Forced Begging in Senegal

Bridget Carr

The human rights issues associated with the forced begging of children, also known as talibés, in Senegal are varied but the primary concern relates to use of these children as the “worst form of child labor.” The ILO Convention Number 29 on Forced Labor defines forced labor as the “work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily” and applies directly to the case of talibés.1 Economic, political, and most importantly, cultural factors all contribute to the perpetuation and proliferation of these abuses in a country which boasts a fairly clean human rights record.2 Through an examination of the historical/cultural precedent set by Quranic school leaders, the economic gains that create incentives for gross neglect and exploitation, and the political implications of combatting the problem, one can begin to understand why forced child begging is so prevalent in this country. Human rights issues that directly relate to this form of child slavery include, among others, lack of access to medical care, lack of appropriate shelter, lack of proper nutrition, physical and psychological abuse, and restriction of education. These deplorable conditions represent violations under several human rights agreements. For example, the Convention on the Rights of the Child enumerates children’s rights to physical and mental security.3 The Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam details the right to receive “both a religious and worldly education” which is denied in many Senegalese Quranic schools.4 Furthermore, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child specifically denounces the unhealthy environments born from neglect in the overcrowded daara.5

BRIDGET CARR is a senior at the College of William & Mary majoring in International Relations and French. She would like to thank Professors Dennis Smith and Amy Oakes as well as Lindsay Hundley for their assistance. After graduation Bridget will be pursuing a Master of Arts in Security Studies at Georgetown University. 20 TheMonitor - Summer 2012

Finally, in addition to the international human rights laws that condemn the treatment of the talibés, the Senegalese Penal Code also prohibits the deliberate deprivation of the basic needs of a child.6 Although the above-enumerated abuses are important aspects necessary for the comprehension of the scope of the problems connected to the talibés, the principle human rights violation in question pertains to the use of talibés as child laborers. Human rights scholars and advocates— including the International Labor Organization—define forced begging in Senegal as a “worst form of child labor.” The exploitative intent of the practice combined with gross neglect and the fact that parents release their children into the permanent care of marabouts who run daaras, or Quranic schools, serve to categorize this practice as child slavery.7 Forced begging in its current form in Senegal is a fairly new phenomenon, but an analysis of historical and cultural context of Senegalese Quranic schooling can help explain the proliferation of this type of child slavery. Although Senegal is not a theocracy, it has nurtured a rich Islamic tradition since the eighth century A.D.8 An important aspect of the Islamic tradition is the establishment of Quranic schools where young boys can further their religious and traditional educations which serve to impart knowledge through the “development of the whole person…the physical, intellectual, moral, and spiritual dimensions of the person.”9 By their strict religious definitions, a Quranic teacher or marabout is a spiritual guide and a talibé is a disciple of a religious brotherhood. As such, the traditionally acknowledged bond between the student and the teacher is considered sacred.10 Prior to the arrival of French colonizers who set up secular schools with an emphasis on French language and culture, Quranic schools were the only system of formal education in Senegal. These schools, whose system prevailed even after the departure of the French, placed a firm emphasis on both study and work to sustain the daara.11 In times of plenty, talibés needed only to help with the harvest to collect enough food to support their school; however, during droughts talibés would collect meals from townspeople to cover the shortfall.12 Scholars emphasize the difference between food collection and forced begging because the former benefitted the talibés directly and the latter is used to enrich solely the marabouts.13 Forced Begging in Senegal 21

After severe droughts forced migration from the countryside to the cities in the late 1970s, urban daaras began to replace village daaras.14 Without the traditional support of the close-knit communities in the interior, talibés were forced to beg for money to cover the usual shortfalls. After making the switch to receiving money from talibés rather than meals, marabouts soon recognized the profitability of migration into cities for their own personal gain. An exploitative enterprise characterized by extremely harsh treatment—especially for not making the daily collection quota—lucrative economic returns, and de-emphasis on education, both Quranic and traditional, was born in major cities across the Senegalese nation.15 Severe droughts that occurred in 2007 and 2008, as well as general environmental degradation hastened by commercial development have continued the patterns formed in the 1970s and have contributed greatly to the appalling conditions that currently describe the lives of the talibés.16 Senegalese society places great emphasis on the teachings and ideals of religious leaders in all aspects of daily life. “False marabouts”—those who place more focus on begging than education—continue to profit from the systematic mistreatment and exploitation of their charges.17 Regarding the use of talibés to collect revenue, culture and religion become intertwined with economic factors in several different ways. Indeed, the much of the support of forced child beggars across the world comes from those who feel a religious or moral obligation to aid the poorest members of society— especially if those members are children.18 Marabouts manipulate their influence and reputation as scholars and teachers to capitalize on Islam’s emphasis on almsgiving. As long as Senegalese people are influenced by their religious beliefs, these corrupt marabouts will continue to enrich themselves at the expense of their charges. Marabouts even use the increased propensity to give on Fridays—the Muslim holy day—to demand higher quotas from their talibés which are nearly impossible to achieve under even the best of circumstances.19 According to an extensive study conducted by Human Rights Watch—for which 175 talibés, 33 religious officials, 20 families with talibé children, and various others involved with talibé activities were interviewed—talibés spend about 7.5 to eight hours a day begging to earn about $0.93 on non-religiously significant days and $1.30 on Fridays in Dakar. In smaller cities and towns such as Saint-Louis, Thiès, and Mbour 22 TheMonitor - Summer 2012 talibés can expect to collect between $0.46 and $0.54 daily. When one considers that about 30% of the Senegalese population subsists on less than a dollar a day, it is easy to understand the difficulty of the task set for the pupils of greedy masters who demand relatively large sums each day.20 While the religious element of forced begging in Senegal is unique to West Africa, the underlying economic aspects of the forced begging problem are prevalent throughout the world. Anti-Slavery International illustrated this connection through their study which compared child begging practices in Senegal, India, Greece, and Albania. Although forced begging practices among the countries differed by those who encouraged the begging—third party exploiters were more common in Senegal and India while parents/guardians were most likely to force children to beg in Greece and Albania—the general reasons for forced begging were the same: lack of economic resources or opportunities, especially in non-urban areas. Even in those countries that face more problems with third party exploiters who force children to beg, parents still hold a great amount of responsibility for the harm that befalls their children on the streets.21 In the case of Senegal, although the parents do not sell their children into this slavery per se, the monetary gains they receive from the discharge of their children is directly equivalent to the opportunity cost of having one more mouth to feed. Structural economic weaknesses contribute greatly to the use of Quranic schools as a way to manage the family’s finances and material resources.22 Another international issue studied by the Anti-Slavery International researchers was the trafficking of children both across national borders and within states. The practice of parents sending their children to Quranic schools who force children to beg is considered trafficking under the 2000 UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking of Persons, especially Women and Children, Supplementing the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime because the Protocol defines trafficking as “‘the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring, or receipt of persons…for the purpose of exploitation…’” Additionally, “under the terms of this Protocol, child trafficking does not have to involve coercion or deception” and this practice is defined as trafficking regardless of whether or not a child agrees to it.23 The widespread problem of trafficking is further highlighted in the aforementioned report by the inclusion of Greece as a subject country in the Forced Begging in Senegal 23 study. Greece was a key area of research due to the high volume of Albanian children transported to Greece where they could beg for a great deal more money in a developed economy. Senegal also provided an important point of comparison regarding trafficking because of its strategic location as a stable nation in the center of a fairly tumultuous region. As such, in recent years, the Senegalese streets have become home to an increasing number of foreign-born talibés from countries such as Gambia, Mali, and Guinea- Bissau due to civil war and extreme poverty. It is estimated by Anti-Slavery International that children coming from abroad could represent a third to a half of the total of talibés in Dakar. In contrast, the majority of Indian beggar children were trafficked within the country from rural areas to urban ones. This phenomenon is also common in Senegal—children are sent from undeveloped eastern interior regions to the relatively developed western cities such as Dakar and Saint-Louis. Trafficking is a serious problem not only because of its obvious exploitative qualities but also because the children have no familial safety net in an unfamiliar area and are therefore vulnerable to further dangers such as drug dealers and other criminals.24 Even more disappointingly, some improperly regulated NGO programs designed to give monetary assistance to daara in the hopes of raising the quality of life of the talibés allowed marabouts to further increase their profits by selling donated provisions. These NGOs have actually distorted economic incentives for migration into cities by offering assistance to daara almost exclusively located in urban areas already overrun by child beggars and poverty.25 It is imperative, therefore, that NGOs focus their efforts on providing as many services directly to the talibés as possible. Examples of these services already successfully in place that could be expanded are community health clinics where talibés can go to receive medical care directly from the source and “adoptive mothers” programs that provide meals and shelter for both needy talibés and runaway ex-talibés.26 The “adoptive mothers” programs are particularly successful because they build on rural Quranic school traditions of establishing kin ties within communities by offering personal support—especially in the form of meals—to talibé children instead of perpetuating the impersonal transactions that are common in the cities. In order to combat the growing problem of forced child begging, meaningful political action must be taken in Senegal. In addition to signing international accords against child slavery and force labor, 24 TheMonitor - Summer 2012 the Senegalese government has attempted to create national laws that punish exploitative marabouts.27 However, beginning with the period of colonization, the French realized it was far more lucrative and facile to work together with these important religious leaders than it was to oppose or suppress them. The modern Senegalese government also recognizes the continuing and overwhelming influence these religious leaders wield. As such, politicians make rational calculations to appease the wishes of the marabouts who are able to, in light of opposition, inspire the constituency to seek leadership elsewhere.28 In a 2010 hearing, current Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade spoke candidly in front of L’Union internationale des magistrats (International Association of Judges) on the subject of the talibés. While admitting that the physical abuse of these children is indeed a national issue, he tempered his assessment of the problem, stating that the abuse is the result of some Quranic teachers never learning proper “pedagogy” and that they “cannot find other methods of teaching other than hitting students or inflicting harm upon them.” President Wade specifically noted that his experience as a talibé in his youth was not one marred by abuse and that it certainly “didn’t prevent him from becoming President.” He further stressed the point that the abuse is not “tied to learning the Qur’an or Arabic” but instead is a “social phenomenon” that is not related to Senegalese independence.29 The President’s position, which seeks to separate the religious aspect of the issue, represents clear example of politicians’ hesitancy to condemn the group that is largely responsible for the exploitation of children through forced begging. Although it is important to note that Muslim religion, in general, is not responsible for or linked to this type child slavery, the perpetrators of this abuse are religious leaders, regardless of whether they are truly faithful or “false marabouts.” At this point in time, it appears that Senegalese leaders are not adequately prepared to hold Muslim leaders responsible for either their direct involvement or tacit acceptance of these practices. The marabouts, as a traditional force in Senegalese society, have historically been a rallying point for those opposed to outside interference, including NGOs, members of international organizations who seek to place restrictions on the Senegalese way of life, and government officials seen as being in collusion with outside powers. Although many recognize that protecting the “way of life” of those who commit human rights Forced Begging in Senegal 25 violations should not be a societal goal, propaganda created by the religious leaders often drowns out the voices of brave politicians and the few Islamic leaders who have spoken out against their colleagues.30 Without the execution of meaningful reforms and significant commitment by community, regional, and national leaders, the NGO researchers and other officials have confirmed that the problem of forced begging by talibés will likely continue to grow rapidly. Even after the enactment of a law criminalizing those who organize forced begging practices in 2005 and various other governmental and aid agency efforts, Human Rights Watch found significant quantitative evidence that increasing numbers of talibés are flooding the streets of large and small cities alike. According to a governmental official working in Mbour—a town approximately fifty miles outside of Dakar—the number of daaras nearly doubled between 2002 and 2009, “including many in which marabouts subjected children to the practice of forced begging.” Another governmental official in Ziguinchor— located in the Casamance region, close to the Guinea-Bissau border—noted that while talibés were virtually non-existent in the city up until 1995, they number in the thousands today.31 Another important aspect to note regarding the demographics of talibés is that half of the children involved are under ten years old, making them virtually powerless against abuse.32 In a related effort that does more to strike at the root of the forced begging problem, the Senegalese government launched a package of reforms to be executed between 2010 and 2012 to create “modern daaras” which are closely regulated and include both traditional curriculum as well as religious education as an alternative to exploitative Quranic schools. This appears to be an excellent avenue for the government to pursue, although it remains to be seen just how committed the administration will remain to the completion of these programs in the light of the global financial crisis and the upcoming presidential election.33 Because the human rights abuses associated with the child-slave talibés seem to stem from the manipulation of traditional religious and cultural practices, the government’s strategy of attempting to combat the phenomenon through this channel is most appropriate. Although it is a politically risky decision, the Senegalese government and NGOs must enter into talks with key imams and marabouts who can help speak out against the exploitation of children. The government can avoid the pitfalls of disturbing 26 TheMonitor - Summer 2012 the delicate network of imam-controlled popular opinion by appealing to the religious sensibilities of the public—children who are out begging all day cannot spend the required amount of time on their religious education. The government can also continue to strengthen the program of “modern urban daaras.”34 The Anti-Slavery International comparative report highlighted the importance of adequate and affordable educational opportunities through researchers’ observations that in all subject countries a lack of education was both a cause and a result of widespread forced begging practices. A lack of educational opportunities contributes to poverty, and therefore the existence of forced begging. Equally, time spent begging reduces educational opportunities thereby fueling the cycle of human capital deficiency that stunts development.35 Without the cooperation of educators and the implementation of programs that support and regulate existing religious schools, the problem of forced begging is likely to continue as illustrated by the suggestive statement made by Imam El Hadj Abdoulwahab Saidi in 2010, “We don’t have any problem with the law [against begging], but we’re asking the government to give funds and subsidize Quranic schools, just as it does the Western education system in Senegal. If the government is prepared to do this, that’s fine by us. But if not – 36” In addition to the “adoptive mothers” program and health clinic stations previously described, the Senegalese government with support from aid donors and NGOs can set up “drop-in centers” where talibé children can eat a meal, participate in leisure activities, receive tutoring on the Qur’an, and have access to methods through which they can contact their parents—a basic service rarely offered by marabout.37 Because Senegalese people place extremely high value on community and familial ties, it is very likely that these types of support programs would be highly popular and seen as a way to fulfill religious obligations to the poor and needy. On a national scale, governmental priorities should be focused on poverty reduction and education that will pay long-term dividends for Senegal. It seems as if the present time is not the most auspicious one to embark on a program of wide scale reforms—Senegalese leaders are struggling with budget shortfalls so severe that power outages are a daily occurrence in the capital city of Dakar due to the lack of government funds to pay for electricity subsidies. However, it is likely that if Senegal were to propose a specific method to begin to tackle these overarching problems, it Forced Begging in Senegal 27 would receive the necessary international support especially since President Wade has cultivated a close relationship with countries such the United States. As previously discussed, poverty is a main contributor to the rise in and continuance of forced begging. Senegal’s GDP grew by 6.7% in 2010 and it is projected to continue to see high, steady growth rates in the future.38 These funds need to be well-managed and be carefully allocated so that parents can have options when deciding where to educate their children and these young people, in turn, can have greater opportunities. These issues are not easily solved, but any progress could make a big difference in the amount of families who feel that they have no choice but to send their children away. On an international scale, the Senegalese government must attempt to work with neighboring administrations to combat cross-border trafficking.39 This may require international assistance because Senegal must focus its national resources on its own people. However, it is strategically important to address the issue of cross-border flows of children because Senegal cannot absorb more poverty stricken individuals when it already cannot adequately provide for the basic needs of its own people and children. Even if border countries refuse to cooperate, Senegal can still increase the functional capacity of border police units and call on the assistance of civil patrols within border communities to combat child trafficking. In conclusion, because the issue of forced child begging is a multi- faceted one, it is necessary to combat it on several levels and focus on concrete, feasible reforms. At the very least, the government must enforce current national, regional, and international laws and agreements already in place by prosecuting traffickers and abusive religious leaders. The government should also enlist the assistance of aid organizations and NGOs to provide more services for talibés who are forced to beg and who are being mistreated. Most broadly, the Senegalese government must focus on providing educational opportunities that increase human capital and opportunities for youth as a key method used towards the goal of overall poverty reduction. All of these endeavors, even if implemented in a piecemeal and gradual fashion will go a long way in providing alternative paths for subsistence for families and their children besides forced begging through Quranic schools. In the case of Senegal, it is particularly important to emphasize the continuing connection between religion and education offered by new and improved programs while also highlighting the need for change to the current system 28 TheMonitor - Summer 2012 that fosters abuse. Through careful framing of the issue, economic and political incentives that serve to help perpetuate forced child begging can be modified in opposition of this practice using the techniques that corrupt marabout themselves employ to cloud the perception of their exploitation for what it truly is—a gross violation of human rights.

Notes 1 Anti-Slavery International. Begging for Change: Research Findings and Recommendations on Forced Child Begging in Albania/Greece, India, and Senegal. 2009. Accessed December 7, 2011. http://www.antislavery.org/includes/ documents/cm_docs/2009/b/beggingforchange09.pdf 2 “If the Senegalese government wants to maintain its place as a leading rights- respecting democracy in West Africa, it must take immediate steps to protect these children who have been neglected by their parents and exploited and abused in the supposed name of religion.” Human Rights Watch. Off the Backs of Children: Forced Begging and Other Abuses Against Talibés in Senegal. 6. April 15 2010. Accessed October 1, 2011. http://ungift.org/doc/knowledgehub/ resourcecentre/NGO_HRW_Forced_begging_of_Talibes_in_Senegal.pdf. 3 Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted November 20, 1989, G.A. Resolution 44/25, annex, 44 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 49) at 167, U.N. Doc A/44/49 (1989), entered into force Sepetmber 2, 1990, ratified by Senegal July 31, 1990. Accessed October 12, 2011. 4 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam, U.N. GAOR, World Conference on Human Rights, 4th Session, U.N. Doc. A/CONF.157/PC/62/Add.18(1993), August 5, 1990. Accessed October 14, 2011. 5 African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, OAU Doc. CAB/LEG/24.9/49 (1990), entered into force November 29, 1999. Accessed October 13, 2011. 6 Penal Code of Senegal, article 298. 7 International Labour Conference on Application of International Labour Standards. Report of the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations. Geneva: ILO, 2011. 8 Human Rights Watch. Off the Backs of Children: Forced Begging and Other Abuses Against Talibés in Senegal. 14. April 15 2010. Accessed October 1, 2011. 9 Boyle, Helen. Quranic Schools: Agents of Preservation & Change. New York, NY: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004. 15. 10 Human Rights Watch. Off the Backs of Children: Forced Begging and Other Abuses Against Talibés in Senegal. 15. April 15 2010. Accessed October 1, 2011. 11 According to research by Daniel Wagner, Quranic schools do serve many of the same purposes as a secular public school education. He notes that in spite of regional differences Quranic schools create a structured setting, teach language and arithmetic, and attempt to cultivate citizens with a “good moral persona.” Boyle, Helen. Quranic Schools: Agents of Preservation and Change. New York, NY: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004. 19. Forced Begging in Senegal 29

12 Rudolph T. Ware III. “Njàngaan: The Daily Regime of Quranic Students in Twentieth-Century Senegal.” International Journal of African Historical Studies, 37, no. 3 (2004): 524. 13 Professor Mamadou Ndiaye of the Islamic Institute of Dakar notes that the traditional form of begging whereby families in the village would donate bowls of food for talibés who would bring the food back to eat at the daara “bears little resemblance to the current practice [of begging] in Senegal’s cities.” He refers to the former as “la quête” or collection in French and the latter as “la mendicité” or begging – which in this case is forced. Human Rights Watch. Off the Backs of Children: Forced Begging and Other Abuses Against Talibés in Senegal. 18. April 15 2010. Accessed October 1, 2011. 14 Ware, Rudolph T. “Knowledge, Faith, and Power: A History of Qur’anic Schooling in 20th Century Senegal.” Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 2004. ProQuest (AAI3152123).291. 15 UNICEF, “Enfants mendiants dans la région de Dakar.” Understanding Children’s Work Project Working Paper Series. November 2007. Accessed October 2, 2011. http://www.unicef.org/socialpolicy/files/2008_Senegal_ Enfants_Mendiants_Dakar.pdf (English translation: Measuring the Worst Forms of Child Labour: The Case of Beggar Children in Dakar:http://info.worldbank. org/etools/docs/library/251028/day8ArticlebeggingApril8Se1.pdf) 16 Anti-Slavery International. Begging for Change: Research Findings and Recommendations on Forced Child Begging in Albania/Greece, India, and Senegal. 2009. Accessed December 7, 2011. http://www.antislavery.org/includes/ documents/cm_docs/2009/b/beggingforchange09.pdf 17 “These false marabouts, who exploit the children with long begging hours and beat them severely, it makes me very angry. In the Quran, the Prophet teaches politeness and mutual respect. Those marabouts that do not act in accordance cannot really serve themselves under the Quran.” Marabout Mohamad Allou Ba qutoted in Human Rights Watch. Off the Backs of Children: Forced Begging and Other Abuses Against Talibés in Senegal. 67. April 15 2010. Accessed October 1, 2011. 18 Anti-Slavery International. Begging for Change: Research Findings and Recommendations on Forced Child Begging in Albania/Greece, India, and Senegal. 2009. 16-17. Accessed December 7, 2011. http://www.antislavery.org/includes/ documents/cm_docs/2009/b/beggingforchange09.pdf 19 Ware, Rudolph T. “Knowledge, Faith, and Power: A History of Qur’anic Schooling in 20th Century Senegal.” Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 2004. ProQuest (AAI3152123). 293-294. 20 Human Rights Watch. Off the Backs of Children: Forced Begging and Other Abuses Against Talibés in Senegal. 18. April 15 2010. Accessed December 7, 2011. 21 Anti-Slavery International. Begging for Change: Research Findings and Recommendations on Forced Child Begging in Albania/Greece, India, and Senegal. 2009. 6. Accessed December 8, 2011. 22 Perry, Donna L. “Child Disciples, Global Civil Society, and Children’s Rights in Senegal: The Discourses of Strategic Structuralism.”Anthropological Quarterly 77, no. 1 (2004): 47-86. 23 Anti-Slavery International. Begging for Change: Research Findings and Recommendations on Forced Child Begging in Albania/Greece, India, and Senegal. 2009. 3. Accessed December 8, 2011. 30 TheMonitor - Summer 2012

24 Ibid., 15. 25 “Everyone is profiting from the status quo. International NGOs have manipulated the situation and are receiving funding…Marabouts are profiting. Every NGO is doing something, but it is not clear how they are helping given that the number of begging talibés continues to rise. Everyone is profiting, everyone but the talibés.” Former NGO official in quoted in Human Rights Watch. Off the Backs of Children: Forced Begging and Other Abuses Against Talibés in Senegal. 93. April 15 2010. Accessed October 1, 2011. Thiam, Sara E. “Divine Interventions? Humanitarian Aid and Qur’anic Schools in Senegal.” Masters thesis, McGill University, 2008. eScholarship 22024. 26 Anti-Slavery International. Begging for Change: Research Findings and Recommendations on Forced Child Begging in Albania/Greece, India, and Senegal. 2009. 23. Accessed December 8, 2011. 27 Penal Code of Senegal, article 298. 28 Ayers, Hannah B. “Space, Secularism, and the Expansion of Forced Child Begging in Senegal, 1850-2008.” Honors thesis, The College of William & Mary, 2008. W&M Digital Archive (10288/540). 29 Fofana, Bachir. “Wade sur les conditions des talibés: ‘Les mauvais traitements des talibés, cela a toujours existé et nous ne pouvons pas d’un trait de plume supprimer tout cela.’” Seneweb. November 9, 2010. Accessed December 3, 2011. http://cake.seneweb.com/news/Societe/wade-sur-les-conditions-des-talibes-laquo- les-mauvais-traitements-des-talibes-cela-a-toujours-existe-et-nous-ne-pouvons- pas-d-rsquo-un-trait-de-plume-supprimer-tout-cela-raquo_n_37280.html 30 Human Rights Watch. Off the Backs of Children: Forced Begging and Other Abuses Against Talibés in Senegal. 66-67. April 15 2010. Accessed October 1, 2011. 31 The director of Samusocial Senegal – an international aid organization – also reported that in 2009 there was an “increase in the number of street children and a lowering in the age of the kids on the street” in Dakar. Ibid. 26. 32 Ibid., 32. 33 Ibid., 11. 34 Ibid., 6. 35 Anti-Slavery International. Begging for Change: Research Findings and Recommendations on Forced Child Begging in Albania/Greece, India, and Senegal. 2009. 23. Accessed December 8, 2011. 36 Quist-Arcton, Ofeibea. “Senegal’s Poor Hurt by Begging Ban Meant to Help.” NPR. October 9, 2010. Accessed December 5, 2011. http://www.npr.org/ templates/story/story.php?storyId=130155756. 37 This programming suggestion is based on the successful programs in place in Albania. Anti-Slavery International. Begging for Change: Research Findings and Recommendations on Forced Child Begging in Albania/Greece, India, and Senegal. 2009. 23. Accessed December 4, 2011. 38 African Development Bank. Africa in 50 Years’ Time. 2011. 13. Accessed December 8, 2011. 39 Human Rights Watch. Off the Backs of Children: Forced Begging and Other Abuses Against Talibés in Senegal. 7-9. April 15 2010. Accessed October 1, 2011.