Faith Tabernacle Congregation in 1927 (Aaron, 2007:9)

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By 1930, there was an outpouring of the Holy Spirit in the Faith Tabernacle Congregation in Nigeria under Pastor/Evangelist Joseph A. Babalola in Ilesha and Benin City. According to Nyiedah (2010:19), the Holy Ghost operation manifested with signs and wonders, healing were wrough “that attracted unprecedented crowds in their thousands from other traditional (older) churches into the Faith Tabernacle Congregation”. As a result of the miracle wrought by Pastor Babalola and, Prophet Orekoya, other traditional churches out of jealousy conspired and accused the Faith Tabernacle Congregation of causing civil disturbance, disobedience and lawlessness in the region. Both Pastors were consequently committed to prison in Ilesha. The “RAISON DETER”-reason both Pastors were committed to prison, was because the Faith Tabernacle Congregation was not affiliated by any United Kingdom’s church (being Nigeria’s colonial masters) for real political or governmental backing, but to the United States of America. The church and government political power dichotomy policy of the colonial power was significant in the birth of the Apostolic Church Nigeria. On the visit of the leaders of the Faith Tabernacle Congregation to the colonial office in Ilesha, the official policy was definite. Anychor (1998) maintained that this policy pronouncement was a major shift in the church movement in Nigeria. The pronouncement was clear that: For further growth of the revival work of the church depends on the condition that an affiliation would be made with a similar organization in the United Kingdom, our colonial masters (p.19).

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Consequently, Pastor D.O. Odubanjo acting as the leader of the Faith Tabernacle Congregation in Nigeria wrote and invited the leaders of The Apostolic Church in the United Kingdom to visit Nigeria. The authorities of the Faith Tabernacle Congregation finally agreed to affiliate with the Apostolic Church of Great Britain and unanimously adopted “The Apostolic Church as a denominational name together with its principles and practices (doctrine) in 1931.

The Advent of The Apostolic Church in Gokhana The very first town to receive the church in Gokhana was Bodo- City. The precursor denomination to the Apostolic Church in Bodo City was the Christ Army Church of the Garric Bride Revival Movement in the Niger Delta. The members of the Christ Army Church were worshiping in an environment characterized by social distress, incessant violent persecutions and threat from both the general public and members of the Amanikpo cultural organization. Again, due to handicaps in active mass evangelism, the inability of the church to be registered and fully incorporated by the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Lagos and poor financial base the C.A.C could not be in incorporated in Nigeria. The disappointed and disillusioned local leaders, led by Mr. Nathan Vikor Bobah opted out of the Christ Army Church for The Apostolic Church after completing certain prescribed conditionalities. Zorzor (1991) asserts categorically that, the “switch-over” search brought Mr. Nathan Bobah into contact with one Mr. Uranta, a petition writer from Opobo town. Both met at

103 the Christ Army Church Men’s Meeting at Kono Boue in 1933. While the two men discuss the disappointed incorporation of the C.A. C issue, Mr. Uranta showed a baptismal Card of the Apostolic Church Calabar to Mr. Nathan Bobah. In the words of Zorzor (1991:40), “it was this baptismal card that acted as the “magnacarta” of the entry of the people of Gokana and Ogoni in The Apostolic Church Nigeria.”

On arrival from Kono Boue, Mr. Nathan Bobah summoned all the leaders of thought of the C.A.C and informed them of his discovery at the aforementioned meeting. A resolution was adopted to switch-over to The Apostolic Church. A formal application for affiliation was sent to The Apostolic Church, Duke Town Calabar, and a white missionary; Pastor Noah Evans reported at Bodo City and commenced the work of teaching the brethren and planting of The Apostolic Church there. Pastor Evans arrived at Bodo-City on 24th June, 1934.

Indeed, it is significant to note that the white missionaries were only purveyors and not initiators and did not come voluntarily on evangelization campaigns. The church started through the initiative of the Gokhana brethren Anyacho (2010), explains the true situation that: It stands to reason to underline the fact that the white missionaries who pioneered the work in the Gokhana district of the church were not real or active agents through which the church came but were mere purveyors of the truth of its existence and a confirmation of its possibility in an environment that was almost a “lock-out” zone of the Niger Delta 104

civilization. The white missionaries were only purveyors and not initiator, and did not come voluntarily on evangelization campaign (p.49).

Since 1936, The Apostolic Church in Bodo-City his prospered over the years. In 1938, Pastor Nathan Bobah who had served the church very conscientiously in many other capabilities was called into the office of pastor at the first ever Igbo Area convention of the church held at Mbawsi. This development Zorzor (1991) remarked, marked the entrance of not just the Gokana man, but the Ogoni nationality into the ecclesiastical body polity and administration of the Nigeria Church. Nyiedah (2010) underscores the significance of the development:

Thus the first indigenous son of Gokana (Ogoni) soil of the Christian faith was elevated to experience the status of a Pastor. His investiture and other experiences received by other members who attended the convention from Ogoni, having witnessed the marvelous doings of the Lord;…, prompted the Ogoni members into rededicating their lives more to God. With much more zeal and added pep to their faith, they returned home with burning zeal and desire for the service of the church (p.15).

Consequently, the first convention to be held in The Apostolic Church Rivers State Maritime Field, was that which took place in Bodo City in 1943 at Baravigo 1st mission quarters of the town (Zorzor, 1991:15). The Apostolic Church in Gokhna has spread across the length and width of the eighteen (18) village of Gokhana. These will include the towns of Biara, Kpor Glee, B. Dere, .K. Dere, Nweol, Deeyor, Yeghe Deken, Nwebiara, Barako

105 and Lewe. Others are Bomu, Giokoo and Mogho. Yet, we must highlight the significant fact that these eighteen villages have about thirty-nine (39) local assemblies or churches put together. Indeed, it is worthy of note for this work to discuss a few of these assemblies.

Biara Biara, which literarily means “surplus” or “super abundance” derives its name from a forest called “Kol-biara”, an evil forest where surplus demons, jujus and other ancestral fetish elements and deities made their abode. Biara had no rival in fetishism in Gokana. Tusima (nd:8) observed that Biara, a son of a concubine, was a strong young-man of great exploits; little wonder Bara community proved a hard nut for the gospel to crack. The glorious gospel light shone on this community through late Mr. Thompson Awanen of the Bodo City Assembly in 1944. After praying, and directed by the Holy Spirit, he told Mr. Benson Gara about the new found faith of The Apostolic Church glorious vision. Benson Gara discovered the wondrous power in Christ, and accepted Christ as Lord and Saviour.

The Apostolic Church which is the first Pentecostal church that came to Biara community was inaugurated on 24th August 1944. By 1974 Biara became a sectional administrative unit of its own.

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Kpor District The believers in Kpor community were among the delegation that visited Calabar during the “switch-over” to The Apostolic Church sojourn led by Mr. Nathan Babah and others. Consequently, Kpor congregation of the Christ Army Church (C.A.C) accepted to observe all the conditionalities of affiliation. And thus joined Bodo City to form the first district of The Apostolic Church in Gokhana in 1935.

The Apostolic Church, Kpor has contributed a lot to the development of the church in the Maritime Field. She has held strong affinity to the Bodo City area. Kpor district now comprises of two assemblies-the Kpor and Gbe assembly.

Kegbara Dere Area The Kegbara area consists of the two sister communities of Kegbara Dere and Bara-nyonwa Dere. The believers of the Christ Army Church (C.A.C) in Dere joined in the attempted switch-over into The Apostolic Church in 1933. But this integration was finally facilitated through the settlement of a court case among the members of Christ Army Church by the authorities of The Apostolic Church Bodo. Consequently, the Kegbara Dere Apostolic Church was founded in 1935. While in 1937, the Baranyonwa Dere members found it uncomfortable to cohabit the same church. And when all administrative efforts to settle the case proved abortive, they were separated in 1937. Accordingly, The Apostolic Church Baranyonwa Dere was therefore declared independent of Kegbara Dere assembly in 1937.

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However, The Apostolic Church has become the dominant Christian community in the communities, with their development and progress growing in leaps and bounds. The Apostolic Church has continued it’s dominance of Christianity and the propagation of the gospel in Gokana land. The church at Nweol began on 16th October, 1949. In Barako, less than a kilometer southeast of Nwel, the church commenced on 17th October, 1949. Zorzor (1991) highlights the glorious events of the evangelistic expedition. In his words: Zorzor observed that: Though Barako community appeared to have topped highest in the notorious activities of the Amanikpo cultural society in Gokana; and that for some time held the church’s progress or even stagnated the church’s progesss; the church was fortunate to have energetic members who could stamp their feet against such distractions and hence afforded them the required progress (p.15).

Further, on the 20th October, 1949 Deken community received The Apostolic Church. And in 1950, The Apostolic Church vision was finally and really established in New-biara. It is noteworthy, that Igwe (2005) commended the great rapidity with which the Apostolic Church was established in Gokhana in the present Kibangha constituency. The spread and momentum with which, the Apostolic was established in Gokana can be likened to the force of momentum of revolution and it actually spread in Gokana with the structure of a revolution.

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4.3 The Impact of The Apostolic Church On the Lives of The People of Gokhana The Apostolic Church in Gokhana has since made outstanding contributions which have had indelible impact on general well- being and development of both human lives and socio-economic conditions of Gokhana society. These contributions can not be overemphasized nor ignored with regards to the Niger Delta crisis. Therefore, our area of interest will include: the spiritual, educational, political, economic and social impacts of the church on the development of Gokhana-land of Rivers State, Nigeria. i. The Contribution of the Apostolic Church Gokhana Pastors on the lives of the people. The fore-most impact The Apostolic Church made in the growth, development and over-all progress of Gokhana was through the grooming of, and, emergence of great pastors. Pastors whose input and impact transformed lives and invariably various communities. In fact these pastors become the precursors of revivals and transformation of Gokhana land.

Sociological scholars like Locke, Rousseau and Quintillion (Rusk, 1969), have affirmed that the cardinal impetus for societal regeneration and transformation is through the works and lives of great characters. Rusk (1969) probably best highlighted this position more explicitly when he submitted that: Of virtue Locke says “It is virtue, then, direct virtue, which is the hard and valuable part to be aimed at in education.... All other consideration and accomplishment should give way and be postponed to 109

this. This is the solid and substantial good on which tutors should not only read, lecture and talk of, but the labour and art of education should furnish the mind with, and fasten there, and never cease till the young man had a true relish of it, and placed his strength, his glory, and his pleasure in it.” The foundations of virtue are to be laid in religion. There ought to be imprinted on his mind a true notion of God as of an independent Supreme Being, author and maker of all things, from whom we receive all our good. Who loves us and gives us all things, a confession of faith similar to that which Rousseau in EMEILE later formulated for Sophy (p.1 42)

In other-words, Locke (Rush, 1969), by VIRTUE inferred or referred to the character and personality of a person, which he called the “solid and substantial good”. Hence, the virtues of two great pastoral personalities in the persons of Pastors Nathan Vikor Bobah and Pastor Faaraa Vigo exemplify the “solid and substantial good” The Apostolic Church Gokhana made on the development of Gokhana, Rivers State, Nigeria. Pastor Nathan Vikor Bobah was born in 1891 at Bodo City, Gokhana in the Ben lineage. He started life as a fisher man. But as a prominent member of the Christ Army Church of the Prophet Garrick Braide Niger Delta Revival Movement (1921), he was particularly instrumental to the initiation of various progressive development projects of the Christ Army Christ, C.A.C. across Gokhana and Ogoni land.

Pastor Bobah could be likened to John Wesley, George Whitefield and Jonathan Edwards of The Awakening of the 18th Century England; but his was in Gokhana in Africa. Pastor Babah

110 according to Nwisah in (2009) in oral communication single- handedly master-minded the conversion of many into the Christ Army Church and also oversaw the metamorphoses of the same church into The Apostolic Church Gokhana. This was like the work of John Wesley of the Anglican Church in England. Pastor Bobah was moved by the living conditions of the poor in Gokahana especially by the growing number of the orphans the direct aftermath of the socio-economic conflict and genocide in the land. He was also compelled to build homes for orphans, the elderly and other destitute, the result of which changed and transformed their lives, families and communities.

For Liardon (2008), Pastor Bobah, just like John Wesley, “transformed the character of his countrymen by preaching about the importance of cleanliness, temperance, thrift and above all, faith. Bobah argued that social transformation would be achieved from inside-from within the heart, one individual at a time, each person undergoing a personal transformation”. In other words, the Gokhana people and the Niger Delta communities must realize that social transformation is not just only about money, wealth, social structures and the others; but that it is also, if not more importantly, about the transformation of the individual, then the communities through the preaching of the gospel.

In this sense, Turnrbull (1959) and Igwe (2005) maintained that Pastor Bobah was highly influential, not only in his own town and church, but also in the whole of Gokhana and Ogoni land, like his contemporary puritan preachers in Europe, Yoruba-land and 111

Igbo-land. Pastor Bobah taught the people that honoring those in authority including the clergy, was crucial to their survival and prosperity. These authors strongly posit that Pastor Bobah believed that the purpose of evangelism was to ease God’s anger, and that, that was the only means of bringing blessings to his people.

Most important and fundamental to the development of Gokhana is the fact that, Pastor Bobah was to Bodo-City and indeed the whole of Gokhana-land what Alvan Ikoku was to the Igbos in the field of education. He was also what George Whitefield was to America in becoming America’s first cultural hero. For the people of Gokhana, Pastor Bobah founded the “Excelsior” class, initially known as the “Band of Hope”, which revolutionized religious education both in The Apostolic Church and the educational system in Gokhana. His constant struggles in the realm of educational advancement resulted in the establishment of the 1st Apostolic Church’s school in Bodo-City in 1938, which Saale (2008) agreed, served “as the springboard for the establishment of subsequent schools in the whole area of Gokhana”. Truly, the virtue of Pastor Bobah has been of “solid and substantial good” to the development of Gokhana.

Another illustrious Pastor and son of Gokhana that God used as a precursor of revival and social transformation in Gokhana society was Pastor Barinaanu FaaraVigo. He was born in September, 1930 in Bodo-City in the Gokhana Local Government Area of Rivers State. He completed his primary 112 education at the St Patrick’s Primary School Bodo-City in 1946. He was called to the office of Pastor in 1960 and thereafter served in Kporgor, Nanwa Udume, Bodo and then Biara in 1964. Again Pastor Virgo exemplified the contributions of The Apostolic Church in the development of Gokhana society. He served Gokhana as the chairman of the Primary Schools Board, Bori, in Khana in 1978. He was appointed the first African Field Superintendent of the Church; and succeeded the last British Missionary Pastor in 1981. On June 19, 1993, during his tenure, The Apostolic Church Gokhana was granted Maritime Field status as an autonomous area. This marked his dedication to duty and industry to the church and service to humanity.

Though Pastor Faara Vigo died at the young age of 36 years (1930-1996), he had left his foot print on the sand of time of Gokhana. He took the fire of revival to the farthest point of the frontiers and became the threads that wove together the Gokhana people as a people, ethnic nationality and the church of God. The Apostolic Church, with its strict emphasis on prayer meetings, Bible studies, and united fellowships became the gravitational force that created communities among the independent minded, youths, the various social organizations and people of Gokhana. Truly the life and work of Pastor Paara-Vigo was an important binding force. He was relevant to the church- all the Christian denominations in Gokhana- and the people of Gokhana. The comments of Kinee (2007) underlined Pastor Faar Vigo’s place in the history of Gokhana. According to Kinee (2007:8), “The Ogoni

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Star Publications of Ogoni People listed sixty-six Ogonians whose works were considered essential to an understanding of the development of the Ogoni nation and its strategic place in world history. Pastor Vigo was listed as one of these.” Though neither a political figure nor of a noble birth, Pastor Vigo’s name is listed alongside those of Barrister Cyrus Nunyie (SAN) of Ogoni,Dr. Paul Birabil, the first Gokhana elite, who surveyed all the territories belonging to Ogoni people in Rivers State; and Ken Saro Wiwa. As a crucial builder of the Gokhana society he serves as a model for the world today.

His contribution was so significant that his status was built at his grave-side at The Apostolic Church Headquarters in Bodo- City Gokhana. It bears the following inscriptions. “If you seek the results of his labour you will find them in our Christian civilization” and “His continuous journeying through cities, villages and settlements from 1981 to 1996 greatly promoted patriotism, education, morality and religion in the Gokhana nation.” ii. Spiritual Impact In Bodo City, the spiritual input of TAC produced the first indigenous son of Ogoni soil who was elevated to the status of a pastor namely, Pastor Nathan Vikor Bobah. Anyacho (1998) in these words describe the spiritual impact on the Christians thus: His investiture arid other experiences received by other members who attended the convention from Ogoni, having witnessed the marvelous doings of the Lord, the lame walked, the blind received sight, the deaf 114

heard, while the dumb spoke and many aliments were healed miraculously, promoted the Ogoni members into rededicating their lives more to God. With much zeal and added pep to their faith, they returned home with burning zeal and desire for the service of the church (p.54.).

The church in Bodo City has continued to help in the development of the prayer life of people. Through The Apostolic Church prayer ministry, a lot of people, indigenes and non indigenes alike, have been healed and delivered from demonic attach. The Wednesday and Friday prayer meetings of the church are attended by people from other towns, Biara and Nonwa in Tia- Eleme, even Port Harcourt, and other denominations because of the spiritual benefits they derive from such prayer meetings.

The Apostolic Church Bible Study Methods have engineered the effective development of practical Christian living grounded and nourished in the study of the scripture. The impact and significance of the centrality of scripture in The Apostolic Church preaching and teaching can be seen from the literary resources the church bequeathed to the Gokhana society. The two examples are the: i. The “BAND OF HOPE” Group In 1950 Pastor Nathan Vikor Bobah inaugurated the “Band of Hope”, a group made up of children between the ages 12-18 years. The “Band of Hope” group made their contribution greatly felt in religious circles in Gokhana and beyond Ogoni land. In other words, they were able to break the monopoly of the “Abu

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Hymn Book” an Igbo hymn book used in the premier. They developed the maiden edition of the “Ceela Ebae Naata” as a product of the excelsior class. They pioneered the production of this Hymn book which came as a welcome relief for the Gokhana Christians, who having gained from the early Sunday school, could no longer read and understand the Igbo language (Anyacho, 1998:56).

Today, in Gokhana, the Hymn Book has created so much enthusiasm in Christian circles that every true Christian especially of the protestant denomination owns a copy to the glory of God. ii. Expository Sermons Apart from the “Band of Hope” group, there were also the expository sermons aimed at transforming and fusing the tenets of scriptural texts and its hearers, applying the principles underlying the scriptural passage to the situation of the audience. Pastor Barinaanu Faara-Vigo’s (Gokhana) and Pastor Anyacho’s (Amumara) sermons at Gokhana and Amumara respectively are models of expository sermons. Onukaogu (nd:20) asserts that “through dynamic and undiluted preaching and teachings, people’s lives have been touched positively. Truly, The Apostolic Church has contributed greatly in the spiritual development of lives. Other churches in Gokhana were also influenced by the uncompromising Biblical teaching and life style of The Apostolic Church members.

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Educational Impact The impact and significance of the Apostolic Church educational achievements upon Gokhana society cannot just be overemphasized or ignored. In 1938, the first primary school of the church in Gokhana was established in Bodo city. The primary school in Kpor began in 1950 and B/Dere, Biara and Deeyor in 1954; and at Nyorkuru in Khana local Government Area in 1957. These primary schools provided the enabling environment and opportunity for the hard-working and ambitious, but also discouraged and deprived youths of Gokhana to venture into success oriented academic endeavours. Interestingly, the objectives of The Apostolic Church for establishing these institutions were encapsulated in three broad aims. According to Onukaogu (n,d:), these were:

1. To complement the National objectives. The institutions both primary and secondary cater for the citizens of Bodo-City and Gokhana as the immediate catchment areas, but also aim at serving the rest of Ogoni and other parts of Rivers State. Hence, in order not to allow the members of the church get alienated from the fast development of the Nigerian society, it is our belief that if well-established, we shall be contributing our own quota in creating a free and democratic society, a just and egalitarian society, a united, strong and self-reliant nation, a great and dynamic economy and a land bright and full of opportunity for all citizens.

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2. To provide and operate a system that shall run side by side the ailing conventional secondary schools to ensure that improved methodology and renewed efforts that will redress the already disadvantaged position of Gokhana and Ogoni society.

3. To establish properly functioning institutions that will help in creating a congenial atmosphere and environment for mutual trust, respect and hard work to enable The Apostolic Church identify talents among our youths, nurture and direct them accordingly (p.16 I).

When the above objectives were fully realized, The Apostolic Church will be convinced that the deficiencies and inadequacies that continue to plague Gokhana, Ogoni and the Nigerian society in general should have been fully controlled and ameliorated. Another land mark contribution of The Apostolic Church that has impacted so much upon the Gokhana society at large and the various Pentecostal denominations in particular was the founding of The Apostolic Theological Seminary at Bodo City in l978. The institution which is affiliated to the Ahmadu Bello University (Abu) Zaria, has provided quality training for church leaders, administrators, evangelists, and teachers; both at the bachelor’s and graduate levels of education. The graduates of (TATSBC) and that of The Apostolic Theological Seminary Amumara in Igbo-land remain concrete landmarks and instruments for societal transformation In Gokhana and Amumara, in Imo State. According to Onukaogu (n,d), the graduates: 118

Will take their proper place in the onerous task of fashioning a sustainable system and quality of both religious and secular educational programmes for the enhancement of the over- all development of the Nigeria Society. This, the institutions hope to achieve (p.2O).

The Apostolic Church academic institutions will adequately equip all future church leaders who shall go through the institutions, with a thorough and better knowledge, and understanding of the ministry of Our Lord and Savoir Jesus Christ. Also associated with this theological education for the clergy, is the provision of the lay man’s type of education, called “Christian Education.” And these types of theological education have greatly impacted both the traditional practitioner and illiterates at the grass-root of the society. Little wonder Aaron, has tagged it “Church Propaganda”. Aaron (2005) quoting Eyide (2003:6) posits that: Christian Education is man’s most formidable tool for survival and solving world’s problems, including personal reconstruction, family, communal, tribe, state, denominational and national wreckages. Eyide (2003) has however observed that, it was regrettable of man’s desire to prefer revolution and war to Christian education in solving his problems. In the same vein; McCain, according to Aaron (2005) reasoned that: Christian Education is the most acceptable weapon to world survival and reconstruction because Christian Education is the only true form of education that is the discovery and application of truth so that the individual is spiritually, intellectually, emotionally and physically prepared for a life of conformity and service of Christ (p. 178).

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Whereas general education emphasizes on the acquisition of knowledge for a vocation in life, the emphasis of Christian Education is on a changed behaviour and involves change in behaviour of both the educated and the educator. The operative phraseology of Christian education is the acquisition of the knowledge of God for a changed personality (McCain, 1998:50). Aaron (2005) uses the Greek concept of General Education of GNOSIS, which he argued is the acquisition of information and facts of a generalist type and basically abstract in nature. He asserts that in the case of Christian Education four (4) levels hold sway. These include the GINOSKO, PIGINOSKO, EPIGINOSICO and the OIDA, which make it a more comprehensive and encompassing solution to personal, group and world problems.

The first three relate to the knowledge of Christ quite well, but the one more related to our study in importance, and would help us demonstrate its impact on the society at the grass root, is the last one, OIDA. Aaron contends that OIDA is not knowledge obtained through dint of hard work, study and research, but by the divine goodness which enables mortals to know, see and perceive things resident in the Divine exclusion (Gen.18:17-23, Exo.24:9-12, Isaiah 6:1-13; Math. 17:18) OIDA is the privileged, prophetic and relational knowledge which becomes available to man entirely by the mercies of God. Thus, the gains of OIDA as an outflow of Christian Education are through evangelism by the lay-members. Mass evangelism of lay evangelists and preachers of the Gospel has permeated the social fabric of Gokhana and invoked spiritual

120 revival across the whole Ogoni Kingdoms. Consequently, it has served as check against the spread of Islam in the area. Gokhana- land is one area you could hardly find Muslims or any Mosque for worship of Allah. The radicalism of the Apostolic spirituality and educational out-come was able to march and peg Islamism permeating and spreading in the land. It has contributed towards the total moral uplifting of the people of Gokhana.

The Socio-Political Impact The discovery of oil in Gokhana coincidentally occurred at the time when The Apostolic Church fire of revival and evangelization was at its peak. Hence, the combination of the Gokhana man’s propensity for hard work on one hand, and the new orientation and approach to life through The Apostolic Church Gokhana preaching of the gospel set Gokhana on a new dawn of socio- economic and political changes. The Apostolic Church facilitated the transition and transformation of Gokhana society from a purely traditional, land locked and rural economy to a productive and semi-developed economy. For The Apostolic Church provided the members from Gokhana the needed exposure and opportunity for socio-economic interaction and trade. This exchange of economic ideas in the long run enabled the church members abandon their old and secluded life-style, and ventured into a new way of life. Furthermore, the sacred or theological educational programmes via the establishment of the Sunday school and the teaching of life changing gospel of Christ in the churches across the 18 villages on one hand. and the secular

121 education of Gokhanaians through church primary and post- primary institutions on the other, exposed the local people to the joy and economic empowerment of education. This has provided an enhanced impetus for social and economic change in standard of living and life-style. In-deed, this was fundamentally a socio- economic shift of paradigm in the history of Gokhana. Igwe (2009) highlighted the significance of this development in 1938 after attending the first Igbo-land Area Convention of the church at Ahiaba Okpuala. In his words: In the year 1938, the brethren from Gokhana joined Pastor Nathan Bobah who was by then stationed at Ahiaba Okpuala as worker to attend the first ever Igbo Area Convention of the church held at Mbawsi. His in- vesture and other experiences received by other members who attended the convention from Gokhana, having witnessed the marvelous doings of the Lord returned with much more zeal and added pep to their faith, they returned home with burning zeal and desire for the service of the church (p.54.).

The advent of The Apostolic Church in Gokhana-land from 1931 also witnessed the emergence of Ogoni political elites, particularly the ones from Gokhana communities. These include: Chief Edward Nna Kobani (a former commissioner) from Bodo-City, Mr. Albert Tom Ban Badey (former secretary to the State Government) also from Bodo-City, other were Mr. Samuel N. Orage (also a former Commissioner) and his brother Mr. T. Orage, both from Boomu, Gokhana. Little wonder then that the socio-political activities of the present day Ogoni conflict, has its root base in Gokhana. Simply because, according to Saale (2008) “Gokhana is the most volatile and mobile clan in Ogoni; and was 122 politically and socially over charged by the teaming and redundant restive youth during the crisis.”

The change of Gokhana from a timid and illiterate population to a highly sensitive enclave has provided the whole Ogoni ethnic nationality the fulcrum to launch the present day drive for socio- political independence and economic emancipation. This is not to undermine the fact that the unfailing concentration of political power in the hands of a few Gokhana elites has also contributed in no small way to the gross neglect of the development of Ogoni and the Niger Delta (Azaiki, 20 10:182). According to Azaiki (2010), the concentration of political power in the hands of a few Gokhana elites due to the benevolence of The Apostolic Church in the area, led to in fighting, selfishness and parochialism among the elites and communities of the Niger Delta. Thus, the advent of The Apostolic Church seemed a blessing that bred curse, crisis and underdevelopment in the land (2010:182). This negative scenario not withstanding, the entry of The Apostolic Church into Gokhana has undoubtedly been, and continues to be a blessing to Ogoni land and the whole of the Niger Delta.

Social Impact Another contribution which The Apostolic Church has made in the development of Gokhaha, Amumara and elsewhere is the formation of the viable associations /fellowships called The Apostolic Church Gokhana Home and Abroad International. This fellowship has been existing in one form or the other but was

123 given a formal colour during the period in which Pastor Barinaanu Faara-Vigo became the first African Field Superintendent in 1981. The fellowship is a pillar in the development of The Apostolic Church, Amumara. The same fellowship is being replicated in Gokhana. It has helped in the planning, financing and execution of some of the church projects. It has also brought other developmental projects to the communities at large. Since 2001 it has been holding her annual Home coming fellowship meetings which have constantly and consistently yielding positive results towards development.

Furthermore, Lukcy in oral communication strongly posits that the development of Kpor as the Local Government Headquarters of the Gokhana Local Government Area is accountable for the structural, spatial and spiritual contributions and impact of The Apostolic Church movement. Though the killing of the four (4) Gokana frontline politician at Giokoo-a village in Kpor, has tended to dent the important of Kpor and the impact of the ministry of the church there, the church has never been found lacking in any share of development of the community as a whole as it has produced men and women who have taken leading role in the community programmes.

The Apostolic Church has contributed towards the aesthetic transformation of the landscape and environment of Gokhana. The Apostolic Church has temple edifices numbering up to thirty- nine (39) in the eighteen (18) villages in Gokana. The Field Headquarters main Temple, Bodo City alone has five (5) of 124 such magnificent edifices. Deeyor has three (3) edifies, K.Dere (3) B. Dere (3), Biara (3), Yeghe (3), Kpor (2) Glee (2), Bera (2), Deken (2), Lewe (2), Barako (2), Bomu (2), Mogho (2), Giokoo (1), Nwel (1) and Nwebiare (1) Zorzor in (oral communication). The contributions of the church building programme in these villages has thaught and encouraged the member to build and own their own houses instead of living in dunghill thatch houses. According to Nyiedah (2010:80), one of the highlights of the spiritual battles the church won over Satan and his hosts of jujus and deities in Biara was the deliverance from the deity that forbade the people from roofing their houses with corrugated iron zinc. The penalty on any one that flouted the decree was death. “Gbere-dee-ben” the deity, who pronounce this decree stressed that iron zinc was too white and illuminating in the eyes of the juju or deity. Thus, the building programme of the church inadvertently provided deliverance over the powers of darkness and the engineering for social transformation in their standard of living of the people.

The Apostolic Church is the most outstanding peace agency of social interaction and peaceful co-existence in the land. Gokhana which used to be the most volatile and mobile clan in Ogoni, and politically and socially overcharged has experienced unprecedented social transformation, godliness and peace. Through what Zorzor (1991:14) describes as “explosive conversion”. The Apostolic Evangelistic Outreaches had realistically ensured social change in the communities and society. In other words, this continuous increase of 125 membership was not accidental but was the result of the exemplary life style lived by the members who were always easily identified for their sense of life, co-operation and unity in all their undertaking in the community. The Christ-like life portrayed of the members life and the creed they revered and practiced was manifested among them and the light which was consequently shown, helped to attract more converts from the community into the church. The successful establishment of the church in Biara and the breaking of the notorious juju, curses and covenants, and the release of the citizens from its servile demons, ushered into Gokhana the breathing of air of relief by most peace loving citizens. The two Dere communities which in time past lived in incessant belligerent social atmosphere ceased. The members found it comfortable to co-habit the same church and lived peacefully together. The social transformation in Gokhana, through The Apostolic Church was indeed a revolution.

4.4 The Apostolic Church and The Management of Gokhana Crisis The glorious preaching-minstry and activities of the TAC in Gokhana-land inadvertently had revealed socio-political inventive instrument useful for the management of crises or conflicts. In fact, these mechanisms could be applicable to any crisis situation in the Niger Delta and Nigeria. These tools of crises management include: the spiritual need of the world highlighted, the critical role of eveangelism and spirituality and the spiritual grace of love, forgiveness and Godly leadership life-style.

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The Spiritual Need of the World Highlighted The foremost and fundamental mechanism The Apostolic Church Gokhana introduced toward the management of the crisis was to highlight the spiritual need of the world especially the spiritual need of Gokhana-land. Indeed if “war as an instrument of national policy” could be used to settle disputies, emphaising the urgent, desperate and Godless spiritual need of Gokhana-land, the spiritual need of the world highlighted remains relevant toward resolving the conflict. In the case of “war as an instrument of national policy”, Eagleton (1937) argued that “for centuries, war has been regarded as a means of remedying unjust situations, of settling disputies, of enforcing rights.” Further, Shotwell (1929) added that “war (both spiritual, economic and physical) has been used as an instrument against criminal aggression as much as it has been the instrument of aggression itself. It has played a beneficent role of history.”

Hence, in the case of Gokhana crisis and indeed the Niger Delta conflict, The Apostolic Church Gokhana had observed that Gokhana-land and the Niger Delta events are racing toward a conclusion and with frenziness of condition that is deteriorating wherever you look. Infact, the TAC posited that the entire world system is built on illusion, on that which is seen, touched, tested, smelled and heard. But that which is eternal and lasting is the reality. Coincidentally, today, the crisis in Gokhana and the Niger Delta is also part of the global spiritual crisis that is today threatening human existence on the earth and highlights the

127 spiritual need of the people in the Niger Delta. Like The Apostolic Church, Johnstone (1991:21) believed that what the world needs in the face of daunting wars and conflicts in Jesus Christ because He is the control room of the universe. This is true of the world today in wars, famine, earthquakes, deprivation, economic and socio-political oppression as in Gokhana-land and the Niger Delta.

Again, The Apostolic Church Gokhana admitted that the spiritual need of the world, Gokhana-land and the Niger Delta can only be met through revival campaigns. Hence, Weekly (1969) speaking in the same vein as The Apostolic Church Gokhana, in highlighting the spiritual need of the world as instrument of conflict management, posited that: First it will affect a spiritual awakening in the lives of Christians, resultIng in renewed dedications and consecration among them. Second, it will energize evangelistic outreach, taking the gospel of Christ to the unconverted for the purpose of turning them from wickedness to salvation (p.13).

The truth of the matter was graphically driven home by Haeselgrave (1980). He pointed out that three fourth of all men and women in the world are yet to believe in Jesus Christ as God and only saviour. He therefore opined that the Christian message is universal and, applicable to both Latin Americans and Africans and the people of Niger Delta. And has the redemptive power to transform lives irrespective of race, language, culture or circumstance. This redemptive power to transform lives remains

128 an important option toward changing the situation in Niger Delta. Still speaking on the mechanism of the spiritual need of the world as a catalyst towards the management of the Gokhana crisis, Strand a ffirmed that: People come in all sizes, shapes, and colour, but each one has a hurt: each is looking for an answer to life: Something to fill that “God shaped vacuum” that is inside every human being. To some people it’s just an indefinable gnawing need. How can the church minister to this world? How can they meet the desperate needs of the human souls? How can you as an individual meet the need of the human souls? How can you as an individual effectively communicate God’s message to him? The Great Commission given to the church by Jesus Christ is still the valid answer (p.7).

Consequently, Ezeigbo, Umoh and Oti (nd) see the instrument of the spiritual need of the world to be pragmatic – the pragmatic use of the word of God. The pragmatic use of the word of God to change lives through changes of mobilization strategies, change in people’s attitude and life style, and submission to the Lord. This is where Maiphurs “theology of change” becomes an invaluable and useful guarantee for spiritual and socio-political transformation in the Niger Delta region.

Indeed, The Apostolic Church in Gokhana has used this spiritual tool to guarantee sociai transformation in the churches and society at large. This “theology of change”, according to Malphur (1999), which The Apostolic Church champions, consists of three Fs: function, form, and freedom. This form of evangelism that The Apostolic Church has used to ensure social cohesion of the local

129 churches, groups and adherents include, crusade, door-to-door outreaches, friendships camps, deeds of kindness ministry, and websites – developing evangelistic web sites. For example, Malphur (1999:112) argued that The Apostolic Church use of the “deed of kindness” form of evangelism such as mowing a neighbor’s yard, washing a car at a free church sponsored car wash, painting a house, carrying a sack of groceries, giving away free beverages, and so on”, has brought tremendous social trust, social integration, love and forgiveness in the Gokhana communities, since everyone likes acts of kindness.

Reflecting further on The Apostolic Church theology of change in Gokhana, Ferguson (1987:26) described it as a “paradigin shift”, a term he asserts is a distinctly new way of thinking about old problems, such as conflict resolution paradigm, war as an instrument of national policy, educational pardigm, the paradigm shift in medicine, and so on. Ferguson draws the balance between The Apostolic Church theology of change and social transformation, which is spearheading the “paradigm shift” both in thought and life-style in Gokhana, and social transformation. According to him: The potential for rescue at this time of crisis is neither luck and coincidence, nor wishful thinking. Armed with a more sophisticated understanding of how change occurs, we know that the very forces that have brought us to planetary brinksmanship carry in them the seeds of renewal. The current disequilibrium – personal and social – foreshadows a new kind of society. Roles relationships, institutions, and old ideas are being re- examined reformulated and redesigned to facilitate the peace and progress of the society (p.26). 130

Thus, the Gokhana society is experiencing personal paradigm shift, shift from fear to trust and from crisis and chaos to transformation. Therefore, The Apostolic Church Gokhana argued that “having found a core of strength and sanity within, The Apostolic Church Gokhana adherence have learned that they can trust themselves and are more comfortable about trusting others. Hence, those who are cynical about change are usually cynical about themselves and their own ability to change for the better. Indeed, transformation requires a certain minimum of trust.

The instrument of highlighting the spiritual need of world as a strategic mechanism for conflict resolution flows from the societal relevance of Okwueze’s concept of the “theology of change” or “shift of paradigm”. In order words, the instrument of the spiritual need of the world highlighted synchronizes with, “The liberation” of Israel in Exodus which becomes a paradigm of God’s will to liberate the politically and socially oppressed. But the complexity of modern life has added new dimensions to the problems plaguing mankind. That in addition to the overall social problems of the world, situations are demanding attention as problems of such dimensions that a new philosophy is desperately needed to solve them: (p. 163).

This new philosophy is the paradigm of God’s will or theology of change for the liberation of the Niger Delta. This new philosophy highlights the significance of using spiritual or religious tools to resolve socio-political problems.

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Okwueze (2003) concurred that it relates to Ethics, Religion and Politics and this dates from time memorial. He maintained that both Religion and Politics flow together with the ultimate aim of changing the behaviour of individuals for the benefit of society.

Therefore, according to Okwueze, any one who is exercising political power has a responsibility to those upon whom he exercises political power. Both politics and religion advocate responsibility in the exercise of power. If the politician is religious it helps him and the society all the more. If he is irresponsible it is expected that religion owes him the duty of reminding him of his responsibility to his people.

However, it is as Okwueze examined the volatile question of, to what extend the present church as a body can get involved in issues of politics and social justice that he underlined the bottom- line between the concept of “theology of change” or “shift of paradigm”, social justice and the Niger Delta ethno-social crisis. Accordingly, the church must be in politics but not of politics. She must be in and ‘above’ politics. This is indeed a “shift of paradigm especially for the churches in the Niger Delta and Gokhana. For it is a matter of striking a balance, a harmony between pasture and grace and this requires a courageous church with adequate personnel and expertise, an adaptive, foresighted and energetic church for a respectable role in politics.

Therefore, the church and Christianity must not remain conservative any longer, but most change her attitude and be

132 involved in the “shift of paradigm” going on across the globe. The Apostolic Church Gokhana joins the cry and questions the luke- warm and lackadaisical posture of the church toward the wind of change. The Apostolic Church Gokhana and Okwueze lament that: The church cannot keep mute at a time when social change is nothing but that which is achievable within the framework of traditionally conservative norms, and when political and economic development are regarded as foolish ventures. Should the church be mouthing till eternity when the cherished future of a nation (Nigeria) is under the threat of secession? What is the anticipated duty of the church to the faithful in period of tyranny and oppression, in times of want and penury, in moments of pain and agony, in times of maiming and destruction, in periods of misery and regret, and when the sanctity of human life is being trampled upon with impunity (p. 156).

Again, they queried further that: How should the people of God react to salient issues when the situation at hand involves how to replace resentment and frustration with laughter and joy, injustice and oppression with justice and reconciliation and separation and alienation with caring and sharing? What should the church do in a situation where dictatorship overwhelms democracy, where the former has no other language but that of force and flaunting of ill-gotten wealth? Should church men fold their arms and watch in times of state coercion, inhuman treatment and retro-active laws, and as the faithful are being indoctrinated with new ideologies of confusion, poverty and madness? (p.157).

The Apostolic Church Gokhana graphic description, picturesquely describes the situation in Gokhana and the Delta region of the

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Niger where even the “church” seems to be insensitive and crucially indifferent to the present state of the conflict. And further underlines the need of using new strategies of, for example, “Highlighting the spiritual need of the world” in managing the Gokhana crisis.

Therefore, both Okwueze (2003) and the TAC remind the church, the stakeholders and all involved in the crisis and peace process in the Niger Delta of the “paradigm shift” taking place around the globe. According to them, “the fall of communism in USSR, the Iranian revolution, events in the Philippines, China, Benin Republic, Congo, Malawi and South Africa should serve as relevant examples of what the church did or did not do when called upon by providence to act”. They call on the church in the Niger Delta to follow in the foot-steps of the Catholic Bishop of Dili, Carlos Belo, a victim of power-brokers’ cleansing, who ensured that East Timorese are currently rejoicing in the fragile peace now reigning in the Latin American country. They further summon the church in the Niger Delta and Nigeria to get involved in politics to protect human dignity, rights and values, stand as an antidote to the anonymity of power, and be the moral watch- dog of the nation in politics. This role of the church should be determined by factors of time, place and historical contingency. The time for the church in Niger Delta is now, and the historical contingency, is the role of The Apostolic Church in Gokhana and the Niger Delta conflict.

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Critical Role of Evangelism and Spirituality The role of evangelism as an essential tool of conflict management and social transformation cannot be overemphasized. The essential style of evangelism of The Apostolic Church that has transformed the human society in Gokhana provides the panacea for the closer study of evangelism.

Hence, as part of her spiritual efforts toward social mobilization through evangelism, The Apostolic Church Gokhana has introduced and used Evangelism’s “Strategic Role of Partnership in World Evangelization” to effectively harness the impact of strategic evangelism to facilitate the integration of Gokhana communities. This type of ‘Strategic Partnership’, Kraakevik and Wellives (nd:29) have argued offers today’s Christian context extraordinary opportunities, specialties, or diversity of witness; and strategic alliances for greater effectiveness.

This partnership according to the authors would apply to specific contexts “like church to church, mission to mission, north to south-east- west, and two-thirds world to two thirds world partnership”. And community to community, village to village, kindred to kindred partnership which The Apostolic Church is propagating in Gokhana as a model toward the effective management and transformation of the Niger Delta conflict. Kraakevik and Welliver, (nd:28) underlined the idea succinctly when they postulated that: They believe strongly that the idea of partnership touches on different aspects of human affairs and has relevance to all aspects of kingdom life. It is 135

relevant, of course, important to the existing churches in areas where the gospel of Christ may have been known for millennia. But our focus is at primarily people groups, regional areas, or me ga-cities where presently no significant indigenous witness or peace within the social context exists (p.28).

They maintain that such integrated partnerships involve the individual parts of Christ’s body, combining to do something that none of them could do separately. The authors opine that, “What we have here [Gokhana] is an integration of four or five different ministries or denominations linking hands in succession, accomplishing different parts of a process, the process of sowing, watering, reaping and eventually disciple-ing that includes social transformation and prosperity. Furthermore, they explained that this strategic role of partnership” flows like a two way traffic; the horizontal and vertical integration of evangelism.

Horizontal and Vertical Integration Therefore, to help manage and transform the Gokhana and Niger Delta onflict, The Apostolic Church Gokhana contended that there must be an integration of churches, social groups, government, the multinational oil companies and other stake holders in one of two ways, either horizontally or vertically. The Apostolic Church relates horizontal and vertical integration, as in businesses or industries, to kingdom affairs and the matter of partnership, and by extension the Gokhana crisis. Accordingly, The Apostolic Church Gokhana had used three Gokhana groups: the Biraras, the Bodos, and the Boomus as models or study

136 cases. The TAC had also use one specialty, such as broadcasting, as a factor of integragn, which may be serving all thre of the language groups. But the TAC had emphasized that if Christianity wants to see the church of Christ bring social transfornation and peaceful co-existence for the better life of communities, the churches in Gokhana and the Niger Delta must integrate scripture translation, medical work, broadcasting, development, literature, visiting teams, and personal witness into a conscious, intentional, vertically-integrated and voluntary partnership built on these kingdom principles. According to the TAC, the diagram below demonstrates how these principles work. (see figure 1.1). BIARAS BODOS BOMUS PERSONAL WITNESS VISITING TERMS LITERATURE BROADCASTING DEVELOPMENT MEDICAL SCRIPTURE TRANSLATION Broadcasting (or any other specially) may “horizontally” serve a wide range of language groups. However in a single language group (like the Biaras above) the objective of seeing a viable national church is most likely when all the specialities are vertically integrated into a co-ordinate strategy. In other words, the use of a common language enables the gospel progress, unite and facilitate the unity of one group of people like the Gokhana group.

Figure 1.1 Source: Billy Graham Centre, Monograph

Therefore, The Apostolic Church Gokhana is absolutely committed to the essential nature of horizontal and vertical networks or integration. The horizontal networks are critical for

137 example in scripture translation; for social integration and political re-integration, reconstruction and development of Christianity and the Gokhana people.

The horizontal network the TAC had contended ties people across nationalities, across languages, communities, villages and kindred. It makes development functional and able to serve the Gokhana people group. But development, by itself, is only one part of the group of kingdom asserts needed to reach the Biaras and Ogonis in general. Undoubtedly, The Apostolic Church Gokhana had also exploited other specialized forms of partnership like church to church or mission to mission partnership, to ultimately find expression in a local socio-political context. Indeed, and rightly too, The Apostolic Church is finding some kind of integrated, specific and co-ordinated strategy in bringing the various elements of the body of Christ together. So that a strategic partnership, locally or regionally, even globally focused can be targeted at bringing peace and wellbeing to the Niger Delta. This will ultimately maximize the return on the kingdom of God investment that The Apostolic Church Gokhana and other churches in Gokhana have made.

The diagram below: (see figure 1.2) shows how the horizontal newtwork operates.

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COMPONENTS BIARAS PERSONAL WITNESS Operational Partnerships VISITNG TERMS LITERATURE BROADCASTING DEVELOPMENT MEDICAL WORK SCRIPTURE TRANSLATION All international partnership, no mater how specialized, can find expression in local or regional “vertically-integrated” partnerships. In this study Biara is used as a take-off point in reaching the whole of Gokhana.

Figure 1.2 Source: Billy Graham Centre, Monograph

Therefore, the TAC maintained that “these working relationships are not just a theoretical witness, but a functional witness to the glorious healing and transforming nature of God. “Above all else, the good news of the Lord Jesus Christ is good news about transformed relationships-communities and societies” (Kraakevik and Wellives (nd). The good news of the glorious healing and transforming nature of God through evangelism is what The Apostolic Church Gokhana had used to effectively impact strategic partnership and facilitate social integration of the various communities in Gokhana-land and Ogoni.

Evangelism in the Home – House to House Church Consequently, the home was another front The Apostolic church Gokhana believes is one of the most important methods of social

139 transformation in antiquity because of it obvious advantages. And the home provides the church with further instrument of managing the Gohkana crisis. For the home or family was the fundamental unit of society, and fundamental to God’s economy of salvation in Israel and the world (Deuteronomy 14:26, 12:12). Therefore, it implied that since the family consisted of blood relations, slaves, clients and friends, man servants and maidservants, the transformation of whatever households was therefore, seen as light houses, from which the gospel could illuminate the surrounding darkness.

Home evangelism provided the T.A.C. the uncommon opportunity and open door to meet young people or youth in a neutral environment, devoid of the political environment of Gokhana. The young people represent the future of Gokhana-land; and to caputrue this class of the Gokhana and Niger Delta society meant and potended getting a real fundamental hold on the future, development and prosperity of the land. The reality and implication of a successful home eveangelism in Gokhana is that the T.A.C. had initiated the eventual recreation of a new generation of Gokhana youths with a Christ-centred, God-fearing and commitment to geninue Christianity and the well-being of humanity (Nwokoro, 1997:99) and realization of the transfiguration of Gokhana society. In Dr. Cho’s (1999) opinion, today, one of the greatest needs in the church is to evanglize our cities and communities.

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The T.A.C. created “the House Caring Fellowship” or “Home Cell System” throughtout the villages and communities in the land, to ensure the successes of home evangelism. In other words, there are about eighteen (18) times one hundred (100) House Caring Fellowship groups, this would total about one thousand eighteen (1800) groups spread across Gokhana-land. In fact this development potended a massive move of the “church” towards the transformation of Gokhana. God is about to do what he did in South Korea. God has used the 23316 Home Cells (Cho,1999) of the Yoido, Full Gospel Church in South Korea to transformed the city of Seour Soth Korea. He will do the same in Gokhana-land. The House Caring Fellowship (HCF) is simply a system of fellowship where the members of a network of denomination in the community are shared or distributed into small groups for smooth operation.

An effective house caring fellowship becomes a forum for direct person to person attention, interaction and fellowship. The Home Caring Fellowship provided for the “everybody is somebody” ideology. An ideology that is non-existent in the present polarized Gokhana society. Cho (1999), the veteran of cell system underscored the socio-political significance of the cell system, when he posited that: One of the major problems of society today is the depersonalization of human beings. With the increase in population, everybody becomes just a face in the crowd. Many books have been written about the difficulties people are having, trying to cope with the depersonalization in which they see themselves only as numbers. They feel alienated, lonely and aimless. 141

This problem has also found its way into House Caring Fellowship in many of our churches, particularly the larger ones (p.49).

But in the fellowships, everybody received direct attention. Their needs were easily communicated to those concerned. People have access to the leaders and can channel their problems to them without diffuclty. People were thus treated as real human beings with all human needs. The House Caring Fellowship facilitated “Development opportunity”. It made for improvement and development of the members. As people got involved in the doing, in the fellowship, they improved and developed unto excellence. There was no redundant or dormant member in the House Caring Fellowship. Hence, it served as a leadership training programme also. The House Caring Fellowship bridged gaps; made provision for training and development, individual participation, shared responsibility and person to person interaction. All these contributed immensely to the speedy revival of religion, healing of of wounded hearts and relationships during the period of the crisis and enduring reintegration of church and people.

The evangelization of the Home, an approach aimed at the grass root, the primary fabric of the Gokhana socio-political and traditional social structure is a new evangelistic outreach to utilize the most underutilized space in the average Gokhana community. The primary focus of this type of evangelism was discipleship, or the transference of God’s plan and purpose from the life of Chrsit into his disciples. The House Caring Fellowship was transformational, creating a visible change of character in 142 the disciple. This dynamic process, of one generation teaching the next generation the plan and purpose of God, for the communities and people of Gokhana and the Niger Delta, must continue in our churches today if we are to see Christ’s purposes fulfilled in the 21st century.

The Home Evangelism strategy through the Hose Caring Fellowship is based on Paul’s instrtuction to Timothy in I Timothy 1:5, to transform his life. We read, “But the goal of our instruction is love from a pure heart and a good conscience and a sincese faith” (KJV) The Home Evangelism strategy resulted in creating a new class of Gokhana Christians whose life is built on the first and most important goal love, secondly, a good conscience that utilmately creates a clean and clear conscience, free from guilt and anxiety of the Gokhana crisis, the harsh living reality in the Niger Delta and the development of having the same mind as was in Christ to living sacrificially for the betterment of Gokhana. And thirdly, a sincere faith, or a faith that was to be openly proclaimed by committed saints; who must show faithfulness to the task that God has called the T.A.C. and Christianity to. The Home Cell System or House Caring Fellowship – a mini-church (Acts 20:20) is the “permanent revival centre” of the T.A.C. According to T.A.C., “the revival will not die out after the span of the crisis, not as long as the church adheres to the principles of the Home Cell System under the guidance of the Holy Spirit.

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The significance of the House Caring Fellowship as a mechanism of managing the Gokhana crisis and the Niger Delta conflict depended on the cell capacity to produce after its own kind. This will result in Disciples begetting other Disciples, Apostles begetting other Apostles, Prophets begetting other Prophets, Evangelists begetting other Evangelists, Pastors begetting other Pastors, and Teachers begetting other Teacher. The key element in this massive innovation of evangelism is movement (Ministry), growth (Evangelism), and maturation (bearing spiritual fruit for the kingdom of God).

The unity found in the Home Cell produced great threat hinderance and deliverance to demonic activities designed to render divine intervention in the Gokhana-land crisis powerless. But through God’s love, united prayer and activities of the T.A.C. through the House Caring Fellowships, principalities and power were pushed back, and the power of God was released. Missionaries could then be sent from the Home Cell system to evangelize the neighbour-hoods, communities, cities, the Niger Delta region and Nigeria.

Missionary Enterprise Furthermore, The Apostolic church Gokhana evangelism trust followed the example of Bishop Ajayi Crowther missionary methods, which he used to tremendous effect in the Lokoja Area Missionary Expedition. The impact and social transformation of Crowther’s methods underlines the place of evangelism as a veritable tool of societal development. The relevance of evangelism 144 in unifying Lokoja Area, remains key to what the T.A.C had offered the land of Gohkana.

The Apostolic Church Gohkana, like Crowther in Lokoja had used evangelism as a ministry of reconciliation to control the indigenous traditional rulers, chiefs and ‘powerful’ group leader – pro-government agents and influence them. The T.A.C. believed that the control of the local chiefs and prominent citizens would make the church and the message of reconciliation and transformation of the spirit-man acceptable to the people of Gohkana, the local administration and enhance societal peace and co-existence, thus encourage further work of evangelization. Evangelization through the “Mission House” would also create a new socio-political value to would be Christians. Again, the Crowther example lends credence to the experiment. In Gokana- land, part of the scheme was to create a new “enlightened” middle class which would revolutionize the socio-political set-up, run the local or village administration, as well as take control of the commanding heights of the local economy. The church achieved this through modernization of agriculture, introduction of new industrial skills and monopoly of commercial transactions. As with the Crowther example, in Lokoja, evangelism in Gohkana helped The Apostolic Church change the Gohkana society and the life lifestyle of the people. The church did so through the initiation of radical changes that will not only draw the ruling class to the gospel, but also draw the adherents of other religions to the saving grace in Christ Jesus.

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The Apostolic Church in Gokhana also mobilized the membership towards further missionary exploits in the whole land. Indeed, missionaries were commissioned during and after the crisis to proclaim the “goodnews” of spiritual and physical emancipation throughout Gokhana-land. These missionaries were loyal and faithful to the tenets of the Apostolic Church. During the crisis in 1994, elder Moses Leeba Gime of The Apostolic Church Bodo-City went on missionary work to Nonwa Uedume. Mr Moses Gime could not say much except to repeatedly proclaim that the owner of the universe had sent him to them. All –the-same, the people were forced to ask him “who is the owner of the universe that has sent you to us?” Mr. Moses Gime responded that: The God who alone created heaven and the earth and the totality of their inhabitants, and who alone commands absolute and sovereign power of all creatures, has been their dire need to see the light. And for that reason, has commissioned him to come and preach the message of salvation and deliverance from the erstwhile ignorance, they were swallowed in and for the emancipation of their soul (p. 71).

The people welcomed Gime wholeheartedly with pleasure. The town experienced peace, unity and freedom, from the practice of idolatry, cultism, a fundamental indulgence during the period of the Gohkana crisis. The community lived in social tranquility, communal harmony and progress. Resultantly, the Nonwa Uedume community abhorred the practice of adultery and fornication, a social vice that was traceable as one of the roots of intra family and communal misgivings and misunderstanding.

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Today in 2010, since the cessation of the conflict, The Apostolic Church Gohkana has intensified her missionary endeavours. Interestingly, wherever, the missionary-preachers went in Gohkana and other Ogoni communities, they insistently persuaded their converts to yield allegiance to the Lord Jesus Christ. And embrace the gospel of peace, repentance, forgiveness and social tolerance on one hand, and the Federal Government Amnesty programme and other initiatives of government toward the resolution of the Gohkana crisis, on the other.

Furthermore, the missionary programmes and activities of The Apostolic Church Gohkana included the demonstration of practical christian concern and care for the less privilege, down trodden, poor, afflicted, orphans and homeless citizens. Mathew 25 was considered and put into use on daily basis in the church, villages and towns of Gokana. The Apostolic church Gokana lived what she professed. The church was indeed, a sermon of its own without public crusades, and the influx into the church was great. The new converts after the cessation of the military invasion in 1996, had nearly all their physical needs met. And they sang sings of praise to God and The Apostolic Church wherever they went. Truly, in the words of Babalola (2006), practical Christianity had been, and will continue to be, the most powerful attribute of social action of historical Christendom relevant to the resolution of conflicts in Gokhana, the Niger Delta, Nigeria and Africa.

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Lastly, The Apostolic Church Gokhana missionary afforts towards Gokhana reconciliation change and transformation through evangelism presented the gospel and the cross as the ultimate instrument of social liberation. In fact, the imperativeness of the cross to social liberation is contestable only where biblical scholars have failed to make a noticeable impression of the minds of church members and leaders. The social liberation, the Apostolic Church Gokhana advocates began with the need for social liberation and ended with the provision for social liberation, for man’s inhumanity to fellow man stemmed from the fall in Genesis (Ituma, 2007:24).

Therefore, the T.A.C. anticipated to see a Gokhana society where social liberation is understood as the reconciliation of man to man which is the consequence of human relationship with God. It would be a situation where there is a sustainable healthy relationship between man and man, between community and community, church and church, and indeed ethnic nationality and another ethnic group. Hence, the biblical concept of a healthy relationship between man and man is that of brotherliness; idea of brotherliness is the strongest tie and concord for a reconciled man to man. This is really the urgent hope of Gohkana people today (Thomas Watron 1982, in Ituma, 2007: 2004). Therefore, anything short of this imperativeness of the cross as a social liberator, is not acceptance in the light of biblical scholarship. Ituma (2003) had prophetically perceived this wind of change in Gohkana-land when he wrote that:

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We must wake up to redirect the focus of the church (the church in Nigeria). For us to present the holistic nature of social justice, the cross must be the centre of thought and praxis. The cross of Jesus Christ must be given a resounding call if social liberation must be meaningful and lasting (p. 28).

Indeed, The Apostolic Church Gokana, and the church in the Niger Delta must understand that no matter how difficult, that talking about social liberation, in biblical terms, without talking about the cross of Jesus Christ is difficult, in complete and almost impossible. Perhaps, The Apostolic Church Gohkana and the Gohkana Society are not aware that the world is waiting for the church to rescue the masses from socio-political servitude in African. Perhaps, they do not know that if every other measures fails, the world depend on the church to intervene. Perhaps, they are yet to see Christ as a social liberator and Saviour.

Spiritual Grace of Love, Forgiveness, Godly Leadership The other mechanisms or instruments of crisis management the T.A.C. evolved included the spiritual grace of love, forgiveness and Godly leadership. The Apostolic Church crisis management tenets of love which is the greatest weapon that can sooth ailing nerves have to be properly exercised by both the leaders and the led in our churches. Love, Nyiedah (2001:194) maintained can solve a lot of problem in both the church and the social environment (1 John 3:16, Romans 5:8). Anyacho (1998) avouched that the key they employed in weathering through the lgboland crisis was love. He argued that:

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Crises, conflicts and wars could be averted, controlled or even avoided if we love ourselves because we are expected to exhibit the true love of God which does not boast, does not abuse, is never proud, not self-seeking neither is it found in anger in dealing with conflicts and resolving crises (p.40).

The second important factor that The Apostolic Church found helpful and a useful aid in conflict resolution was forgiveness (Anyachor, 1998). According to him, when two parties to any conflict situation are able to forgive each other, peace will surely come in. But forgiveness to be effective, it should be accompanied and followed by forgetting (Eph. 4:31-32). He maintained that the present situation in Gokhana requires the forgiving and forgetting spirit that The Apostolic Church is propagating. This type of forgiveness is what Emeka (2011) has called “Strategic Forgiveness” or “Strategic Magnanimity” in fighting battles. Emeka maintained that strategic forgiveness was used by Julius Caesar to a maximum advantage. In Rome in 62 BC, Caesar forgave even used his own money to pay for the acquittal of Publius Clodius. Caesar also forgave Pompey despite Pompey’s conspiracies against Caesar. In the case of Publius Clodius, “Caesar was repaid more than double later by the boy’s loyalty in the senate while Caesar was at Gaul-France”. In the case of Pompay, All the people and cities that had support Pompey expected brutal treatment from Caesar. Caesar forgave them. In a subsequent battle in Spain where Pompey ran to, Caesar won. Pompey surrendered in the battle

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of Pharsalus. Caesar forgave the Spainish cities and Pompey’s soldiers. Rather, he gave them provisions and money to go back to Rome, including Pompey’s generals, Afranius and Petreius (p.81).

The weapon of forgiveness though an unconventional weapon is more powerful than brutal force, more effective than military and political manoeuvres. To break the cycle of failure of government and the over reaction of the people of Gokhana and the Niger Delta, mediators in the Niger Delta must use an unconventional weapon, and that weapon is a weapon of forgiveness. Forgiveness will heal the wounds of the past and prepared the heart for the prospects of the future.

In this sense, Onwu (1991), says that for Gokhana people and the Niger Delta region forgiveness is central to reconciliation of groups, people and communities in conflict. Forgiveness creates new realities in the life of the forgiven (Mk. 2:12). There is a relationship between forgiveness and healing. This is the nature of the salvation which Jesus brings. The salvation is not only of the soul in the hereafter, but also in the communities of God’s creatures in Gokana. Healing and salvation of communities in Gokhana-land is conditioned by the forgiveness of God and it is often the demonstration of that forgiveness (II Chro. 7:14, Ps. 103:3, Isa. 19:22, 38:12), that The Apostolic Church is bringing to the crisis situation in Gokhana.

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In other words, the people of Gokhana must determine to forgive the state, oil companies and all. And they must be willing to confront the new dispensation in the Niger Delta with a new spirit, by accepting and forgiving their oppressors and making the salvation of Gokhana a reality in their lives.

Another corollary to forgiveness The Apostolic Church is preaching in Gokhana as a mechanism of crisis management is reconciliation. Reconciliation as a conflict handling mechanism Dokun Oyeshola (2005) insists, among others things produces new mutually enriching relationship, one of its by-products is the mending of deep emotional wounds generated by the conflict. Know doubts, the Gokhana crisis and the Niger Delta conflict in general has generated deep emotional wounds across the land. The wounds require healing if the affected or damaged persons, families, groups, organizations and communities and the relationship, both intra and inter communal must be restored. One fundamental means by which such healing is effected is by the instrumentality of the sacrament or mechanism of reconciliation that helps to overcome antagonism that separate people from one another and with their God.

Reconciliation viewed from theological or Christian perspective involves four dimensions, reconciliation with God, self, neighbours-human community and nature. All of these four dimensions come into play in the Gokhana crisis. However, the Gokhana case study deals more with neighbours and the human community at large which involves the forgiveness and 152 mercy that the individual members of the T.A.C. has experienced in being reconciled with God must now be transferred to or shared with other human beings.

The importance of the theological analysis of reconciliation is its demonstration that peace, which Gokhana-land and the Niger Delta region needs for economic development and prosperity, in the new dispensation of the GoodLuck Jonathan administration and the preaching by The Apostolic Church Gokhana, is a universal concept encompassing all spheres of human activities. And following it is the implication that the largeness of the spiritual dimension of peace and peace-making must be the object of reconciliation. To be sure, peace-making process that enables the parties to reflect on the spiritual implications of their attitude, behaviour, especially hatred, contempt, callousness or self-centredness, and on their destructive actions in general, is likely to lead to a more conducive atmosphere for the quest of just and lasting solution to the Gokhana-land and Niger Delta disputes.

It is significant here to underline the fact that while at the level of social science discussion of reconciliation, the concept is limited and restricted to social relations but the theological dimension extends from the very intimate and deep spiritual level to the personal-psychological, to the social and finally to the ecological level. And that is the relevance of the mechanism of reconciliation The Apostolic Church Gokhana is propagating throughout every hut and cranny of Gokhana- land and the Niger Delta. 153

From this perspective, peace integrates the individual, society and nature.

Indeed lgwe (2005) and Anyachor (1998) opine that these attributes of love, forgiveness and Godly leadership The Apostolic Church Gokhana had bequeathed to the Niger Delta provide the most relevant and potent management tools for the effective management and possible resolution of the conflict. They further maintain that, while all previous Government policies and mechanisms used in the management of the crisis deal with the outside or natural side of the human heart, the instrument of love, forgiveness and Godly leadership deal with the heart. It starts from the inside, the spiritual side of the individual to the outside. Thus, the inward transformation when it takes root affects the outside or actions of the individual; and remains permanent social behavour of the individual. And such behaviour is not subservient to changes endosed by outside influences. But remains a continuous part of the individual’s life styles. That is what the Gokhana crisis requires at this point in time (lgwe, 2005).

Commenting on the importance of the inward transformation of the individual as a catalyst for social transformation and conflict management and transformation, Akpuru-Aja in lkejiani-Clark (2009) affirms that: Conflict transformation starts in the minds of people. Hence, focusing on ‘mindset adjustment’ against violence and its effects is very fundamental. Without changing parties image of a conflict situation, the other 154

interlocking processes of conflict resolution and conflict management may find application difficult (p.24).

Consequently, and not differently Akpuru-Aja (2009) maintains that conflict transformation must involve the readjustment of the emotional, perceptional and spiritual approaches to a conflict situation. It is in the belief that conflict or not is attitudinal and change in mindset affects decision that in turn affects action; and that interveners in the Gokhana and Niger Delta conflict must now pay consistent and committed attention.

Thus, The Apostolic Church initiative touches on the core nature of human beings, and provides direction for positive change and assists the church and individuals to recognize that by living and working in a more tolerant, spiritual, accommodating and governable setting fulfills the purpose of God for man. The purpose of God for man is to live in peace and in a peaceful locale.

The next indispensable method The Apostolic Church both in Gokhana and other areas employed effectively and in transforming the church was active and explosive evangelism. Onukaogu (n.d:20), Anyachor (1998) and Nyiedah (2010) agree that the formidable force of evangelism provides an invaluable assert in conflict management and conflict transformation. Accordingly, Anyacho (1998) affirmed that: From October to December, 1939, we lost 75 stations in Aba Division and only 33 stations continued in The Apostolic Church till The Lord reopened our way through brotherly visiting in Evangelism. Pastor 155

Anyahuru and his men called the churches they seized True Apostolic Church but later renamed them Apostolic Christian Church (p.36).

Nyiedah (in oral communciation) described evangelism as “explosive conversion” because of it impact on the communities underscores the relevance picturesquely thus: The successful establishment of the church in Bara and the breaking of the notorious juju curses and covenants and releasing the citizens from its servile demand, ushered into Gokhana the breathing of air of relief by most peace loving citizens. There was an accompanying upsurge of evangelism into surrounding communities using Biara as the starting point. The advances made in the religious atmosphere in Biara led to a group being organized by that church’s witness group to venture out to redeem juju entangled citizens of Bera in particular (in oral communication).

He maintained that the by-product of evangelism is the “development of the community as a whole as it has produced men and women who have taken leading role in community programmes”.

The Apostolic Church has maintained a transformatory stronghold on Gokhana society in particular through educational institutions at the primary, secondary and higher levels of education that over the years had provided quality religious instructions for the people. The impact of these institutions of learning as agents of social transformation and socio-cultural- religious integration is the corner stone of the stable social life noticeable among the people. Thus, these schools have become crisis management tool, since most members of social groups,

156 social organizations, and schools of thought were products of these centres of transformation. Furthermore, as members of the same faith and hope, these elite of Gokhana society had common understanding among themselves. They shared common interest in the development, progress and the well-being of Gokhana and Ogoni in general.

Accordingly, these Apostolic Church Gokhana members as the founding members of newly formed Christian Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (CPFN) in Rivers State has constituted a council of six powerful church leaders as mediators, two from each group of Kibangha zone, Panumu zone of Gokhana-land and Ken-Khana-Babbe clans. The mediators were to start mindset- change-activities within their respective groups and to identify youth leaders and then, the elders for upcoming conflict management worship; to address the problem of leadership crisis. The mediators have a key role in mobilizing members of their respective zones, as well as working collectively to spread peace awareness initiatives in the community. They also formed a body to represent the civil society of peace-makers in Gokhana-land. The mediators invited the three local government area Chairmen in Ogoni to a meeting at St. Pius College, Bodo-City on 8 September 2009. From where they would proceed as a group to Port Harcourt to see the government officials, unfortunately the Governor was in Abuja, so the meeting was rescheduled.

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CHAPTER FIVE

THE PROBLEMS THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH GOKHANA ENCOUNTERED IN THE MANAGEMENT OF THE GOKHANA CRISIS

The Apostolic Church in Gokhana Land was faced with difficulties on two fronts. The first was from within, problems that had to do with the inherent doctrinal questions concerning the crisis, a good example of such concerns related to “the Christian response to religion, politics and patriotism (Egbunu, 2002: 267). The Apostolic Church in Gokhana has been known to have isolated itself from “the things of the world” syndrome and as such confined itself to “spiritual things”.

Second, The Apostolic Church is also faced with problems that emanated from the advent of the Gokhana - Ogoni and Niger Delta crisis. What role or roles should the church play during the crisis, after the crisis, and in post — crisis development of Gokhana Land? We will firstly examine the internal problems encountered in the management of the crisis by The Apostolic Church Gokhana.

5.1. The Inherent Doctrinal Questions Concerning the Crisis. The Apostolic Church in Gokhana land was confronted with the doctrinal question of what should be the Christian response of the Church to religion, politics and patriotism. This is so because the Church could not act beyond the “Tenets of Her Beliefs”. The Apostolic Church believes and emphasizes that the believers must

158 be separated from the world - which includes the refusal to be involved in the institution of the state.

In other words, members of the church must live dedicated to the Lord, and not be “worldly”. Therefore, members would be culturally isolated within the society (because of Church — State split), and spend a large part of their life and time in the contexts of the Church. This means that The Apostolic Church had little say in the affairs of the state or indeed in public life in general.

But like Lyon (1988) has rightly observed that; If religion – society split gives raise to the feeling that Christianity has nothing to say beyond individual salvation, and no distinctive world-view affecting education, politics, and business, then in this sense secularization is corrosive of Christianity (p. 635)

How to handle the issue of the relationship between the Church and state was a major headache for the T.A.C. during the crisis. While the Gokhana brethren feared incurring sanctions from the National Headquarters of the Church, on one hand, on the other hand, the brethren suffered the anger and reprisal of the Gokhana Society for its non - challant and non - committal attitude to the cause of the exploited and depressed people of Gokhana land.

In addition to the separation of the Church and State stance of the T.A.C. during the crisis, she was also encumbered, limited by her pacifistic inclinations. The T. A. C. was confronted with the dual stance of how to maintain her pacifist position, and at the

159 same time make active and meaningful contribution towards resolving the conflicts. Since the crisis was seriously affecting members of the T.A.C. in the various communities in Gokhana- land. For the Apostolic Church, the use of violence, war and the taking of human lives were unacceptable ways of resolving conflicts. In her view, the love principle derived from Christ’s teachings in general and from the Sermon on the Mount in particular, if well articulated, will eventually achieve the desired goal of peace and peaceful co-existence in Gokhana land and the Niger Delta..

In the words of Aeba a Senior Pastor of the Apostolic Church, Gokhana, “the attitude of the church, and her members was not an unrealistic submission to evil but resistance of evil by the power of love”. He argued that they preferred the use of non — violent strategy in the struggle to resolve the crises; he maintained that the pacifist approach of crisis management has been successfully used by the Anglican Church led by Arch- Bishop Desmond Tutu, to save South African from Apartheid. And indeed, that the pacifist approach was also used by Kenneth Kaunda in his struggle for the independence of Zambia.

Emeka (2011) also believes, with the T.A.C. Gokhana in the “truth – force” or “love – force” reconciliation powers of love. Redemption conquers conflict. In other words, this Christian approaches to conflict management, which is anchored on the practical use of “strategic forgiveness or strategic magnanimity”. However (Emeka, 2011), disagreed with the general consensus approach 160 of MOSOP; consequently, MOSOP perceived The Apostolic Church as being non–challant to its plight in Gokhana land.

In the same vein, Egbunu (2009: 277) reprimanded not just the T.A.C., but the Nigerian Church or Christians as a whole. For the way the Nigerian Christians have shied and recoiled faint heartedly from the challenges of politics and religion. For him, “issues pertaining to religion, politics and the state could be gasous in nature and as such could be extremely explosive. But that does not warrant the present quasi-pacifist attitude of the Church. Egbunu (2009) was categorical in his criticism of Christianity and by inference, the T.A.C. Gokhana in his opinion.

While it is generally true that the Church is not doing enough to meet the political challenges on ground, discordant voices are still being raised against active participation of Christian in politics by otherwise eminent minds. It is not uncommon to hear people questioning the right of the Church to intervene in the political, economic and social affairs of the society. To such ones those who are true Christians have little or nothing to do with politics and vice versa. They often hold that politics and religion can never mix comfortably or are good bed–fellows.

In other words, there is no meeting point between the conflict over oil exploration, exploitation and the devastation of the eco- system in Gokhana land, and the life, functions and social activities of the T.A.C. since religion is not worldly and therefore sacred; while politics is seen as purely mundane and profane.

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Politics is thereby said to be a dirty game played by evil people. Rev. Fr. Kukah played very active role in the effort to resolve the Gokhana crisis. Thus, his observation about the “siddon look syndrome” among the Apostolic Church members, is worthy of note. And highlighted the serious challenges such attitude portends for the Gokhana land crisis. Kukah (1999: 10) refers to the advocates of the “siddon look syndrome” school of thought “as modern day version of the here say Quietism” which encouraged the art of doing nothing as means of knowing and serving a God whose will is not subject to any form of human effort.” Furthermore, this sort of attitudes of no serious commitment to the cause of the trodden down and unfortunately helpless citizen of Gokhana leaves much to be desired. Neither does it do much towards the fulfillment of the holistic commission of the “Great Commission, (Matt. 28: 18-21). Indeed, this sort of attitude at its height is really tantamount to just viewing religion as opium of the people.

5.2. What Role Shoud the Church Play in the Gokhana-land Crises Another handicap that The Apostolic Church encountered in Gokhana during the crisis bothered on the question of “what role the Church should play” in this critical phase of the development and transformation of Gokhana history. This was a fundamental concern that occupied and consumed the heart of the rank and file of both the clergy and laity, the NEC - National Executive Council, the Maritime Field Authorities, the District Officers and

162 the whole congregation of local churches and their local leaders. Moreso, this question of “what Role to Play” mattered much because this was indeed a definitive period in the history of Gokhana - land. A period when the “state” both federal, state and even the local government, could not rescue the helpless Gokhana men, women and children. The future seemed bleak and lost.

However, the pertinent concern of this work in this regard is to attempt to discover and unearth the reason(s) why that was so. In fact, scholars, moreover scholars of religious — ecological persuasion posit that over the years The Apostolic Church Gokhana failed to develop dynamic characteristics necessary for her to remain creatively relevant in such circumstances. Iwu’s (1985) excellent essay on the need for a creative church in resolving the religious conflicts in Nigeria, Africa and other developing countries, pointed out the dimension, this re-shaping must take. These dimensions include:

(i) Marks of Originality The “Marks of Originality” here means that the Church must be a thinking Church, a Church capable of thinking out new, and if possible, original ways and means of meeting contemporary issues and problems. The Church must be willing and prepared to embark on experiments, with a view to discovering and producing the new, either in substance or in technique or method. Our study showed that The Apostolic Church Gokhana was willing, in spirit to experiment, but unfortunately 163 was not prepared to embark on any experiments particularly in the sphere of problem - solution and conflict resolution. The Apostolic Church Gokhana is well known for her well established ecclesiastical order, where power, orders and instructions must flow from top to bottom and not vice versa. This engendered a high degree of ecclesiastical insensitivity at the top, and at the bottom of the Church or lower level of the laity, they had become increasingly more dependent, easily more pliable, all the more subdued, subservient and governable “by their ecclesiastical deployers and superiors”, in the end, both the clergy and laity had become immobile, static, insensitive and irresponsive to the impending consequences of the Gokhana crisis. What is more is that these ecclesiastical overlords who really supervise this confused state of understanding in the land are far from being the immediate victims of the situation. The victims are the people of God whose welfare and future have been left hanging in the balance of the unclear cloud of the Niger Delta conflicts.

(ii) Inflexibility and Ossified Position, The next factor that made the Apostolic Church sterile and still - born is what Adelaja (2008) called “Extreme individualism or “Extreme denominationalism that in the end isolated the Church from her root and community. In other words, The Apostolic Church in Gokhana lacked the ability to be spontaneously flexible and adaptively resilient. The Apostolic Church in Gokhana land needed to be the Church that must have a larger vision of her role

164 and mission in Gokhana. A vision that must eschew all myopic and one way (spiritual), straight – jacketed mentality in all her approaches to questions and issues of the well being, management and resolution of the Gokhana-land, Ogoni and Nigger Delta conflict. Interestingly, lwu (1985) prophetically and ominously spoke about this error in the T.A.C., when he argued of the urgent necessity of the objective reassessment of her institutional and structural image, social activities and programmes, so as to reach an evaluation consonant with modern ideas, life and context - in the spirit of “aggiornament” (“up to dateness”). It means that the T.A.C. cannot remain frozen and ossified in this present time. That the T.A.C. should arise and conform with the spirit of “Aggiornament” (Italian, meaning “up to-date ness” to up date – “making modern”) that should reinvigorate the church to be reasonably and willingly flexible and meaningfully adaptive. The T.A.C. must be open to and ready to witness new ideas, views and developments in the present realities of democratic Nigeria. And be able to see and examine new situations in their true and evolving perspectives and new setting, particularly the present Federal Government Amnesty programme for militants in the region.

5.3. The Question of a Church Not “of Politics, But in Polities” How to handle issues of the “Church not of politics, but in politics”, was another challenging milestone that confronted the T.A.C. during the crisis. While the crisis endured and lasted, it

165 was obvious that the Church had the need to do something. But what must the T.A.C. do? The Church must react because the crisis involved her members who are political leaders of various organizations, associations and youth groups in the communities.

It is Okwueze (2003) in the subtitle, “The Church, Politics and Social Justice” in his work, who pin pointedly asserted the Biblical position that “the church cannot escape from power, for to escape from it means to fail and to divorce itself from all human relationship since all human relationship involve power in one way or the other.” The fact is that the God of the church is the same God of politics, therefore to regard politics as a demonic God free zone is a distorted vision. In the words of Howard Crosby “to let politics become a cesspool and then avoid it because it is a cesspool, is a double crime.” The Apostolic Church should know this (Okwueze, 2003: 155). Here The Apostolic Church in Gokana “siddon look” attitude in the face of daunting social crisis and political revolution or evolution is not the mark of a creative church.

The T.A.C. needs to come to terms with the Spirit of Second Vatican Council (1963 – 65) and Lausanne Covenant (1974) Para. 4 and 5, that evangelism and socio-political activity are both part of their Christian duty. According to Iwu (1985: 169) The Apostolic Church Gokhana will realize and very quickly acknowledge practically that “a view of a world and an ethic which does not come to terms in a realistic way with power can be both futile and dangerous.” Therefore, he charged the 166 church not to fear power, nor seek it. But strive strenuously, assiduously and undauntedly to register her presence in the various vital zones of power and human endeavours – such as education, economic development, social and political system and order.” Thus, as a sensitive church, it will live in time and place, in crisis and peace, in society and politics.

5.4. Financial Hindrances Encountered The Apostolic Church Gokhana no doubt encountered lots of financial difficulties, stress and problems during the conflict in the land. One of such difficulties was as a result of the closure of almost all the markets in the region. Once the people could not go to the market to sell their ware, nor buy any thing for various purposes, this development paralyzed other related social and spiritual activities. One major area the T.A.C. endured and patiently persisted under the pains of the crisis was in relation to their building programmes. Since most adherents of the Church are mostly poor peasant farmers and petty traders, they could hardly do anything to contribute towards the execution of building programmes. The lack of money for development generally hampered Church growth in Gokhana land. In towns and villages where churches were burnt down during the period of hostilities, church services were held in mud, thatch, or makeshift houses.

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It is common knowledge that The Apostolic Church Gokhana depended on tithes and offerings generated during Church services for funds to subsist. Consequently, as an aftermath of the conflict attendance at Church activities became low and poor. Therefore, offerings, tithes and income fell to the least level. Invariably, the poor financial state of the Church spilled over, and also affected the welfare of Pastor and other church workers. Church work also suffered as a result of the financial crunch. The attendant impact of the financial crisis was the mass exodus of Pastors, church workers, and even the members from communities in Gokhana -land.

Accordingly, Lucky in oral communication, remarked that between 1993-1998 the Church was in such a financial crisis that “even funds meant for the Headquarters abroad and other donations were sometimes not sent and even when sent, was not enough to carter for the goals and objectives, and financial commitment of the T.A.C. Gokhana indigenes who were members of T.A.C. could no longer contribute buoyantly and generously to the development of the church.

Most crusades of the T.A.C. in Gokhana were held in open air, under trees and shanty houses because of the level of financial difficulties affecting the church. As responsibilities increased that involved more finance, the Church struggled, she struggled to repair and maintain church infrastructures like destroyed church building and other properties, missions’ school buildings, cars and equipments for crusades. Moreover, church finances 168 which had as its basic source, the sales of hand bills, books and pamphlets among other sources, which aided church development were no longer being patronized because of people’s lack of faith in God. This was so because members of the T.A.C. were injured and some even killed. This called for extra financial incentives for emergence cases, but the church was not able to respond or carter adequately for these members and pastors. Expectedly, Malom (2000) observed that as a result of the financial crunch, particularly among the leadership mismanagement of funds based on poor leadership activities of the church also led to insufficient and subsequently lack of fund in The Apostolic Churches in Gokhana–land during the conflict. In effect, there was disruption in the quick expansion of branches, development of the spiritual life of members through Sunday services. The District Fellowship that involved all the local Assemblies in all Gokhana communities, and withdrawal of foreign missionaries plus technical assistance for that part of the Rivers Maritime Field was a big minus for The Apostolic Church Gohkana.

5.5. Educational / Illiteracy Problems The Apostolic Church Gokhana suffered probably the most painful losses on the educational front. Understandably, the educational enterprise was a major source of revenue for the T.A.C. The Church has very lucrative educational out lay; that was a huge source of revenue for the Church. These would include primary schools in all the eighteen (18) villages and towns

169 in Gokhana, the Apostolic Comprehensive Secondary School (A.C.S.S.) Bodo City, the Apostolic Grammar School, Bori (T. A. G. S.) and other post – primary schools in Gokhana plus the Apostolic Theological Seminary, Bodo City, established in 1978. The Apostolic Theological Seminary Bodo City which since inception in 1978 has turned out about 1053 students and has outreach programme in Port Harcourt in Rivers State and Yenagoa in Bayelsa State has been a major money making industry for the Apostolic Church Gokhana and the Rivers Maritime Field (Synod Report, 2005).

But with the crisis in Gokhana and Ogoni land, the church lost another major source of revenue. These above mentioned institutions at their various levels were more or less closed down during the conflict. While the siege lasted throughout the whole region school attendance drop very low, community to community inter-action became very difficult and impeded the movement of academic, non academic staffs, pupils and students. In summary the T.A.C. groaned under the heavy – weight of financial crunch and economic set back.

In addition to the financial and economic problems the Church encountered, The Apostolic Church schools and other institutions had their various facilities destroyed and vandalized during the period. Some of the Church’s school building and church building were even burnt down completely. And of–course, these buildings will be rebuilt at huge cost to the denomination without the assistance of the Governments or the oil companies. 170

Furthermore, as a result of the crisis, various class or groups of people have moved away from Gokhana and changed domicile, from Gokhana communities. Again, this also had impacted seriously on the educational industry of the church. The institutions lost some of her valuable teaching staff, who are not indigenes, and who could not afford to die or loss family members on account of teaching in Gokhana land. Students of the various post – primary schools and The Apostolic Theological Seminary, Bodo City abandoned their studies, while others relocated and transferred to other institutions outside the Ogoni region.

The educational problems The Apostolic Church encountered had its spill over on the societal development of the land. First, the problem hampered the literacy of Gokhana people, particularly, among the children and youths. In fact, the crisis worsened an already bad literacy situation in Gokhana - land. Alagoa’s (1984) observation about illiteracy of Gokhana youths succinctly illustrates the consequence and impact of the crisis on the educational prospects of Gokhana youths within the period under review. In his words, The Apostolic Church community lack of a post primary institution was very unfortunate. Her members have been depending on the benevolence of other denominations for the education of her youths beyond the primary level. The lack of our own institution has therefore led to our being deprived of professionals in vital disciplines. It is the above situation that... created the need for the establishment of an institution that shall create an endearing background as a stepping stone for our hardworking, ambitious but, unmotivated 171

and deprived youths to venture into success oriented academic endeavours (p. 166).

What the author meant here was that the youths of Gokhana had a long history of lack of educational opportunity beyond the primary level; and that there existed the need for more educational opportunities up to the tertiary level. However, the Gokhana crisis has punctured that ambition and retrogressively deprived Gokhana youths of such privilege. All – the - same the T. A. C. still believed that her own educational efforts, was that of acting in a complementary role to that of the state and Federal government. Hence, in order not to allow the members of the T.A.C. get alienated from the fast development of the Nigerian society, it is her belief that if well established, the institutions will be contributing her own quota in creating a free and democratic society, a just and egalitarian society, a united strong and self reliant nation, a great and dynamic economy and a land bright and full of opportunities for all citizens (Igwe, 2001: 161).

The educational and literacy troubles which hit, and hurt painfully the progressive development and social transformation of Gokhana also bothered on its effect on school children since most children of school age in the various Gokhana communities were members of the T.A.C., and attended T.A.C. primary as well as secondary schools. It meant that most of them did not go to school due to the crisis, thus facilitating the high level of illiteracy on one hand, juvenile delinquency and moral decadence in the society, on the other. The rate of crime was also on the increase,

172 simply because of the vacuum left by the incapacitation of the Church. The society could not hold together. Worst still, not only did the literacy standard of the people suffer, the spiritual literacy endeavours of the T. A. C. was also affected. The Sunday school classes held after Sunday morning services could no longer hold. The children who had been used to the spiritual edification, nourishment and training provided by the Sunday school classes were left confused, disillusioned and driven about the communities with the wind of social, physical and spiritual frustration. The youths in the various communities in Gokhana- land who before the crisis were forcefully persuaded to go to school, had a field day cruising aimlessly throughout the towns and villages, and certainly not knowing what the future holds for them.

In fact, it is pertinent to observe that The Apostolic Church Gokhana was also a victim of its educational endeavours. Despite the educational efforts and assistance The Apostolic Churches and foreign missionaries in the whole of Gokhana gave to people, the Gôkhana people still felt that The Apostolic Church and her foreign missionaries were part and parcel of the oil exploitation and injustices in their land. Hence, the people of Gokhana land, and indeed the Ogoni ethnic nationality did not whole heartedly embrace the educational infrastructure deployed in Gokhana- land. Consequently, the high level of illiteracy among the people led to ineffective communication between the church and the members of the communities. The same factors also affected

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Church growth and the speedy evangelization or Christianization, development and social transformation of Gokhana-land. 5.6 Socio-Political and Economic Problems Encountered The socio-political and economic sphere of life around The Apostolic Church Gokhana, her adherents and her over-all activities also felt the negative after math of the trouble in the land. However, the most important and perhaps pertinent question most social scientist and scholars of the Gokhana crisis are asking, and still do enquire, is who had suffered the most in the course of the conflict? What was the socio-political problem that bit the T.A.C. and her adherents the most? Was it the T.AC., was it the society, in this instance, the various clans and communities in Gokhana land? Was it the individual members of The Apostolic Church Gokhana, Rivers Maritime, and in this case the elites, civil servants, business men, peasants, farmers, the Clergy or the youths that were most affected by the crisis?

Obviously and interestingly too, this work believes that the Gokhana communities had been the most bedevilled, frustrated and devastated communities that constitute the oil bearing communities involved in the Gokhana and Ogoni conflict as a whole. For instance, the killing of the four (4) prominent sons of Ogoni, at the highest point of the Gokhana crisis took place at Giokoo on Gokhana soil. Though three (3) of the murdered leader hailed from Gokhana, the incident contaminated and poison the already fragile relationship and compounded the existing inter and intra personal relations, inter and intra communal

174 relationship and peaceful mutual co-existence of people in Gokhana in general. In other words, as a result of the killing of the four (4) Leaders at Giokoo, the socio- political, cultural and religious well-being of Gokhana was already in serious jeopardy. The incident rattled Gokhana to her foundation of existence.

While this dangerous epoch and phase of the problems lasted, one observer noted sadly that The Apostolic Church, the largest Pentecostal denomination and perhaps the most powerful single organization the communities hoped could bring the different factions, groups and families together as members of the same church-God’s family-adopted the “siddon-look” lukewarm position and attitude. The Apostolic Church recoiled into her shells of nonchalant and pacifism. Consequently, the Church lost the golden opportunity to provide the “salt of earth” or the “Light of the world” for the Gokhana people during their darkest and most critical period in Gokhana history.

It is note worthy to observe that though the Gokhana-land crisis did not directly involved The Apostolic Church, unfortunately as it were, the insensitive response of The Apostolic Church to this very critical development affected the long standing rapport, relationship and understanding between the church and the communities various strata of leadership in the land. Further, it also affected relationship between individuals and individuals in the same town as well as the same The Apostolic Church. Between the TAC dominated communities and other communities not dominated by the T.A.C., a good example was the crisis 175 between B-Dere and K-Dere, and Boomu and Dekeri respectively. The breakdown of relationship accelerated, and in some cases facilitated inter and intra communal conflict. For instance, The Apostolic Church Gokhana crisis during the burial of Pastor B. A. Zorasi, former Field Secretary and member of the Field Executive Council, affected relationship between Bodo and other Gokhana villages. In the words of Nyiedah (2010), “Between the month of May, 2007 when Pastor B. A. Zorasi Former Field Secretary and member of the Field Executive Council died and the month of September 2008, when the Bodo Elders and the Field Council met in Bera in Biara Area to resolve the crisis and acrimony that did trail his death, the rift that existed between the two bodies was such that Bodo became a no go area for the members of council especially for those not from Gokhana (p.186).

The crisis ate so deep into The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field that it took the combined effort of the National President, Pastor Edet Eye Okon on one hand, and the National Headquarters that included the National NAWNA Territorial Administrative Secretary, Pastor G. A. Onyetunji on the other, to resolve the Gokhana Field crisis. More importantly was the hard truth that, the Gokhana land crisis quickened by The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field internal crisis combined to inject the highest level of intrigue, conspiracy and social mismanagement of the socio- political inferno which the church did not bargain for. Hatred, bitterness and backsliding infiltrated the church and caused disunity, disaffection and mutual distrust among the brethren. It further did under-mind family ties, social friendship and in some

176 serous mischievous instances of miscarriage of reaction resulted in killing and death. For Timothy (1996: 64), the socio-economic problems within The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field were great and difficult to overcome. He added that leadership tussle was high, disagreement and a very low morale and moral standard prevailed. Disunity among The Apostolic leaders and members was also heightened based on greed; and hatred swept through the entire church. The uncontrolled socio-economic crisis of The Apostolic Church hampered effective evangelism in Gokhana in particular, and Ogoni land in general. Consequently, the problems hindered the effective participation of The Apostolic Church in actively addressing the oil exploration and exploitation crisis in the whole of Ogoni region.

5.7. Inter and Intra Communal Acrimonies Inter and intra communal conflict and acrimonies had and continues to be one of the many societal problems in Gokhana land. Infact, history is replete with so many and degrees of inter and intra communal crisis in Gokhana. And it is a major reason for the under-development of the region; and the polarization of most communities in the whole of the Niger Delta region. And this, no doubt has undermined development’ in the area, endangered the national economy, the political stability, and social integration of the region. Azaiki quoting, Okoko (1998) defined the various intra communal disaffections predominant in Gokhana land and the Niger Delta in general. In his own words,

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There is ample evidence that rivalry within and between families, between families and communities and between factions usually stimulate intra communal conflicts in the Niger Delta. The dominant form of factional conflicts which have led to several intra-community conflicts, is group struggle between youth organizations and between Youths and community leaders (p.136).

Okoko identified six community factors that are responsible for Intra-community conflicts. And these factors are common to all Niger Delta communities without any exemptions. In other words, what was the causal factor, for instance in Bobo City in Gokhana community or in Peremabiri in Nembe community, was also applicable in Ologi in Ogba community all in Rivers State of Nigeria. This is significant as it provides a clear insight as to how these various community conflicts could be resolved since the causal factors are known. Azaiki (2010: 137) underlined these possibilities when he stated that “it is clear here that intra and inter communal or groups struggle in Gokana land or any other community in the Niger Delta is not actually a class struggle, but a struggle by community factions, driven by economic motives. The instruments of aggression take different forms.” The six communities factors responsible for intra and inter community acrimonies according to Okoko (1998) would include: i. Urban elites against local elites ii. Chiefs against the youths iii. Elites against youths iv. Youths against community v. Youths against youths; and

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vi. Claims agents against community

In ranking of the community factors, Okoko places the youth first. (See, table below). TYPES OF FACTORS RANK ORDER BY % Youth against community 20.8 Youths against Chiefs 17.2 Claims agents against local elites 15.3 Urban elites against youths 13.7 Youth against youths 10.5.85 Others-Family against community Family against family

Sources: Adapted from Kimse Okoko SPDC – Host Community Relation — Survey (Unpublished) 1998: p.15.

Again, the placement of youths first in the ranking of the causal factors of communal acrimonies and conflicts provides fundamental index and indicator for conflict resolution in the attempt to manage communal crises and consequently transform Gokhana land and other crises ridden communities in Nigeria.

Furthermore, Saale (2008) had also highlighted the fact that leadership disputes which Okoko (1998) described as “urban elites against local elites”, is a fundamental factor in the communal crisis and acrimonies that had bedeviled Gokhana communities. Though there had been communal conflicts that left

179 many soured taste in the mouth like the Mogho/ Bodo Community clashes that took place between 23rd – 25th February, 2007 which left behind a lot of casualties and rendered penetration from Port 1-larcourt into Bobo -City impossible for few months. The towns of K-Dere and B-Dere in Gokhana Local government Area had been notorious for communal clashes. There was also the intra-communal confrontation between the people of Bob in Okrika I Oyigbo I Taiieleme Local Government Area (OTELGA) and Kegbara Dere in Bori Local Government Area (BOLGA) on the 91 December, 1984 and on 3O’ January, 1985, that caused the destruction of lives and property. We will use the two Gokhana communities to illustrate our point of the dangers of communal clashes.

Pastor Nyiedah in oral communication, has observed that Gokhana is the most volatile and mobile clan in Ogoni. And also has restive youths among who are or constitute one of the highest population densities in the world. Little wonder the obvious propensity for crisis. Interestingly also is the fact that what attitude the people of Gokhana has exhibited in the civil society, they have transferred into the Church and Christian living. And within the Church and religious circle, The Apostolic Church Kegbara Dere (K. Dere) and Baranyonwa Dere (B. Dere) has since inception in 1937 existed and grown under acrimonious and difficult circumstances.

Kegara Dere accepted The Apostolic Church glorious Gospel in 1935 while their Baranyonwa Dere counterpart was declared 180 independent of the Kegbara Dere Assembly in 1937. Baranyonwa Dere is so close to Kegbara Dere that any non native would think that they are one and the same community. Initially the close proximity of the two communities to each other prompted a combined fellowshipping of the two assemblies at Kegbara Dere. Undoubtedly, for the immediate time, the benefit of this union was encouraging and profitable both to the Church and community. Indeed, the incessant belligerent social atmosphere (Zorzor, 2010) that hither to prevailed between the two neighbouring communities ceased. But this cessation of hostilities between them did not last, before old wounds were reopened and the peaceful co-existence was shattered. Consequently, and to the shameful discredit of The Apostolic Church proclamation and to underline the belligerent propensity of Gokhana man’s inherent bent to conflict, in 1937, barely two years after the establishment of the church in Kegbara Dere, the Baranyonwa members found it uncomfortable to cohabit in the Church with Keg bara Dere brethren. All efforts made by the T.A.C. Sectional Administration and Leaders from Aba to settle the disputes proved abortive. The crises were so deep that to save The Apostolic Church in the Kegbara Dere community from total collapse, they were separated in 1937 into two different local assemblies. However, The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field made concerted and spirited attempts to reconcile the two assemblies.

For instance, in 1939, Pastor Reuben V. Gbarato and Overseer Moses Leeba Gima were given charge of the two assemblies

181 respective to ensure their reconciliation. Their mission which, was mainly to reconcile the two hostile assemblies seem successful for at least two years. Nonetheless, this success was short lived as the hostile Gokhana propensity to peaceful cohabitation resumed. The problem of cohabitation underlies the problem of social transformation and development of both the church - Christianity and society in Gokhana.

From the socio-political matrix and vertex the same tendency obviouly is observable. Gokhana land is also at the centre of inter and intra acrimonious relationship and conflict in Ogoni region of the Niger Delta. One of the most intriguing, absorbing and engrossing crisis in the land was the brutal killing of Chief Albert T. Badey, former Secretary to the Rivers State Government, Chief Edward Kobani, former Commissioner of Education, Chief S. N. Orage, Former Commissioner in the state and his younger brother, Mr. T. P. Orage at the palace before the assembly of prominent citizens of Gokhana. Again, the location of the brutal murder raises a lot of concerned questions about Gokhana soil. Why must Gokhana youth in the National Youth Council of Ogoni People (NYCOP), the youth Wing of MOSOP, master mind, the killing and elimination of the key political leaders? Perhaps history will vindicate the killing and expose the real and exact reasons for the killings. However, the impression is that “If security men were there, they would not have access to them” (Azaiki, 2010), is very questionable.

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Conversely, how can one explain the facts that, in the after math of the killing, the anger of other youths were directed at indigenes of Gokhana who witnessed the killings and could not defend their leaders? The other moderate youth expressed shock that the entire Gokhana community, with more than 1,000 men could not defend Kobani when he was arrested and executed by those youths although he was a chief and prime minister of Ogoni land. He was hacked to death before his kinsmen. After the killings and ever since, several prominent people feared and continued to fear, that the situation could degenerate into a war between the families of the deceased and those suspected to have participated in the killing. All the slain men were from two Gokana villages of Boomu and Bodo.

And unfortunately, the killing marked a twist in the struggle by the Gokhana people and Ogonis in general, for social justice. Though the spirit of MOSOP still remained strong and resolute, cases of betrayal and internal crisis weakened their struggle against injustice. There was deep — seated anger evoked by the killings. As if that was not enough, General Sani Abacha constituted a “Kangaroo Tribunal”, headed by lbrahim Auta that convicted Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogonis, who were also leaders in their own right, and sentenced them to death by hanging. The entire world rose against the sentence. Thus, Gokhana land and Ogoni ethnic nationality lost their cream and classical generation of leaders that today is hard to replace. Gokhana land today bemoans the loss in the socio-political

183 scheme of things in the development of Rivers State.

Presently, there is a void and vacuum of particularly political leadership in Gokana land. The unhealthy leadership competition among Gokhana elites is another major factor that has engendered acrimony and bitter rivalry in Gokana land. Many of those Gokana elites were old student of various missionary schools in Ogoni land at large. The institutions are the Birabi Memorial Grammar School (Mixed) at Bori, The traditional Headquarters of Ogoni ethnic nation. And Saint Pius College (Boys) Bodo in Gokhana, the Headquarters of The Apostolic Church Field and the Mariam High School (Girls) at Bane in Khana.

These elites formed the Kagote socio-cultural organization, with very important aim of resolving Gokhana internal conflicts, and where necessary the whole of Ogoni land; and to champion the Ogoni struggle for survival in the multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious federation of Nigeria. Thus, many of the long- standing inter and intra community conflicts and other related issues were settled following the intervention and mediation of these ex- students. Indeed, it is heart-warming and encouraging, to observe that these Gokhana elites in particular were able to mastermind far reaching understanding, programmes and agenda on the way forward for Gokhana and Ogoni people.

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The political development between 1968 and 1975 and the agitation for creation of new states out of the existing Rivers State generated serious debates and occasioned division among the Gokhana elites and the Ogoni elites on the issue. Some elites from Gokhana raised the need for the creation of another state out of the old Rivers State, and more Local Government Area in Ogoni land. Though there was the common argument that Rivers State and Ogoni Land in particular had been neglected by successive administration in Nigeria during previous similar exercise early in 1999, during the creation of more states and local government areas, the Khana and Gokhana speaking groups of Ogonis formed the Bori Local Government Area. Later, the Babangida Administration created Bayelsa State out of the old Rivers State. With the new development, there arouse the crucial need for creation of more local government areas. Unfortunately, this divided the elites both from Gokhana and other Ogoni communities. But eventually the four Local Government Areas of Khana, Gokhana, Tal and Eleme were created. The Ogonis from these local Government Areas created along the distinctive Gokhana speaking groups, regrouped to form a nascent political leadership under the new dispensation. Thus, the old Ogoni Council of Traditional Rulers disintegrated rather acrimoniously, as well as the ‘Kagote’ organization.

The subsequent acrimonious disintegration of ‘Kagote’ was due to leadership tussle and dear devil competition among the various “urban elites and local elites” in the different communities in

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Gokhana land. The main competitors for such leadership of Ogoni are the Khana and Gokhana political elites. Thus, in the Gokhana, and even Ogoni intra communal conflict, there were several acrimonious factions. In some instance, according to one observer, a traditional ruler in one of the smaller community, the competition reached cut throat dimension on issues such as the appointment of Rivers State Chairman of Council of Traditional Rulers, when it was zoned to Ogoni land. There were also other contentious matters as the payment of compensation for oil spillage by oil companies or the monthly disbursement of ecological fund to the oil producing communities. These became such a contentious and acrimonious issue among the elite class particularly those from Gokhana group, since whoever controlled the important concerns became the President of ‘Kagote’ organization, and eventually became the leader(s) of Gokhana and Ogoni politically.

Therefore, when the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People were formed by some leading and well meaning ‘Kagote’ members to resolve the inter leadership differences and internal acrimonies among other issues, so as to move Gokhana and all Ogoni forward, socially culturally, economically, nationally and internationally, hope returned to the land. But the fragile peace and unity in Gokhana and Ogoni brought about by the agreement between the leadership of the ‘kagote’ and ‘MOSOP’ was again disrupted by the conflict between MOSOP steering committee members. In 1993, MOSOP boycotted the general election held

186 throughout the country. The decision to boycott the 1992 general election led to the resignation of Dr. G. B. Leton and E, N, Kobani the President and vice President of MOSOP respectively. Besides, the President and his vice and some other elites particularly those from Gokhana group considered their participation in the on- coming Presidential election as a means of giving the Ogoni struggle political recognition. In fact, Mittee (2008: 5) had argued that the disagreement among the top official of MOSOP led to a change in leadership of MOSOP. Ken SaroWiwa and Ledum Mitee became President and Vice President of the organization. The leadership tussle in MOSOP led to several crises in Gokhana and Ogoni land. The government ceased the occasion of the leadership crises to unleash their policies of repression on the people of Gokhana through divide and rule, and sponsored violence.

The crises in MOSOP led to the emergence of many acrimonious factions across the leadership, organizations, social groups, youth wing of MOSOP – and even children. Dr. G. B. Leton and Chief E. N. Kobani led the ‘Kagote’ group made up of the older Gokhana elites, while Ken Saro-Wiwa and Ledum Mitee led MOSOP. These avoidable conflicts between the leadership of MOSOP on one hand, and ‘Kagote’ on the other, rather worsened the crisis, and sink the ship of Gokhana deeper in the sea of confusion. Church leaders in Gokhana were not left out. They were also divided; while some supported MOSOP under the umbrella of the Ogoni Council of Churches with headquarters in Bodo Gokhana, others remained neutral. The conflict of leadership within the Gokhana

187 hierarchy and also within the Ogoni hierarchy of leaders in general polarized the communities that the conflict between Kagote’ and MOSOP critically deepen in 1994. Thus, the ‘Kagote’ group sponsored candidates against MOSOP candidates, Ken Saro-Wiwa to the National Constitutional Conference in the same year. In effect, various political slogan and vulgar names were coined to raise sentiments, one group against the other. Political elites from the Gokhana group descnbed the Khana and Nyo- Khana colleagues now opponents as “Pa-do” meaning “strangers”. While the non Gokhana groups activists coined the vernacular word “Gbo-Dere” literally meaning “group of vultures to identify and disparage the Gokhanaians who are supposedly pro- government.

The crises became worse as later and succeeding government at the Federal level and in Rivers State in particular continued to favour sons, daughters, and relations of the four prominent chief/leaders from Gokhana and other affected pro- government non-Gokhana speaking Ogoni’s with contracts, scholarships and government appointments. Unfortunately, MOSOP leaders and supporters perceptibly from non-Gokhana speaking groups were branded anti-government, anti-development, thus anti Ogoni. Therefore, all is not well with MOSOP under the leadership of Ledum Mitee (Saale, 2008: 105).

Obviously all is not well with the lay leadership of the church, there is a void and vacuum of leadership in the land; potential leaders among the lay people are afraid to step into leadership 188 roles, for fear of the antecedents of the recent past. Since the crisis is not yet over, the external influence of government and Shell divide and rule, and sponsored violence seem to have eaten deep into the fabric of the MOSOP organizational structure (Saale, 2008), the families of the prominent four sons from Gokhana, the Ogoni Nine and many other families, and the general Church society. On the 31st of December, 2010 another inter communal conflict erupted between K-Dere and B-Dere communities all in Gokhana Local Government Area of Rivers State. In the “Ogoni Star Voice of Niger Delta People Magazine” (2011:5), MOSOP described the leadership crisis in Gokhana - land. According to the magazine, The present conflict situation between K-Dere and B- Dere communities has rai.sed issues on the capacity of “Leaders” and other stake-holders to effectively steer the affairs of democratic governance in Gokhana LGA. It has also raised issues on the capacity of the security officers to effectively secure the lives and properties of innocent citizens of Nigeria. The situation has been made even more difficult as the ‘leaders’ expected to be at the negotiation table seem to be the very same ones who have in one way or another perpetuated the conflict. (p. 6)

Interesting, MOSOP through the Ogoni Star postulated that the ineptitude of the present crop of leaders to manage conflict is a fundamental handicap and retrogressive in the quest for genuine and credible leader(s) since the death of Dr. G. B. Leton, Edward Kobani, Albert Bade, Chief Orage, Kenule Saro-Wiwa and their likes in the past. Indeed, managing conflicts require far-sighted leadership and therefore every leader must have the capacity 189 to deal with the management of conflict situations. Just as many conflicts are exacerbated by political and communal bigots who fan the flames of group animosities; any bid to bring conflicts to a sustainable settlement required leaders who are prepared to do just that – lead. To lead effectively, true leaders must oftentimes be ahead of the sentiments of a large portion of their followers in counseling for peace, and they must have the authority to carry their supporters with them through difficult times. Managing the present conflict situation in Gokhana LG.A requires the ‘leaders’ to put the long-term interests of their communities, on the table and shelve their personal interest, in order to achieve sustainable settlement of the conflict.

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CHAPTER SIX PROSPECTS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH GOKHANA IN THE MANAGEMENT OF GOKHANA CRISIS AND THE NIGER DELTA

The crisis in Gohkana-land and the Niger Delta as a whole is still raging, without real solution to the conflict. Recently, the Federal government of Nigeria introduced the Amnesty programme intended to solve the problem and transform the region. But events on ground show that the struggle remains the major challenges for the present Federal administration. It is not without notice that MEND, one of the militant groups in the Delta region of the Niger recently resumed militant activities by blow-up Agip installations. Thus, the pertinent question and challenge this chapter intends to contend with and unravel is focused on the prospects of The Apostolic Church management abilities to impact positively towards the transformation of the Gohkana crisis. What should The Apostolic Church Gohkana be doing in the face of the odds? How must the church channel the human and material resources so as to contribute benevolently toward the resolution of the conflict and real transformation and development of Gohkana land on one hand, and the Niger Delta generally? There must be change, a “shift of paradigm”.

6.1 A Season of Change

Firstly, we will need to define exactly what we mean by change in this chapter. In other words, we intend to contextualize the concept to suit our purpose. Thus, in this critical time of

191 transition, change and shift seasons in world and international affairs, Gokhana and its people must understand the times. In recognizing that the church, in Gokhana and else-where, has played an important role, we may note Baur’s (1994) observation that:- Among the pressure groups that forced the transition of one party dictatorship to multiparty democracies, the churches played prominent role in a greater number of African states (p. 98).

He cited the work of the churches in Benin, Burkina Faso, Gabon, Congo, Uganda, Malwi and Kenya. Scripture says, prophetically too, that the sons of Issachar were men “who understood THE TIMES AND KNEW what Israel should do” (I Chronicles 12:32). Understanding the times enables us to know what to do; for “there is a time for everything, and a season for every activity under heaven” (Ecclesiastes 3:1).

By season of change, we mean that we are also living in a time when there is a convergence of world-wide changes that is creating a transitional tide in human history. We are talking about a “historic convergence and transitional tide that is occurring elsewhere and includes Gohkana-land. This historic convergence Munroe (2009) defined as “a strategic period of history when major events occur, bringing with them momentous transformations in social, economic, political and spiritual conditions.” So that everyone with a measure of discernment, spiritual insight, interpretative and reconstructive understanding of religious ecological perspective, Gbenda (2010:35), and

192 historical perspective can sense a historic convergence in every sphere of life (Munroe, 2009:10). Madugba depicted the “season of change” as ‘A New Move of God”, “Church in transition’ for change and growth. This move of God, he maintained is bedded in increased momentum in prayer.” The past thirty years have seen a progressive growth of intense prayer momentum in some parts of the Niger Delta, Gohkana, Ogoni, Nigeria, Africa and the global church. This prayer revival has proved success oriented and has been most remarkable in South Korea, South Africa, during the apartheid regime, North America during the days of Martin Luther King Jnr; and then the Latin American, countries the home of liberation theology.

Following in the thinking of Munroe and Madugba, Hamon (2003) perceived the “season of change” as transition from “Spiritual to Structural Church”. It inferred that the transition demanded that the structural part of the church would be enhanced when Christians become politically dominant. This is so simply because though Christianity must remain spiritual in essence, Christianity is undergoing a transition.

The season of ‘Transition” is what Adelaja (2005) titled “Church Shift”. “Church Shift” in other words, implied revolutionizing your faith, church and life for the 21st century. “Church Shift” is concerned with the reformation of the church once again. It is a transition or transformation that addresses areas where the TAC must have a shift to leave the old and bring in the new.

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“Church Shift” will bring about a shift in our individual lives in our city, the villages, settlements in Gokana-land and in our nation, the Niger delta and other minority conflict areas in Africa. In the words of Adelaja (2008), The revolution in Ukraine did not begin in the hall of power or political backrooms. It began in the prayer closet. It began when our church discovered how to shift society as individual and as a body of believers. As I looked out on the vast crowds that filled independence square during the revolution, I knew that God used our church as a spiritual ice breaker six months earlier when we had held an unprecedented protest at this very spot. Under God’s direction, we had been used to change the mind-set of an entire country. Hope had risen in a proud nation that for too long had been ruled by unjust slave masters. I believe that the protest and prayer by our churches led to the most important change in Ukraine in centuries (p. xxiii).

It was a dramatic demonstration that God intends for all believers to occupy their personal promised land and that our combined efforts to follow kingdom principles can transform entire nations. God’s intention is to transform the lives of individuals in Gohkana-land, transform Gohkana society and the whole region in the Delta of the Niger, and use the transformation to bring back the earth to Himself, just as He has done with the “Embassy of the Blessed Kingdom of God for All Nations” church in Ukraine. Like Adelaja (2008: 28) postulated, national transformation is at the heart of the Great Commission. It is the primary calling of everyone who follows Christ.

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Therefore, understanding the principles and nature of times and seasons is critical if we are to properly interpret the activities of God in our generation especially as it concerns Gokhana crisis and the Niger Delta in Nigeria. Obviously, religio-ecological scholars can see the evidence of historical convergence and transitional tide at significant points in the development of the Gohkana crisis. The significant convergence is about to release major transitional changes that will occur in Gohkana-land. And bring with them drastic and sometimes momentous transformations. The result of such strategic changes had brought unsetting societal fear, panic, distress and confusion.

A paradigm shift is taking place in these areas and all stakeholders involved in the Gohkana-land crisis resolution process should take note. This international change includes a shift in emphasis, priorities and methods and their implications for Gohkana-land. We must therefore note the area where these changes and transformation is about to take place.

1. Generational Transition Young generation of leaders are replacing older ones in political bodies, party structures and profiles, community organizations – like traditional institutions, businesses, ministries, churches, para-church organizations and even families. How is the Gohkana people and The Apostolic Church responding to the change? Generational transition is vital to carrying forward God’s purpose for Gohkana- land.

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2. Political Transition The international balance of power in shifting from the one known by previous generation. In Nigeria, the dominance of Igbo, Yoruba and Hausa-Fulani hegemony is now giving way to the six (6) geo- political zonal diffusion. The emergence of Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan as President of Nigeria from Otugha Village in Bayelsa state is part of this new political world we are entering in, in Nigeria. For the Gohkana people and The Apostolic Church, seeking to understanding this emerging political dispensation and the ways in which God is working for their liberation, freedom, transformation and development, is also crucial to being a participant in His purpose, plans and programmes for Gohkana- land.

3. Economic Transition The recent removal of oil subsidy and the shock the removal brought to bear on the oil sector and all the present up-heaval in the Senate, House of representatives, labour and its allays, the oil producing communities, Gokhana in particular and the global economy, have contributed to a more complex economic environment. How will Gokhana-land, The Apostolic church and the Niger Delta relate to the economic reality of today? Truly, if Gokhana people, the Apostolic church Gokhana and Niger Delta region will respond wisely and constructively as they trust in God’s intervention, they stand to benefit during this complex and uncertain economic times, Amen.

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4. Religious Transition The Boko Haram religious insurgence in Northern Nigeria and the schism and religious change it is causing in Islam and in the country is note worthy. The rapid expansion, growth and church affiliation and attendance in Nigeria, Africa and Asia are important components in this new equation to this change in the religious climate.

5. Spiritual Transition This is the most consequential change factor that concerns The Apostolic Church Gohkana and the people of Gohkana and all the Niger Delta region. It is contingent upon this chapter to make a distinction between religious and spiritual transition as it affects the socio-political domain of the world. While religious transition may be the result of mere human activity like the federal government’s attempt to resolve the Gohkana and Niger Delta conflict, spiritual transition involves direct divine and supernatural activity of God. Currently, locally and even globally, the spiritual transition seems to be from the known to the unknown and from the expected to the unexpected.

Major spiritual revival around the globe seems to be focused in developing countries or regions like Gohkana land and this trend is producing a spiritual ‘SENSE OF NATIONALISM”. By this we mean a sense of responsibility for praying for and working toward the salvation of their people.

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6. Socio-cultural Transition The introduction of the “Information Ago” has truly made the world a ‘global village”. This is the age of twenty-four hours news and information bombardment. The average Gokhana Youth or young person is aware of the liberation and independence of South Sudan from Khartrum-Sudan. After twenty two (22) years of dispute and civil war cause by exploration, exploitation, oppression and injustice by the Khartoum based Muslim government.

How will The Apostolic Church Gohkana faithful believers respond to the social and cultural transition taking place in the Sudan? How about those taking place in the whole Arab world? Yet even in the midst of these changes that seem confusing, inconvenient or destructive, we can trust God to be working in Gohkana, and through The Apostolic Church Gohkana proclamation of the Gospel, programmes and activities to transform and bring lasting solution to the conflict.

6.2. Challenges of the Future The Apostolic church Gohkana is key to the change, transformation and development of Gohkana-land, Ogoni and the Niger Delta region. The church has the mandate of God to do so. But more importantly, what must be her role and commitment? The Apostolic church Gohkana should use the key weapons that God has given the “Church”. For the scripture declared that: The weapons of our warfare are not physical (weapons of flesh and Blood), but they are mighty before God for the overthrow and destruction of strongholds (in as much we) 198

refute arguments and theories and reasoning and every proud and lofty thing that sets itself up against the (true) knowledge of God; and we lead every thought and purpose away captive into the obedience of Christ, the Messiah, the Anointed One, being in readiness to punish every (insubordination for his) disobedience, when your own submission and obedience (as a church) are fully secure and complete (II Corinthians; 10:4-6 Amplified version).

The weapons at the disposal of The Apostolic Church Gohkana relevant to the transformation of the situation in Gohkana and the Niger Delta would include among other tools, leadership change and the ministry of reconciliation through evangelism. What this means for The Apostolic Church Gohkana leaders of the 21st century, is a new approach to everything. Indeed, the exclusive nature of historical ethnic isolation is over. Munroe (1999) has put the issues at stake more succinctly when he predicted that: It means that all leadership training for the future must prepare individuals for a multicultural experience. The mandate of the ‘church’ from the beginning was global and multicultural in scope. It requires a multinational, inclusive, trans-generational, inter-racial ministry that transcends social strategy. If the Christian leader or layman will be effective in this new 21st century, then he must embrace change and adapt to its demands. He must be willing to change old, ineffective methods, modes and attitudes (p. 95).

There are key and essential issues the Apostolic Church Gohkana leadership would oversee relevant to the prospective change God is bringing to Gohkana-land. These are:

199 a) Study the Trends and Demands of Change Particularly they would study the problems in Gohkana environment that were created by the crisis and conflict. Interpret the condition, and then find, and project to the whole nation what it should do.

b) Plan and Prepare For Change The Apostolic Church Gohkana strategic plan should include practical projects and programmes they intend to initiate, such as developing new relationship with oil companies and Rivers State government, in anticipation of change. Perhaps, the church could also initiate any modifications in the peace process that will enable Gohkana people respond effectively to the impact the change will have on them.

c) Position Leaders for Change The Apostolic Church Gohkana Field in its rank and file, must officially take personal responsibility for energizing, the potentials of all involved, and otherwise refining the church for maximizing the benefits of the change that is coming or is already happening to Gohkana.

The church would continually be managing all her resources closely – including membership, relationships evangelism outreaches, money and other asserts-in such a way that the church would stop any hemorrhaging that would include youth restiveness in the mode of MOSOP youth wing – of the church

200 value and usefulness, which will be detrimental to the stability of the church and society in the process of change. Make any other alterations that are necessary even though they may be temporarily difficult, to safely come through a challenging change that is ushering in their season; and enabling the church to progress toward fulfilling God’s purpose of transforming Gokana- land.

6.3. The Leadership Change, Concept Of Development And Under Development Gokhana Index

Across Gohkana-land and the Niger Delta, there is a paradigm shift currently taking place in the arena of leadership. And leaders are sensing an urgency to respond to changes they know they must embrace. “This area of change is critical to the future of The Apostolic Church Gohkana Field and the Gohkana Society, because the impact of leaders on organizations, institutions and ministries or denominations is crucial. The focus of emerging third world church leadership in social, political and religious fields is undeniable. The Apostolic Church Gohkana, the Gohkana society and the people of the delta of the Niger must carefully consider how this ‘leadership change’ affects their lifestyle and leadership.

The Apostolic Church in Gohkana possesses the indigenous and spiritual capabilities to propel Gokana Christians and society into the post-crisis period of growth, development, progress and socio- economic prosperity. Most interestingly is the invaluable fact that

201 the study of the previous successes and achievement of the Apostolic Church provide such indication and assumption.

The Apostolic Church Gohkana Rivers Maritime Field runs a four (4) level structure of administration i) The field administration ii) Area Council Administration iii) The district administration and iv) The assembly level administration.

The strata of leadership mechanism or administration play key and significance part in the management of the church, particularly during times of crisis. At the apex level of administration is the Council of Apostles and Prophets who act as Chief Executives or directors and president of companies. The council controls overall field objectives, policies and strategies of management, and enacts, articulates and publishes various directives necessary for effective management. Thus, the Council of Apostles and Prophets is the bond that holds all the fabric of the church from top to bottom.

The leadership structure is so strong, powerful and explosive that it commands the loyalty of staff, clergy and membership. Therefore, as an instrument of control and management, it entails that all will follow righteously and religiously as faithful believers. This type of leadership is what Iwe (1985: 42) described as “the power of the clergy” especially where the church or society fails to follow the right line. Therefore, it is significant to note how an

202 obscure local clergyman of strong will and genius could shake an established church to her very foundations especially where she fails to follow the right line. Luther and the other Reformers- Calvin, Zwingli, John Knox and Grammar played such a role in the universal church of Christendom (Iwe, 1985: 42).

Iwe (1985) further analysis of the importance and efficiency of strong leadership as vital tool of management, moreover during crisis and conflict, emphasis strong religious leadership. It means that The Apostolic Church Gokhana must maintain a strong leadership to be able to take imminent charge of Gokhana society in the 21st century.

In other word, the charismatic and talented, dynamic and effective leadership and personnel whom the Reform Movement enjoyed was vital to success of the Reformation in the midst of strong opposition and conflict. These Reformation leaders were fearless and influential leaders who affected the breach of Rome and laid the secular and doctrinal basis of the English National Church-Anglicanism (Iwe, 1985:36). The Apostolic Church Gokana leadership had been fearless and influential in the face of breaches before, during and even after the Gokana-Ogoni, Shell and Nigerian Government conflict.

The Apostolic Church must learn and use the “centralization of power” theory of the military era. The military junta of 1967-71 introduced a centralization of power approach at the federal level to reduce the power of the regions and prevent them from being

203 strong enough to challenge the centre, ensuring that a “neutral” centre could mediate relations and provide equal access to resources to all tiers of government in the pursuit of balanced development. In other words, the use of centralization of power ensured total control of the regions, provision of equal access to resources and balanced development of all tiers of the country. Consequently, it ensured loyalty and co-operation from all. Most fundamentally, perhaps was the transfers by the ruling Junta of the “Military Culture of the single command to issues of governance”. The “military culture of the single command to issue of governance” concept of leadership is crucial to theocratic governance. Moreover, as it helps to ensure the loyalty of the laity and members of the church during times of difficulty and crisis. The Apostolic church Gohkana used the “culture of the single command” approach, to effectively and amicably resolve most of the internal crises which confront the church in the Maritime Field. The Apostolic Church should provide a model of leadership style that the contemporary Nigerian Civil society in general, and the oil bearing communities in particular, desperately need. This type of leadership combines the “military culture of the single command” and the biblical principles of good and Godly leadership in the governance of the church and Gohkana society. Amaowoh (2007) affirmed the relevance and significance of this type of leadership combination for effective crises management, when he posited that: In our times, when social structures are collapsing and home life deteriorating, there are a great number of confused young people (communities) who have no one 204

to whom they can look up to as inspiring role models. They grow up with no father in the home or mother, and in a society that fosters sexual promiscuity, intemperance, and violence. As a consequence, they are unconsciously looking for models that will set an attractive example (p. 175).

The contemporary society of the Gohkana-land and other Niger Delta communities crave for good leadership style. The longing for good leadership is experienced universally, whether it is in politics, religion, business, education or law… people know intuitively that claiming to be a leader or holding a discipleship position does not make some-one a leader. People are warily looking for leaders they can trust. The obvious implication of Blackaby’s assertion is that the biblical teaching on the principles and practice of pastoral leadership can be accepted as paradigm for the Gohkana land and the contemporary society. For, if leadership propelled development in human society as Rodney quoted in Onwuhanze (2008:145) postulated, then we likewise do concur. In this wise, Rodney’s argument defines what development means for Gohkana-land; At the level of the individual, it implies increased skills and capacity, great freedom, creativity, self-discipline, responsibility and material well-being. At the level of social groups (nation like the Gokhana group and Ogoni ethnic nationality) it implies an increasing capacity to regulate internal and external relation. In the past, development has always meant the increase in the ability to guard the independence of the social group (p. 145).

It means that the members of the Apostolic church Gokhana through dynamic leadership is jointly-the church with the 205 civil society-increasing their capacity for dealing with their Gohkana environment in order to use the products (education, evangelism and social advocacy) of such endeavour to cater for their welfare, and build an integrated society. Furthermore, Okowa (1996) in his classical essay, “How the Tropics Underdeveloped the Negro: a Questioning Theory of Development”, lends credence to our postulation that The Apostolic Church in Gohkana can influence the Gohkana environment through regulating internal and external relations of the society and thus cater for the well-being of the people and build an integrated Gohkana society.

Therefore, development is now thought of in terms of three key inter-related conditionality or core values (Todaro, 1981). These inter-related core values that the Apostolic Church Gohkana should pursue, co-ordinate and forcefully integrate into the societal norm include: 1) The Value of Life Sustenance It requires improvement in the ability of a social economic system to meet basic needs of foods, shelters, health and a clean environment. 2) The Value of Self-esteem That is the “sense of worth and self-respect, of not being used as a tool by others for their own end”. 3) The value of Freedom from Servitude Freedom here is not to be understood in the political or ideological sense (e.g. the freeworld), but in the more

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fundamental sense of freedom or emancipation from alienating material condition of life, and freedom from the social servitude of men and women to nature, ignorance, other dogmatic beliefs (Todaro, 1981 quoted in Okowa, 1996;14).

These gamut factors of change are the underpinning leadership and societal developmental instrument the Apostolic church Gohkana would assiduously employ to “turn the diverse needs and desires of individual Gohkana-man, and social groups on one hand, and the socio-political circumstances on the other, away from a condition of life widely perceived as unsatisfactory. And towards a situation or condition of life regarded as materially and spiritually “better”.

Oil and Development Between 1958, when oil was discovered in commercial quantity in Boomu, Gohkana and 1983, total crude oil sales for Nigeria amounted to about $700 billion (Ibenu, 2008). Yet, the country and indeed Gohkana-land is still under-developed with debt of $30 billion (Onwuhanze, 2010; 149), the tale becomes largely a myth. No thanks to the gross management of the Gohkana Oil Resources, planlessness, protigacy and corruption. Today, all features of stark underdevelopment stare Gokhana-land, Niger Delta and the nation in the face. Where does the gloom leave the Gokhana citizens?

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What prospective opportunity does The Apostolic Church have under the circumstance to bring development to the land? What “development model” will produce the political, economic and spiritual ‘better’ (Okowa, 1996:14), desired in Gokhana-land? The Apostolic Church Gokhana has suggested the Saudi Arabia “development model” that local poverty and many of the patterns of injustice in Gokhana-land which has transitional roots will be denounced and also eradicated (Nicholls, 1994; 110). In Saudi, Arabia, oil acted as immediate catalyst of development and catapulted the individual, ethnic group, the rich as well as the poor, oppressed and exploited people, ignorant and backward groups to pre-eminent positions in the international system and community of nations. The kingdom of Saudi Arabia was before 1939, the impenetrable part of Middle East with few green fringes and oasis that interrupt the desert. But in May 1939, during the region of King Ibu Saudi, that oil was first produced in commercial quantity. The massive revenue from oil guaranteed high standard of living, the financing of ambitions infrastructural facilities that compare not just with Nigeria, but with the ones in advance industrialized nations. For instance, in the area of transport and communication, Saudi Arabia has lengthy and well paved road net-work through its national transport company (SAPTCO) subsidized by the Government. It has the Riyadh Airport, one of the best in the world.

Saudi Arabia invested its petro-dollar on one of the world most advanced telecommunications system. Hence in 1987, it

208 established satellite transmission and reception station, facilitating direct telephone dialing to the rest of the world. Today, all internal use of telephone is free. Everybody in the kingdom enjoys electricity and water supply. The industrial demands have been satisfied with uninterrupted power supply since 1980. One tonic that has energized the agricultural production in the kingdom of Saudi-Arabia is government encouragement to farmers. Interest free loans are available through the agricultural Bank which was set up in 1963. Conversely, the people of Gohkana and the Niger Delta had languished in poverty and penury due largely to environmental degradation and destruction of the eco-system, without any kind of government presence and attention.

In education, health and social security the kingdom has performed brilliantly. The number of schools and institutions of higher education increase from time to time. Health-wise, by 1991 there were four hospital-beds for every 10,000 inhabitants, a rate similar to what is obtained in the USA. In the housing sector, as a policy, all adult Saudi, if not independently wealthy, are entitled to a plot of land and a loan of $80,000 with which to build a home.

However, all hope is not lost for the Niger Delta and Gohkana communities. For the present Governor, Honorable Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi’s administration in Rivers State has began educational and health care revolution through the building of ultra-modern primary and secondary schools with all 209 modern sporting facilities. The building of ultra-modern hospitals, e.g. The New Niger Hospital, and Health Care Centres, show that what had happened in Saudi-Arabia is a possibility in Nigeria and Gohkana.

The Apostolic Church Gohkana has evolved the “Justice, Development and Peace Commission” as a “development Model” as a model of development for Gohkana-land. This commission attempts complete development of man and the development of all mankind; from hunger, misery, oppression, ignorance, institutionalized injustice and hatred which is rooted in man’s selfishness. This is the plight of the Gokana oil communities. The aim of every Justice and Peace Commission (JDPC) at any level is to create the consciousness in the people of God for their own development for more justice and peace in the world. There will be no development without justice. The three concepts are linked together. Indeed, development is about people and the steady improvement of their lives (Okwueze; 2004: 133). The work of Justice, Development and Peace in every district of The Apostolic Church Gohkana is to gather, synthesize and evaluate studies related to the development of peoples, peace, justice and human rights.

Therefore, JDPC has the following as its principal objectives; 1. To promote the quality of life for all people; 2. To promote human rights (e.g. U.N Charter on Human Rights and Banjul; Declaration of Human rights.

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4 To form and animate groups to participate in their own development. 5 To make a preferential option for the poor and marginalized. 6 To identify unjust structures and to make corrective action. 7 To promote social teaching 8 To research, document and publish information on social issues. 9. To co-operate with international Agencies, Governmental organization (NGOs) for integral development, and 10. To build channels of dialogue through actions of justice and peace.

The Bodo City District of The Apostolic Church has set the pace by promoting social justice and peace, not necessarily through their preaching but through their social activities in Gohkana society. The JDPC in Bodo City District is mainly concerned with caritas i.e helping people with things like stuffs, cloths etc., but since 2003 the JDPC had changed dramatically. She introduced democracy/budget monitoring agencies. The first of it’s kind by any church in Gohkana. The Apostolic Church through the JDPC trained more than 30,000 election observe who were accredited by Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). They monitored elections in the 18 Towns in Gohkana. And the JDPC final report and verdict was that the elections were not free and fair and that they were in fact massively rigged. Indeed it is pertinent to note that there is a need for other churches to support this The Apostolic church Gohkana initiative for better

211 national election in the future. In this regard, we suggest in incorporation of the ideas by the Niger Delta Churches.

The JDPC also monitors the annual budgets of every state by obtaining information from the Accountant General of the Federation. By probing into these areas, the church tries to free the citizen of this country from the unjust and corrupt economic structures. JDPC acts as the conscience of society through the “Civil Education” programmes. It enlightens and consciencizes people in the society on what they are supposed to know about governance. Similarly, it organizes seminars and enlightenment programmes from time to time on Saturdays at Bodo-City. The JDPC of Bodo-City District endeavours to address the financial handicaps of the less privileged trough two very laudable concerns. These are the ‘Micro Credit Scheme” and “Bursary Award Schemes. Under the Micro Credit Scheme, the Bodo District in partnership with a Irish organization called “Misserio”, gives out loans to be paid back later. This Scheme works very well in other parts of Nigeria but seems not to be working in Gokhana- land. Perhaps the harsh economic climate in Gokhana makes loan repayment difficult for those who received such loans.

Furthermore, the JDPC also caters for students in Secondary Schools as well as Universities. In may 2004, 21 undergraduates of both T.A.C. and non T.A.C. students were given N20,000 each. Forty-three applicants (students) are still waiting to be attended to. The place of the church in developing Justice, Development and Peace Commission beyond preaching, in the mist of 212 social injustice, poverty and backwardness is fundamental to the transformation of Gohkana-land. The Apostolic Church Gohkana must listen to Achunike (2004), when he says that, The Catholic Church which preaches justice development and peace cannot stop at rhetoric. The Catholic Church in the world today and particularly in our country Nigeria has demonstrated in sundry ways that she (and indeed the church in the Niger Delta of Nigeria) can match her words with action. The Catholic Church has shown that the church is not only an agent of social change but is also the conscience of society. Now that the church is an accredited election observer, she is better placed to monitor and direct elections to bring about justice and good governance. The unjust social structures which stare us in the face could be removed now that the church has entered the scenario. Justice, development and peace are the hallmark of the church; and the Catholic Church is doing everything possible to bring about good living among the inhabitants of the earth. She needs the support of well meaning people. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), government of different nations particularly those of Nigeria to bring her work to a successful conclusion (p.139).

The Apostolic Church Gohkana JDPC women wing has facilitated women oriented enterprises through seminars. More importantly, we commend JDPC venture into sport development as a tool for social development justice and peace. JDPC started a tennis academy for kids during holidays in August 2004 in B. Dere. And the talent hunts among kids in football and introduce them to clubs so as to absorb and groom them for the future.

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6.4 “People Power”-What Gokhana Must Experience

One of the 21st century conflict management innovation and prospective instrument of development at the disposal of The Apostolic Church Gohkana today is the “People Power”. The Apostolic Church Gohkana must change from the unproductive tactic of Pentecostal pacifism to the more eventful strategy of using and directly involving the Christian masses in the resolution process. History is replete with worthy instances that will help our argument here.

On December 1, 1955, the Montgomery Bus Boycott urged, and planned by Nixon and led by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr, took place. The boycott lasted for 385 days. King applied non-violent philosophy to the protests organized by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). The Montgomery Bus Boycott made a desperate public specific demands: an end to racial segregation in public schools, meaningful civil rights legislation, including a law prohibiting racial discrimination in employment; protection of civil right of workers from police brutality; minimum wage for all workers; and self-government for Washington D.C. Despite tensions, the march was a resounding success. And importantly for our concern, “more than a quarter million people of diverse ethnicities attended the event, from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial onto the National Mall. It was the largest gathering of protesters in Washington’s history. King’s ‘I have a Dream speech electrified the crowd’.”

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Apart from the Montgomery Bus Boycott that has revolutionized non-violent protest around the world, the ‘Standing for the Truth non-violent protest of the South Africa Council of Churches of 1988 provides another supportive thesis for the Gokhana prospective ‘People Power’ proposition. In May 1988, the Churches of the South African Council of Churches (SACC) launched a non-violent campaign under the banner ‘Standing for the Truth’. There were strikes and rallies and arrests and indeed murders. Bishop Tutu spoke at countless churches, meeting and rallies.

But in September 1989, Tutu was allowed to go on with an illegal march, the first challenge to the newly elected president, F.W. De Klerk. The march went on, and a crowd of thirty (30) thousand people moved triumphantly through the streets of Cape Town. On the balcony of city hall, Tutu invited the new president to “come and see the new South Africa!’’. Within weeks De Klerk removed the ban on outlawed opposition groups and released Nelson Mandela from twenty-seven years of political imprisonment. In 1994, Black South Africans voted in their very first election, and on May 9, Tutu introduced the new executive deputy President, F.W Deklerk, then he introduced their new president, Nelson Mandela. Temple and Twitchell (2000) in their book titled 20th Century People Who Shaped The Church, succinctly underscored the significance of the process of these events in South Africa in these words, Tutu had prayed countless prayer in the eighteen years between his first humble letter to the leader of old 215

South Africa and this introduction. He finally had his answer. It is tempting for those who have seen only the glorious results of Tutu’s work to label him a charismatic political leader who just happens to be a Christian. But Tutu’s victories were not his own. They were the fruits of his faith, the products of a God at work in an obedient servant. He never sought or held political office, never counted upon the power of the state to carry out his mission. Instead, he called upon Christ as the source of authority over power, good over evil. He called us to do the same (p.353).

Interestingly today, Tutu calls The Apostolic Church Gohkana ‘to do the same; to use the “People Power’’. The God who changes seasons and times in America and South Africa, can also change the seasons and times in Gokhana-land. He has just done the same in Kyiev, Ukraine. In Ukraine, on November 13, 2003, three thousand members of the ‘Embassy of the Blessed kingdom of God for all Nations’’ took the bravest step of their lives and marched a kilometre to city hall. As they flooded the streets, traffic stopped. Commerce all but halted. Nothing could move. The country’s capital was paralyzed by a church group. According to Adelaja (2008), this action was God’s answer to prayers. In the words of Adelaja, God said to me “stand up to the city government. Do not let them shove you around anymore’’. Further, God told him, “The people are the power’’, He said, ‘Use the powers you have’’. It is noteworthy to observe that the relationship between the methods God asked Adelaja to use, and the transformation of Ukraine society. Such a move was unprecedented in Ukraine. But God opened my eyes to see that to complete the Great Commission we must have impact upon nations, not 216

just people in churches. Transforming nations requires bold steps...; we were being called to move strongly into every sphere of society. That included using methods we had never considered like public protest (p.5).

Today, God has used the example of the ‘Embassy of the Blessed Kingdom of God for All Nations’’ to start a political revolution that changed Ukraine government. The next “peoples group’’ that will experience this change of divine intervention in the socio-political arena is Gokhana-land. What Adeleja called “The Orange Revolution” began in the spring 2004, by the glorious winter of 2004, there was the change; president Yushchenko was restored to power. Then, for the very first time in history of Ukraine, representatives from different Christian denominations - orthodox, catholic, and protestants - gathered in the square to pray every morning for the settlement of the situation in Ukraine and for the triumph of justice in the land. The events of those days brought a spiritual unity our country had never been seen in its history (Adelaja, 2008:165).

So The Apostolic Church Gokhana can initiate and participate in the actualization of the transformation and development of Gokhana-land through the social mass mobilization of The Apostolic Church in Gokhana. There is obviously “People Power” in the Church. It is not as if we are politicizing the action or activities of The Apostolic Church Gokhana. Rather, we are employing strategically the use of religious unity of The Apostolic Church in mass action, in the public to signify the important role

217 the church can play in the socio-political transformation of Gokhana society and the Niger Delta region. The Apostolic Church Gokhana must learn a major lesson that it’s not enough to have number or justice on your side. It is not a question of being the most predominant denomination in the land, but, the issue of being the vessel or tool and movement God will use to bring peace, unity and socio-political transformation and development to the land of Gokhana. God needs the Gokhana believers like Moses to rise up and lead the people of Gokhana to victory, using wisdom and power. The Apostolic Church must exert her power- seventy-five percent of the population of Gokhana-are members of The Apostolic Church Gokhana. This potential human resource, properly harnessed under divine guidance, is what God needs to bring about divine intervention in Gokhana-land today. The church must deploy godly leaders, and actively take the land. These leaders must all become Moseses. The Apostolic Church leadership must identify with the people and nation of Gokhana, because God cares for Gokhana as a people. Therefore, the church needs to see herself as an integral part of Gokhana and the people. Extreme individualism, spirituality or denominationalism has no place in this move of God. For the way to be effective for the kingdom is to identify with Gokhana, families, groups and the local communities. The Apostolic Church in Gokhana should take responsibility for the people and use their strength and all their spiritual and physical skills to bring kingdom principle to bear on Gokhana-land and the Niger Delta. God has expressly given this injunction to The

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Apostolic church Gokhana just as He did give to Jeremiah; “And seek the peace of the city where I have caused you to be carried away captive, and pray to the Lord for it; for in its peace you will have peace” (Jeremiah 29:7- NKJV).

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CHAPTER SEVEN SUMMARY/CONCLUSION 7.1. Summary The significance or importance of the far-reaching role of the church in this case, The Apostolic Church Gokhana in the management and transformation of the crisis in Gokhana-land and the whole of the Niger Delta, can not be over-emphasized in a world of tensions and crises. Therefore, this work set out to analyze examine, evaluate Gokhana in the Gokhana society and the role or prospect The Apostolic Church Gokhana could play in future transformation of the conflict in Gokhana-land. In the analysis of the crisis in Gokhana, chapter one of the work looked at the background to the crisis in the land, gave explanations to the issues in the protests of the Gokhana people against oil companies, the government of Rivers State and the Federal Government of Nigeria. In chapter two, the research reviewed and analysized the work of others on the causes of the crisis. The study also equally examined The Apostolic Church Gokhana in relation to the management of the crisis in The Apostolic Church and Gokhana-land. In chapter three, the study considered the people religion and culture of the people of Gokhana. Chapter four discussed the advent of Christianity into Gokhana-land and the advent and spread of The Apostolic Church in Gokhana and the management of Gokhana crisis. While in chapter five the research critically evaluated the problems and difficulties The Apostolic Church in the land encountered during the conflict Thus, two main types of problems

220 were encountered: those inherent and within the doctrinal beliefs of the church and those encountered as a result of the crisis in the land. In chapter six (6) also, the study presented the “season of charge” as the merging “church shrift” paragdigm necessary for the transformation of the socio-political conflict.

Obviously, the Gokhana-land crisis requires a change of methodology, from human palatives to divine intervention through the church led progrommes and activities. The crisis demands a change of activities not just socio-economic targeted development, but activities aimed at releasing the hand of the creator of the universal to over-rule human wicked action in Gokhana-land and the Niger Delta region.

7.2. Summary of Research Findings (1) The research has shown that the Gokhana-land crisesthough, part of the Niger Delta conflict is peculiar in certain dimensions. It has affected the churches in Gokhana than any other part of the Delta region of the Niger.

(a) The intensity of the Niger Delta conflict on the eco-sys tem, the level of underdevelopment, the level of poverty and low standard of living, pervade the whole of Gokhana-land more than any other part of the Niger Delta.

(b) It is only Gokhana-land that master-minded the brutal and merciless killings of their own prominent political leaders; and left a leadership vacuum that is very tasking to fill.

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Therefore, the division of the leadership of MOSOP has being far-reaching; MOSOP has its overseas branch, under the leadership of Dr. Owen Wiwa, the younger brother of late Ken Saro-Wiwa; while the home branch is under the leadership of Ledum Mitee. And these factions instead of uniting the movement, has rather polarized it further apart along dialectical poles.

2) The research has further unearthed the fact that the church in Gokhana-land and in particular The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field did effectively understand, coordinate, and support the people during the crises; although The Apostolic Church holds the pacifist doctrine.

3) The study has also highlighted the very obvious reality that the state management of the Gokhana crisis and the Niger Delta conflict is in crisis. The resort of the Federal and State Governments to military tactic underlined the inevitable need to readdress the mechanism and instrument used in finding solution to the crisis. The use of military tactic of brutal force and centralization of power lacked the necessary people orientededness to transform the peace process. Indeed, the handling of ethnic and religious conflicts in Niger “is evidenced in the way government promptly sends its security and law enforcement agents to the scene of religious conflicts to quell any riots and arrest people involved” (Enwerem, 1999, 128). However, crisis management approach, which involves the mobilization of

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security forces to the areas of conflict in Nigeria is short term and short lived. There has never been a serious attempt to nip the Nigerian conflict in the bud or to address it from the grass root using the resources of the people and the indigenous ethnic and religious methods of dispute resolution. However, this researcher believes that the most probable option available to the Gokhana people, Niger Deltans, and Nigeria, is direct divine intervention through the instrumentality of the “Church in Nigeria” and particularly The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field, since she is the most predominant in Gokhana.

4) The study further underscored the need of joint and combined effort of the state and the church in finding a lasting solution to the conflict. In the past, the governments had single-handedly tacked the problem without any deliberate attempt at involving the church. While the “Church”, either played the” “siddon-look” syndrome same or tried to be involved using her own initiative and her own methods. At the end of the whole exercise by both the state and the church, they have found out that, though the conflict has assuaged, the crisis is yet to be resolved. And Gokhana-land and the Niger Delta is yet untransformed and underdeveloped.

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7.3 Contribution to Knowledge

By 1990, when MOSOP declared a non violent protest against the Federal Government of Nigeria through the Ogoni Bill of Rights (1990), little did Ken Saro Wiwa and his colleagues know they were creating and re-writing the history of Ogoni. Today, the Gokhana conflict has made the name Gokhana, resonate nationally and internationally as a dreaded zone of the Niger Delta; known for militant activities – kidnapping, killing, oil exploitation and environmental degradation. Conversely, the Gokhana “locked out zone” of the Niger Delta civilization (Nyiedah, 2010), had struck fear into the hearts of her neighbours across the Niger Delta, South-South zone, and the former Eastern region of Nigeria for two reasons. Firstly, the mere mention of the name Ogoni arouse some fiendish, that is, diabolical, demonic and devilish awe in the minds of her neigbhours, hence their avoidance of the territory for a long period. Any tribal or ethnic group that could have dared to venture into the area was always scared by the fiendish awe complex (Tusiima nd). Secondly, the Gokhana and Ogoni ethnic nationality was so poor; they were fondly described by other neighbouring tribes as Ogoni “poor, poor”.

However, in the midst of the above two reason God through the glorious vision and gospel of The Apostolic Church Gokhana, was changing and transforming both individual lifes, and community without the notice of the outside world. Therefore, as the real first academic work on The Apostolic Church Gokhana, the research

224 has highlighted the epochal contributions of The Apostolic Church which have had indelible impact on the general well-being and development of both human lives and the social-economic conditions of Gokhana society. Infact, before the outbreak of the Gokhana crisis in 1990 in particular, Gokhana was a peaceful haven for evangelism and gospel ministry.

The result of evangelization in Gokhana exemplifies the relevance of the transformative power of the gospel on society; the transformation of an African society, notorious for idol worship, into a new community of believers. The one significant part of this development is the fact that the evangelization was carried out by Gokhana sons and daughters before the missionaries arrived. This further confirms the indigenous principles of evangelism and church planting that the African Church must be self- propagating, self-supporting and led by the nationals.

This eventful and effective evangelization took place before the Gokhana crisis and Ogoni conflict. In effect, the emergence of the Gokhana crisis was necessitated by the awareness on the part of the people, of the disruption of religious life of the people, and of the fast eroding, decaying, and disconfugration of Gokhana’s religious life and indigenous culture, and the need to hold on to, and preserve jealously their Apostolic Christianity and rich Ogoni heritage. There is the need, infact urgent call for a consensus between Christianity, African indigenous religions, and other religions, before religion could play effective role in the conflict resolution. One significant discovery in this study is the 225 role of religion in community dispute resolution, and as a significant source of identity for the people. It needs to be emphassised that religions play the role of the supernatural when all natural means have failed. Although the crucial role of religion is one of the neglected aspects of dispute resolution across African and the world, the Gokhana crisis and the Niger Delta conflict managers must allow religion play its role in the resolution of the conflict.

7.4 Recommendations The Apostolic Church Gokhana over the years had remained the catalyst, the center point and an indispensable reference point in the transforming and development of Gokhana-land. Therefore, The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field should implement the following recommendations to help find lasting solution to the Gokhana-land, Ogoni and the Niger Delta conflict.

Civil and Voter Education: The Apostolic Church Gokhana needs to take urgent steps and be involved in an intensive civil education programme that will help members; especially the young ones understand the important role the church is playing in the peace process, and the transformation of crisis in the land. The programme should include training members of the T.A.C as trainers for civic education, producing poster, writing books, organizing public and church debates and writing newspaper articles in the “Ogoni Star Publication” in an effort to educate the people on there civic duties. 226

As part of the role of The Apostolic Church in the present democratic dispensation the civil education will help in moulding a democratic culture in the Gokhana society. For this culture to evolve and the Christian ethos and ethics to blend into the culture, The Apostolic Church Christians themselves must participate. They will, in fact, be in a position to prove that they are “salt of the earth and light of the world” as members of civil organizations or possibly political parties. They may not form any “Christian party”, what is needed is to influence the existing ones to embrace “Christian principles.

Advocacy: The Apostolic Church Gokhana and the ecumenical community, particularly the Gokhana Council of Churches, have a responsibility to continue in its advocacy role. Advocacy could be in the form of quite diplomacy, that is, by raising issues with the oil multinationals, governments and the Gokhana people; before going public The Apostolic Church in Gokhana must realize it has the moral duty to address issues.

The pulpit could also be used for this purpose and especially when teaching, rebuking and exhorting. Sermons should be reported in local news papers in the Gokhana dialect. The Apostolic Church Gokhana should be on the cable net work, and use the opportunity to address matters like corruption, abuse of power, violation of human rights, tribalism and flawed electoral processes in the context of the Gokhana and the Niger Delta crises. 227

On the issues of democratization, resource control and the development of Gokhana and the Niger Delta as a whole, The Apostolic Church and Christianity in the region must speak as one voice. Catholics, Protestants and the Pentecostals must address issues boldly. It is the time for the T.A.C. to join delegation to visit the Head of State to present the Gokhana and Niger Delta issues first hand to him.

Prophetic Ministry Globally, the importance of the “Prophetic Ministry” of the Church is currently taking the centre stage and notice of political leaders. The role of the Church in the transformation of governance in U.S.A, South African, South Korea and Ukraine are good example and study cases. The prophetic Ministry of the churches comes often though sermons and pastoral letters.

In this ministry, The Apostolic Church Gokhana and church leaders could act like the former prophets in the Bible. The leaders must understand that they are called to the role of watchmen and have the responsibility to warn the people of the looming dangers. In this instance, the leaders cum prophets would be the instruments of change and transformation of the “season of change” and “transition” expected in the land. The prophetic ministry enables the church show itself able to read the signs of the times and to response to the demands of the present situation in the land. The Apostolic Church leaders must be proactive and not reactive. 228

Peace-Making, Conflict Resolution and Management Since the commencement of the Gokhana-land and Ogoni crises, the T.A.C and in-fact Christianity faced the challenge of the socio- political, economic and, inter and intra communal clashes, which has continued to erupt in the land of Gokhana and the Niger Delta. The churches must address these issues, not only because most of its members were affected, but because the clashes were also against the national economy and overall interest and aspirations of the people, besides being sinful in the churches eyes. Undoubtedly, the crisis and clashes, as it is common knowledge, both in church circles and civil society, were politically and ethnically motivated to perhaps prove that governments handing of the crisis was wrong and needed to be redressed.

More importantly, is the fact that the Church in Gokhana and the Niger Delta must now assume its mediation role in the 21st century, to reconcile communities who had lived together for many years and who had suddenly started to fight one another. This will not be an essay task because all the while, all the stakeholders and mediators had not really considered the church a relevant partner in the resolution processes. However, it gladdens the heart to note that since the regime of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, the mediators had recognized the church in Gokhana and other religious leaders in the country as relevant mediators.

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Worship/Prayer St. Paul’s advice (Rom 13) that we should pray for those in authority, should be understood as applying to all those in politics, including those in socio-political crisis like Gokhana- land. It is our conviction that the key factor to peace, peaceful co- existence in Gokhana-land is innovative and sustained prayer of the faithful in and out side Gokhana.

The Apostolic Church Gokhana should sustain the already increased momentum in prayers in the land, the Niger Delta and Nigeria. This, the church should do, through inter and intra denominational prayers. The Apostolic Church should mobilize Gokhana women and men into a prayer force that will, not only bring down the power of God, but will also give birth to real revival of religion in the land, and ensure the transformation of the crisis and lasting development of the land. Obviously, the present need of the whole of the Niger Delta is divine intervention for ecological transformation (Gbenda, 2010: vii). Secondly, The Apostolic Church Gokhana should initiate prayer conferences and workshops, and prayer retreats as favourable occasions to nourish the consciousness, faith and attitude of men and women with Bible sharing. Through the instrumentality of prayer, the church will become God’s channel of awakening revival change and social transformation. The church most yield to Christ’s sovereignty. When prayer prevails in Gokhana-land, the following wonderful things will be the answer: (i) People of Gokhana will have “A New Vision of God” (Isaiah 6:1-4). What will happen when the people of Gokhana –land

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see God? Basically, they would become vividly conscious of one fundamental fact; God is utterly Holy, in other words, “righteousness in action”. He is love and powerful, and gracious to intervene in the crisis, and all knowing to bring the desired peace. (ii) The people of God Gokhana will have “A New Vision of Gokhana’s own-self” (Isaiah 6:5). Then, after Gokhana experiences the Holy God, Gokhana society would get a new vision of them-selves. Gokhana will see the true causes of the crisis, the evil and destruction the crisis had brought on the society, and their need of divine intervention. The truth can be a very painful experience, but it is essential towards genuine transformation, change and development. Unless, Gokhana society can see her-self as she truly is, Gokhana society will never experience true change, transformation and development. (iii) The communities of Gokhana will have “A New experience of Confession, Forgiveness and Cleansing” (Isaiah 6:5-7). Two essential issues emerge from this step in the transformation and change that foster development. First, Gokhana people should confess their sins as they are searched by the Holy Spirit (Ps 139:23), to God, to one another and; initiate village to village, community to community and denomination to denomination reconciliation. Secondly, Gokhana society and the real architects of the crisis should be willing to find and accept God’s gracious cleansing (Jn 1:19). In other words, Gokhana society and The Apostolic Church in particular

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should allow the love of God shed abroad in their prayer- fellowship permeate, influence, and cut across the whole society. (iv) Again, the people of Gokhana will have “A New Call and Commitment” (Isaiah 6:8). Firstly, they must have a walk with God in such a depth that they can hear the Lord’s voice. This involves, “listening to God” and “listening to one another”. Here, listening is especially important in conflict situation. The essence of conciliation particularly as it concerns the Gokhana and the Niger Delta conflict, therefore, is to persuade each side to listen to the other. Indeed, only when sides in this conflict- the Gokhana people, the oil multinational corporations, the Governments in Nigeria and other stakeholders – are willing to site down together, put aside their prejudiced positions, and listen could the possibility of reconciliation emerge. Thirdly, the same principle is applicable to the State. If democracy is government with the consent of the governed, the governed has to be listened to, for listening is the supreme art of statement-ship. I guess that the willingness to listen to all shades of opinion is a SINE QUA NON of state-man-ship (Stott, 1992:108) Apart from “listening to God” and “listening to one another”, The church in Gokhana and the Niger Delta has the new call and commitment to “listen to the world”’ perhaps, the Gokhana-land crises situation reminds the church and her leadership that Christianity have forgotten that the ministry

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of listening has been committed to the church by him who is Himself the great listener. The church in Gokhana-land should listen with the ears of God, that Christendom may speak the word of God (Bobhoeffer, 1954:99). By listening to the world, means listening to the pains of the poor and the hungry, the dispossessed and the oppressed people of Gokhana. The Apostolic Church Gokhana should now wake up to the obligation which scripture has always laid on the people of God to care about social justice. The Apostolic Church Gokhana should by listening more attentively to the cries and sighs of those who are suffering as a result of the conflict.

Intervention of “Mission Agencies and Non Governmental organization”: The present uneasy calm in the land of Gokhana and the Niger Delta as a whole provide the necessary conditions and atmosphere for the work of neutral bodies like “Mission Agencies and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO’s). Their neutrality and imparity would make them readily acceptable to all concerned in the conflict. The Apostolic Church Gokhana, and in- fact, Christianity in the Niger Delta must not shy away from learning from the remarkable success of Christian Rural and Urban Development Association (CRUDAN) in Jos, People Oriented Development of ECWA (POD), ECWA Rural Development of ECWA (ERD) Almanah Rescue Mission, and Daughters of Abraham.

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While Almanah Rescue Mission is devoted to helping widows who are normally abused and exploited by the family and society, the Daughters of Abraham is also aimed at reaching out and helping many prostitutes who are exploited. No doubt, widows and prostitutes form a large part of groups in Gokhana-land, as a result of the crisis. The NGO’S activities would serve as good models, to meet the needs of widows, whose husband had died during the Gokhana crisis. The NGO’S would bring help and hope to many young girls and women forced into prostitution due to hunger, lack of proper means of livelihood, and seducement and exploitation by the rich oil company workers, as the case in Bonny. Truly, our research showed that young girls and women were used as tools of sexual gratification, only to be abandoned later, with no other hope than to become professional prostitutes.

Furthermore, the Christian Rural and Urban Development Association of Nigeria (CRUDAN) based in Jos Platuea State is a leading model of church sponsored agencies, of what The Apostolic Church Gokhana and other Christian denominations should create in Gokhana and the whole Niger Deltas. CRUDAN in its brochure stated its mission objectives thus that: Most people (in conflict torn and lacerated areas like Gokhana-land) are unable to adequately meet their basic needs of food, shelter and clothing. Malnutrition, which is the most acute physical expression of poverty, is on the increase and is mostly manifested in children. Mortality among child is very high.

Poor people are oppressed, exploited and treated unjustly by politicians, the police, businessmen and government officials. Hence they are powerless. Projects meant for the people are poorly executed 234

and poorly maintained. These projects are not usually sustained mainly because of lack of participation of the people in the planning and implementation of the projects. The poor are poorly organized… because of their powerlessness, they are forced to tolerate corrupt and unjust leader and officials (Facts About CRUDAN). The activities of such Christian sponsored agencies which should include rural water supply, health and sanitation, agro-forestry, and women’s programmes, since women seem to be the worst victims of the conflict, will support the T.A.C direct their efforts on target groups. The T.A.C and the “Church” in Nigeria and African will do well if she identifies these target groups in each context and try to meet their needs. The richer churches in Gokhana, the Niger Delta should also come to the aid of these agencies and churches in order to support their efforts. Like the goal of (POD) is, the T.A.C must work to facilitate the process of meeting the needs of the underprivileged people in Gokhana-land in a wholistic manner (physical, social, spiritual) so that they are enabled to improve their quality of life by taking increasing responsibility for themselves and other.

Good Leadership The key problem both in church and civil society in Gokhana- land, Ogoni generally, and the whole of the Delta of the Niger, is good-Godly leadership. It would be a Herculean task to resolve the Gokhana- crisis and transform the Niger Delta, unless the leadership issue is resolved and the leaders submit themselves one to another. The insubordinate, rebellious and unconcerned attitude shown by some leaders during the crisis has become a

235 force and key factors responsible for the unending conflict. These leaders and proud, their pride will not allow them to understand their crucial role in the peace making efforts of all stakeholders towards the transformation of the conflict and development. There would never be much social progress where there is pride. A situation where leaders see themselves as lords and masters, and not servants, is an unfortunate indication of pride.

The task before The Apostolic Church and indeed all Christian’s leaders in Gokhana-land is to provide the right kind of leadership for the region. Gokhana needs leaders who will rid themselves of self-centeredness and motivate themselves and the different segments of the people into determined commitment that would lead to the resolution of the conflict, transformation and development of the land. Leaders who could be sensitive to the needs of the times, and could use their personal resources, local and international connection to make their contribution towards the effective and terminal resolution of the conflict.

The Apostolic church, and Christianity should provide the right kind of leadership for the Niger Delta people, by commitment, sacrifice and facing difficult situation objectively and prayerfully, believing that with God on their side nothing is impossible. Gokhana situation demands the leadership that is courageous and Godly enough, to realize that more than just thinking through the issues, individual losses and the over all state of affairs in the land, that leadership needs also to confront those in

236 the wrong in the conflict when viewed from the scriptural perspective.

Inter-Religious Dialogue and Ecumenical Relations The Apostolic church in Gokhana should be willing to dialogue with, all Christian denominations, and use the cooperation of all Christian denominations, in the pursuit of the resolution of the crisis in the land. The present religious trend across the global today has shifted from denominational individualism to ecumenism – the mobilization of the universal church or Christianity as one, in the pursuit of the: “Great Commission” (Matt 28:18-26). What the churches in the Niger Delta need here, is the collective will to go beyond general wishes, agreements and cooperation. They need to establish principle of cooperation which will give the churches unity while respecting the individual identity of the people and churches. The Apostolic Church and all Christian denominations in the region should realize that what unites Christianity is greater than what divides us (Tienou, 1990:40). Properly understood, their unity is not optional, particularly in the face of the task, but is an essential component of the “Great Commission” (Jn 17, Romans 12 and 1 Corinthians 12). Church leaders should over look their doctrinal difference and come together and initiate moves aimed at resolving the crisis because of the negative effect of the conflict on Christianity, the innocent citizens, the eco-system and posterity. They should “de- private” the gospel; that is to say, that church leaders should “uncover” the gospel meaning and power for contemporary

237 society. Furthermore, inter-religious dialogue in the Niger Delta should address and play down theological conservatism or theological particularism in order that the churches and the people may understand, interpret, apply and live the message of the Gospel in a new light; the light of the shift in theological approach to social problems occasioned by the impetus of the second Vatican Council of the American Episcopal Conference at Medellin in 1986. And the Lausanne Covenant paragraph 4 and 5 of 1974, and Manila 1989; which many churches in African countries have adopted. This is because the developmental model of development rather than the liberation model would serve as the most appropriate response to the challenge of poverty, neglect, oppression, marginalization, exploitation and the destruction of the eco-system in the Niger Delta region. The church should realize that before they can achieve what God expects of them, in Gokhana and Niger Delta, before they can become a society which lives fully and exclusively for others, they should allow Christ free them from theological conservatism and denominationalism.

7.5 Limitations of the Research Scholars of various schools of thought have written on the Ogoni and the Niger Delta conflict with a propaganda approach in general (Saale 2008), but arged that much research has not been done on the Gokhana-land crisis in particular from the religious understanding. Consequently, because of the limited literature on the T.A.C. Gokhana, the researcher had to depend mainly on oral

238 informants who in some instances exaggerated facts, while some of them did not even have a good grasp of the issues at stake in the conflict.

Some of these oral informants were not ready to regard the researcher as their confidant on very critical issues relating to the study beasue of insecurity in the region, these indeed limited research resources available. A few of them who confided in the researcher refused to supply the needed documents about The Apostolic Church Gokhana on one hand and about the activities of the Gokhana people on the other, that they considered secret on the Gokhana-Niger Delta problem. Conversely, many of these oral informants preferred to remain both neutral and anonymous.

Financial constraint limited the ability of the researcher to travel to countries where Christian involvement in social change has been more pronounced in recent tmes. Lastly, the subject matter of this study is a complex type as it deals with spiritual as well as mundane matters, which somehow operate at different levels or plains, are difficult to reconcile. The above difficulties constituted limitations to the study.

7.6 Suggestions for Further Research In the course of the study, this study discovered that The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field is the oldest Pentecostal church, not just in Gokhana and Rivers State, but across the Niger Delta., The Apostolic Church Gokhana, through the assiduous

239 commitment of some indigenous Pastors has contributed greatly to the development of Gokhana-land. Therefore a topic “The life and times of Pastor Nathan Vikor Babah and His contributions to the Development of Gokhana-land” is being proposed for further study.

It is also being suggested that research should be carried out on the topics such as “The causes and effects of Divided Christian Response to the Management of Crisis and Conflict in Gokhana- land and the Niger Delta”; and “The Fifty Years (1960-2010) of Oil Politics in Rivers State of Nigeria: A Gokhana Case Study.

Lastly, the United Nations 2020 millennium goals for African concern the provision of educational opportunity for all, a research topic such as “The impact of Religions Education on the Development Gokhana-Case Study of The Apostolic Church Education Achievements in Gokhana-land”, should be studied.

7.7 Conclusion When the Federal Government of Nigeria announced the commencement, and assiduously began the implementation of the Niger Delta Amnesty programme of the late President Musa Yaru- Adua, in 2007, many outsiders--people outside the Niger Delta, believed and hoped that succor and solace had befallen the people of Gokhana and the Niger Delta. That God had answered their prayers. But, the Niger Deltans in particular, the Gokhana and Ogoni people, the diehards, the committed and foresighted, the technocrats like Ledem Mitte and others, believed and 240 indeed knew the programme may not really address and solve the Niger Delta question. Today, the implementation of the Amnesty programme, like others be it has left the Gokhana, Ogoni and Niger Delta question unresolved, if not really unattended to.

The question still being mooted and discussed in the Niger Delta, and by other Nigerians even in academic circles, is what then is the answer and solution to the Gokhana crisis, and the Niger Delta conflict? The answer is in God’s direct divine intervention. And divine intervention is also possible in the 21st century. The researcher believes that history and development revolves around the church. For what becomes of the church or what functions or roles the church continues to perform in the society, including the Gokhana-land and Niger Delta determines the prosperity of the society.

Therefore, the church- The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field and other denominations in Niger Delta – and only the church, is the key to, and explanation of history. Hence, history is the handmaiden of the church, and Gokhana-land, the Niger Delta and Nigeria are but puppets manipulated by God for the purposes of His church (Acts 17:26). Indeed, creation has no other aim. History has no other goal, than the goal of the church.

Thus, when God gets ready to do something new He makes preparation in certain areas. He prepares a people, the people are the Gokhana people, and the product, is the Gokhana crisis and

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Niger Delta conflict. He also prepares a place; the place is Gokhana-land and the whole of the Delta of the Niger. He further makes plans to perpetuate His purposes. The Lord then rises up a man with a message and produces the movement that further fulfills His will by various methods and means. The Lord’s plans methods and means for Gokhana-land, the researches believes will operate through the ministry, programmes and activities of The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field. This season of “transition”, “season of change” and “church shift” will revolutionize the faith, church and life of Gokhana people and reform the church as well as transform the whole of Gokhana society.

Therefore, this thesis is a wake-up call on The Apostolic Church Gokhana Field, Christianity and the church in Nigeria to listen, learn and move with God to greater heights. For God is about to directly intervene in the Gokhana crisis and Niger Delta conflict.

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APPENDIX I UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA NSUKKA

Dear Sir,

I wish to introduce Onwbiko, Jude Amaechi, who is a Ph.D student of Religion And Cultural Studies from the above University. His research interest is in the area of Religion and Society; while his research topic is on, “The Apostolic Church and The Management of the Niger Delta Crises in Gokhana-land” 1931– 2010.

He is under my supervision. Please kindly assist him with any material and information that will help facility the progress of his research work.

Thank you

Yours faithfully, Onwubiko, Jude Amaechi.

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APPENDIX II QUESTIONNARIE FOR THE APOSTOLIC CHURHC AND THE MANAGEMENT OF THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS IN GOKHANA-LAND 1931-2010.

Department of Religion and Cultural Studies University of Nigeria Nsukka

Dear Respondents,

The questions listed above here are designed to get your comments on The Apostolic Church and Management of the Niger Delta Crisis in Gokhana-Land (1931-2010).

Thank you for your cooperation.

Onwubiko, Jude Amaechi.

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APPENDIX III

INTERVIEWS

PLACE OF INTERVIEW: Bodo-City NAME OF INTERVIEWER: Onwubiko J.A. NAME OF RESPONDENT: Tanen, M.S DATE : 29-07-2009

QUESTION: What can you say is the basis for crises in the Niger Delta gnenerally?

The communities of the Niger Delta which are the oil producing communities argue that the prevailing crises in Niger Delta is mostly based on the under development of the area. The reality therefore, is that the communities remain economically and socially backward owing largely to the death of basic infrastructures and social amenities. Again it is said that the problem of limited revenue from the federal government is exacerbated by the negative consequences of oil exploitation, exploitation and production activities resulting in environmental degradation most often attribute to oil spillages and pollution among others. In addition pollution and spillages degrade the environment and divests fauna and flora, in turn destroying or dislocating the basic economic life of the people. The destruction of the main sources of economic activities and thus economic power through pollution and land alienation is likely to lead in rural-urban migration prostitution, intra and inter community conflict etc. and underlying the nature of crises in the Niger Delta. 259

The dominant from of crises in the Niger Delta therefore relates to the conflict between communities and the oil companies communities and the state, inter-community conflict, including blockades, sabotage, hostages taking and disruption of oil activities. All or almost all of these derive from oil and its related activities.

In 19911 the people of Umercham, Etche confronted the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria limited over the lack of basic social amenities in the area. The mobile unit of the police force was invited. The apparent invasion of the community by the police resulted in massive destruction of lives and property. The scares of that conflict persist till the present day. In 1993, after decades of passivity, the Ogoni mobilized both local and international opinion against what they called environmental degradation or ecological war, political maranalisation and economic disempowerment, and demanded reparation from both Shell and the Nigerian government.

What started as a peaceful non-violent protest culminated in the disruption of oil activities and the closure of oil fields and flow stations throughout Ogoni land?

The government responded through a policy of containment and encirclement resulting in communal clashes, internal division, murder and execution by handling of key leadership of the minority rights movement in Ogoni land and the pacification

260 of the rural population through the internal security tasks force the oil producing Ijaw and the Iteskiri communities around the Warn axis went to war over the sitting of a local government headquarters. It led to the destruction of lives and property worth millions of naira and the disruption of oil activities in the area. The same was the case with Basambiri and Ogbolamabiri communities which not only destroyed both lives and property like the Warn; incidence also took oil workers hostages and paralyzed all oil and social activities. Both crises were in actual fact over the struggle to get the benefits of oil production and particularly in the case of Warn, over control of the important oil city of Warn. In June 1998, youths in Town Brass, in the Brass local government area of Bayelsa state vandalized property of the Agip oil company in Brass terminal and completely destroyed the local government secretariat as well as the personal property of the chairman of the local government council. Their main grievances were the absence of basic social amenities, the lack of employment opportunities etc. Cases such as these are legion in the Niger Delta. In 193, alone there were about 169 of such accidents.

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PLACE OF INTERVIEW: B. Dere NAME OF INTERVIEWER: Onwubiko J.A. NAME OF RESPONDENT: Naam, P.S DATE : 29-07-2009

QUESTION: Can you briefly Comment on the Role of The Apostolic Church and other Christian Faith in Ogoni Crises Generally?

The Apostolic church in collaboration with the Christian association of Nigeria (CAN) have done a great deal in bringing about peace in Ogoni land but their best was not enough because the Ogoni Christians are suspecting some, kind of manipulation going on within the church and ecumenical association in Nigeria to frustrate the efforts of the Apostolic church leaders at resolving the long lasting conflict.

Therefore both Christians associations of Nigeria and the Apostolic church in collaboration of peace keepers were mainly carrying out a watch dog syndrome activity, by looking at the government programmes and activities and comparing them with the feeling and reactions of the public; while others praised or condemned the government where necessary. But in Ogoni conflict both the leadership of CAN and PFN have continued to play passive roles, thus making it difficult to resolve the conflict.

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PLACE OF INTERVIEW: Deeyor NAME OF INTERVIEWER: Onwubiko J.A. NAME OF RESPONDENT: Nwamadi DATE : 30-07-2009

QUESTION: What is peculiar about the Gokana Crises in Ogoni Land?

The Gokana people till today have historic crises such as intertribal, communal clashes adding to the general fight of Ogoni for resource control.

Two communities in Gokana which share the same boundary have been known for a historic communal clash. This unresolved crises has even led to large destruction of lives and property. The stench hatred between these two communities named B-Dere and K-Dere are against peaceful social relations among themselves such as inter-communal marriage and other tribal and social customs.

The environmental degradation of their soil due to oil spillage had also caused great crises in Gokana land. The people of Mogho in Gokana have till today engage in intertribal wars despite government and Christian faith interventions.

What is therefore peculiar about the Gokana people is mostly intertribal and inter-communal wars.

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QUESTION: What do you think are the major problems of the Gokana people?

ANSWER: Disagreement among the elites, hatred, separation, jealousy, greed, self-centeredness, divergent of opinion. If the Gokana people had peace within themselves most of their elites who were killed among the Ogoni tribes would not have been so.

QUESTION: What brought about the Kagote Christian Faith”?

ANSWER: The Kagote Christian faith is an indigenous Christian association formed by the Apostolic Churches in Gokana land. Their aims and objectives were to bring about peace and development among the Gokana people and Ogoni as a whole.

QUESTION: What Role did this “Kagote” Christian Association play in the military repression in Gokhana-land betwee (1995 and 1998)?

ANSWER: Many thought that this kagote Christian group was an affiliation of (MOSOP) and were in most cases hindered from carrying out their prayer activities by the federal government.

QUESTION: What impact if any, did this Kagote Christian prayer group have on the Gokhana Crises?

ANSWER: The prayers of the kagote Christian group no doubt succeeded in doing the following:

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- The Rivers State internal security force which harassed the Ogoni people was withdrawn by the federal government.

- Political leaders who were members of (MOSOP) and other religious groups were also released.

- The Ogonis today no longer live like refuges by deserting their homes for other homes.

- These were all believed to be answers based on the prayers of this kagote Christian group.

QUESTION: Has Any Positive Step Being Taken To Stop The Historic Communal Clashes In Gokana Land?

ANSWER: The Apostolic Church resident in Gokana-land; have put in much efforts in prayers, but could not succeed; though they were almost entangled in the crises. As the church leaders were accused of taking sides.

QUESTION: What do you think can be done to resolve the long standing crises in Gokana Land and Ogoni as a whole?

ANSWER: Church leaders, traditional leaders, youths, MOSOP leaders, and the elites should come together and agree on the way forward for their nationality before government and the multinational oil companies could respect their views

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and respond positively to their demands.

The people of Gokana should not only blame government Shell, and even The Apostolic Church intervention for their sufferings, but should blame themselves and realize the need for unity among themselves.

QUESTION: From the knowledge you have about the Gokana people do you think they are a set of violent ethnic group?

ANSWER: The Gokana people are peace loving people but can be violent when molested.

QUESTION: What difficulties have been encountered by The Apostolic Church leaders in their efforts to reconciling parties in Gokana and Ogoni Conflict?

ANSWER: The Apostolic Church have always be known for quick response to communal intertribal problems and Ogoni problem generally. The Apostolic leaders have suffered a major set back, such as inadequate finance for mobilization and advancement of peace and recondliatory missions on behalf of the Gokana people and Ogoni at large. The Ogonis still in their numbers believed in their shrines and juju than the words of the Christian leaders. Infact the Gokana people usually boast of their fetish powers helping them to overcome during intertribal wars.

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QUESTION: Does the Gokhana crises creat division or cooperation among the heads of Churches in Gokhana-land?

ANSWER: The Gokhana crises does not in any way separate Ogoni church leaders because they are all condemning and fighting injustice done to the people through prayer organized in their churches.

But we have discovered that the role played by some church leaders in the conflict have been inadequate. This is because some of them are angered by the negative effect of conflict on church growth and have decided to stay out of the struggle. Some church leaders have chosen to stay neutral with their members in the Gokhana struggle while some have continued in their fights against injustice.

QUESTION: In 1996, an independent investigation was carried out by the World Council of Churches into the Ogoni Crises. Some recommendations were made to various Christian bodies in Nigeria on how to resolve the ogoni conflict. To what extent have both C.A.N. and The Apostolic Chruch Gokhana implement these recommendations?

ANSWER: Frankly speaking there had been no good follow up, made by the WCC on Ogoni matters by C.A.N. and P.F.N, and The Apstolic Church Gokhana. What we know as church leaders in Gokhana is that whenever such a document comes from the 267 world bodies on the Gokhana case and gets to government, no further actions are taken, concerning it. Instead of the leadership of both C.A.N. and P.F.N. to put pressure on relevant authorities, they rather see the Gokhana people as violent people who are not ready to obey. Conclusively we can say that the leadership of (CAN) and (PFN) have always based their judgments on Gokhana case on what the government and multinational oil companies say without conducting their own independent investigations into the matter.

QUESTION: Does resolving the internal crises of Gokana have any effect on proffering solution to its external crises?

ANSWER: To some extent.

QUESTION: what roles can The Apostolic Church play and other Christian churches play to help resolve the Gokhana internal crises?

ANSWER: What church leaders can do to resolve the Gokhana internal crises is to reconcile the aggrieved parties in the conflict. They have done that in Kanni, Deezor, Zaakpon communities were there were crises following Chieftaincy tussles. But unfortunately, these crises were not resolved because chieftaincy stools in Gokhana have been politicized. And in such situation the church leaders can not do anything than to give counsel on how they can resolve their conflicts. But these words of persuasion from church leaders failed, the church can only resort to prayer asking for God’s intervention in such a conflict.

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