Journalists' Perceptions of Nomenklatura Networks and Media Ownership in Post-Communist Bulgaria PRICE, Lada Available from Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive (SHURA) at: http://shura.shu.ac.uk/24170/
This document is the author deposited version. You are advised to consult the publisher's version if you wish to cite from it. Published version PRICE, Lada (2015). Journalists' Perceptions of Nomenklatura Networks and Media Ownership in Post-Communist Bulgaria. Medijske Studije / Media Studies, 6 (11), 19- 33.
Copyright and re-use policy See http://shura.shu.ac.uk/information.html
Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive http://shura.shu.ac.uk uence of members of the former nomenklatura and and nomenklatura former the of members of uence f in the with, concerned and in, interested strongly are journalists Bulgarian that indicate ndings f The a. f So city, capital the from professionals media with media of origin the outlets’ and capital. The spotlight is ownership on Bulgarian journalists’ media perceptions explored in interviews semi-structured to relation in landscape media post-communist Bulgarian ABST eld.ac.uk f lada.price@she Lada Trifonova Price :: Author note since 1989.nanced f and owned been have Bulgaria in media Bulgarian way the on particularly and landscape media Bulgarian the on networks informal their IZVORN L. Trifonova Price : Price Trifonova L. RAC COMMUNISM, NOMENKLATURA, MEDIA, OWNERSHIP, JOURNALISTS OWNERSHIP, MEDIA, NOMENKLATURA, COMMUNISM, POST- BULGARIA, K T IZVORN I ZNANSTVEN E
This article discusses the role of the former communist party elite (the nomenklatura) in the the in nomenklatura) (the elite party communist former the of role the discusses article This Y WOR OF NO I N I ZNANSTVEN JO DS P AN O JO I U University of University RAD /U RAD U ST RNA I RNA RAD /U RAD ME D D LISTS -CO K 316.344.42:070.13 (497.2), 316.774:070.2 (497.2) /PR
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INTRODUCTION
Despite 25 years of transition and seven years of European Union (EU) membership, Bulgarian media and journalists have seen their freedom of opinion and expression gradually deteriorate with Bulgaria sliding further down the Reporters Without Borders World Press Freedom Index. As in other former communist countries, Bulgarian media ownership is strongly concentrated in the hands of powerful local media barons who see the media outlets they own as a convenient and relatively cheap tool for putting pressure on politicians and rivals with smear campaigns (kompromat) and blackmail. The efect on media outlets and investigative news journalism has been nothing less than catastrophic.
This assessment of the Bulgarian post-communist media and political landscape is based on the perceptions of several Bulgarian journalists from the capital city, Sofa. This article discusses fndings from 31 interviews conducted in 2009 and 2010 with Bulgarian
19-34 journalists on one particular aspect of post-communist transformation: the role of the
. former communist party elite, the nomenklatura1, in the process of transformation of (11) (11) .
6 the Bulgarian media system, and its perceived impact on media ownership (for more see . Trifonova Price, 2013). 2015 2015
Paolo Mancini and Jan Zielonka (2012) acknowledged the need for further research into phenomena that are not commonly found outside Eastern Europe. For instance, they note that oligarchs in post-communist countries appear to be diferent from well-known MEDIA STUDIES tycoons elsewhere but their infuence has not been sufciently examined. Similarly, there is an evident lack of academic research on the factors behind the meteoric rise in the economic and political fortunes of Eastern European oligarchs and media barons, including in Bulgaria. Several scholars (Hall, 1996; Letki, 2002; Horne, 2009; Ibroscheva,
MEDIJSKE STUDIJE 2012) have suggested that this process was facilitated by networks of former members of 20 the nomenklatura as well as by former secret service collaborators. Both were instrumental in the governing and functioning of the communist state. The existence of informal2 yet powerful networks and their clandestine activities have allegedly shaped Bulgaria’s post- communist political and economic development as well as the development of its media system. As the perceptions of journalists also suggest, the presence of informal networks, either remaining from communism or “upgraded” to include members of the new post- communist political and business elites, is an extremely problematic feature of the Bulgarian democratization process when it comes to unclear or hidden media ownership. The question about the origin of the funding with which media outlets were launched and fnanced after 1989 remains underexplored in the literature, and the views and perceptions of journalists add to our understanding of this complex issue. This article will attempt to answer the question: how, according to journalists, have nomenklatura networks, informal relationships and rules afected private media ownership in Bulgaria since 1989? To answer the question this article will outline the framework within which the nomenklatura functioned during communism, and explore its activities and behaviour post-communism.
how media are launched, owned, operated and used by the political and business elites. elites. business and political by the used and operated owned, launched, are media how to respect with landscape media post-communist the in played have networks informal their and nomeklatura the that role problematic alleged the account into take not does f oekaua fe te n o te oaiain eie n ugra t s motn to important is it Bulgaria in communism. during regime role and place their understand totalitarian the of end the after nomenklatura of networks/relationships. T power informal their and Bulgaria in nomenklatura of role former and the status place, the on research academic of lack evident an is there However, and Borocz 1996; White, and as such countries communist post- other in context media post-communist the to “adapted” and “transitioned” have of systems post-communist clientelistic the in media the of role the establish to tools, communication elite-to-mass informal and (2012) to-elite complex Örnebring Henrik and countries. ambiguous communist proposes a of broader understanding clientelism, which includes the the use of media as former elite- explain of characteristic ciently f su relationships not does clientelism of nition f de science for political traditional the that only 2012)concluded has (Örnebring, research useful is clientelism ( nexus of media-political the of picture concept broad-stroke a painting common the However, process the democratization. during ourished f of that practices of set a and communism during acquired and habits mix communism, patronage a before existed as that clientelism, culture general national of in features example, elements: society several of the for and scholars Bulgaria, by understood like are relationships countries informal In media. the and and clientelism of existence business in politics, the networks/relationships and informal patronage practices, clientelistic countries: post-communist of majority the in feature in. function they and that (Grødeland societies the from isolation in examined be not should the former nomenklatura in the post-communist Bulgarian media landscape. data collection methods. Finally, the and article will discussdetails the participants’ fndings inincluding relation research,to the the role of of methodology the present then will It adopted during the transition to democracy. democracy. to transition the during adopted practices new and communism, from remaining routines old culture, national factors: of combination a by explained be can countries post-communist in to informality of presence adopted mechanism coping and Grødeland a communism. of than restrictions rather the with life deal of way fairly a are are that practices informal norms that possibility social the account into and take must we events words, embedded other In 3). historical (2007: deeply change” to by resistant “more shaped but culture, communism national of the result a in be simply not may behaviour o complicate matters further, further, matters complicate o S T L. Trifonova Price : Price Trifonova L. cholars have attempted to examine how former communist party elites and circles circles and elites party communist former how examine to attempted have cholars he former nomenklatura and its informal and clandestine networks cannot and and cannot networks clandestine and informal its and nomenklatura former he IZVORN I ZNANSTVEN A sad 2007; asland, JO U N RNA I RAD /U RAD O ME LISTS R D N óna- (497.2K 316.344.42:070.13 )(, 316.774:070.2 497.2) /PR A R KL ’ R se Grødeland and and Grødeland se PE ussia, ussia, oudakova, 2008; Örnebring, 2012) identify a common common a identify 2012) Örnebring, 2008; oudakova, A RC T as, 1995; as, TU EPTI E RA AN RA E stonia, Poland and Hungary (Kryshtanovskaya (Kryshtanovskaya Hungary and Poland stonia, ON astern astern S OF NO OF S zelenyi et al., 1995; al., et zelenyi N D evertheless, before exploring the status status the exploring before evertheless, E
I uropean countries. However, his study study his However, countries. uropean NFOR ME A adne adne N KL A M TU A A A asland suggest that informal informal that suggest asland asland (2007) argue that the the that argue (2007) asland RA N RA LIT R oudakova, 2008). Previous Previous 2008). oudakova, ET Y I S MLJENO: 20.11.2014. MLJENO: WOR teen and and teen KS AN D R
MEDI uus, 2002). uus, S cholars cholars A...
21 MEDIJSKE STUDIJE MEDIA STUDIES 2015 . 6 . (11) . 19-34 L. Trifonova Price : JOURNALISTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF NOMENKLATURA NETWORKS AND MEDIA... IZVORNI ZNANSTVENI RAD / UDK 316.344.42:070.13(497.2), 316.774:070.2(497.2) / PRIMLJENO: 20.11.2014.
NOMENKLATURA AND PARTY MEMBERSHIP DURING COMMUNISM
The term nomenklatura evokes controversial meanings. Gil Eyal and Eleanor Townsley note that “the very word ‘nomenklatura’ evokes a host of dubious associations in East European political imagery: ‘the ruling class of the USSR,’ ‘the new grand bourgeoisie,’ ‘counter-selection,’ ‘old corruption,’ ‘networks of patronage,’ all signifying the continued existence, albeit covert, of the past within the present” (1995: 723). They attempt to fnd out if this notorious group has been able to reproduce itself after the end of communism and their line of inquiry relates closely to claims about the destructive impact of the nomenklatura on the process of democratization in all former communist countries. Despite the fact that in all countries members of the nomenklatura were ofcially known, their precise status was far from clear. According to Eyal and Townsley (1995: 723–724), under communism nomenklatura could be understood loosely as an “upper class” which is distinguished from other classes by its dominance and monopoly of access to 3
19-34 elite positions . According to Grødeland and Aasland (2007) one of the key features of
. communism was the organisation of society into two spheres: the formal, with its stringent (11) (11) .
6 rules and regulations; and the informal, essentially a circumvention of the existing laws and . rules. Informality4 also ofered citizens a way of coping with the demands of everyday life 2015 2015 through building social networks (social capital), including friendship ties and patronage.
In Bulgaria, communist party membership was very valuable, not only for acquiring a high status in the party hierarchy but also for securing privileges that were unavailable MEDIA STUDIES to most people (Crampton, 1994). For those who chose a career working for the party in a formal or informal capacity the rewards and benefts were considerable. The nomenklatura in particular were served by a comprehensive and multi-layered system of privileges (Kryshtanovskaya and White, 1996), allowing them to have a better quality
MEDIJSKE STUDIJE of life. The world of this elite constituted a diferent reality from which ordinary people 22 were excluded5.
Olga Kryshtanovskaya and Stephen White note that during communism one of the signifcant privileges of the nomenklatura was “the granting of state property for private use, in money and special services” (1996: 717). Toward the end of the regime in the Soviet Union, for instance, members of this elite began to conduct, and make substantial profts from, activities that were strictly prohibited for others. Among those activities were joint enterprises with Western and other foreign companies, turning party assets into cash and foreign currency, the issuing of advantageous credit to members at low interest rates, and the lucrative sale of state property at nominal prices. In other words, the communist party made preparations for a market environment. Economic reforms before the collapse of the Soviet Union were completely under the control of the nomenklatura and to their
for power; in the middle sit the businessmen who provide essential funds for electoral electoral for and newspapers funds lobbying, campaigns, essential provide who businessmen the sit middle the in power; for competing continuously top, the at are allies of circles their and Politicians pie”. layered established newly the compare example, oil raiain f h nmnltr udr omns” 19: 745). (1995: Communism” N under nomenklatura the of the organization after social years the in changed this E but career political of a national elites. uential f in members remained members former began; transformations to end an meant usually and and ( status social and assets into economic capital political their converted easily rulers Bulgaria. including states, communist most to applied be can (1996) claims t. f bene material direct ainie e o sca rltos ht uvvd oty s noml is ( ties informal 2000) Böröcz, as mostly survived that relations social of web nationwide ( constraints. many without structure class the of top the at remained which most, class political communist in privatization of process that the region S Ivan too. era post-communist the in valuable extremely became regimes communist the socialist the of operation the for as a whole. economy and society vital were connections personal that known well is It the in rather but preside (1995: they of nomenklatura” the old that tolink them members other 662). networks which personal over institutions the in not rooted be to appears nomenklatura members, many becoming prominent politicians, oligarchs and media media and throughout oligarchs owners politicians, prominent becoming many members, nomenklatura pragmatic and savvy economically more of group a to power political of redistribution a rivals. older its ousted simply nomenklatura the of generation that assert the revolutions of 1989 were, in a ect, f e change of in actors, which the younger S yal and and yal zelenyi and and zelenyi atasha Yershova and and Yershova atasha zelenyi and and zelenyi With regard to the former former the to regard With T R L. Trifonova Price : Price Trifonova L. hroughout hroughout uus, 2002).uus, IZVORN T ownsley argue that the new post-communist elites “are the inheritors of the the of inheritors the “are elites post-communist new the that argue ownsley N S 6 O S . zonja zonja I zelenyi, 1995)zelenyi, ZNANSTVEN D ME E uring uring communism, the loss of a position in the of ranks the nomenklatura astern astern A N s they put it: the old guard was hardly in trouble in in trouble in hardly was guard old the it: put they s JO S E KL zelenyi (1995) observe a general agreement among scholars in the the in scholars among agreement general a (1995) observe zelenyi astern astern U D RNA I RAD /U RAD A R espite their focus on on focus their espite E ichard ichard TU urope the demise of the communist system left an intricate, intricate, an left system communist the of demise the urope LISTS 7 . RA AN RA E D urope. Where the transitions were peaceful, the former former the peaceful, were transitions the Where urope. (497.2K 316.344.42:070.13 )(, 316.774:070.2 497.2) /PR S ’ oviet Union, Kryshtanovskaya and White (1996: 723), for for 723),(1996: White and Kryshtanovskaya Union, oviet PE A M nderson also note: “the power of these individuals individuals these of power “the note: also nderson RC ore importantly, however,ore during importantly, established the links D EPTI N TV E ON . E W T astern astern R S he bottom, but very important, layer consists layer consists important, very but bottom, he sin lt (y h md19s t a “three- a to mid-1990s) the (by elite ussian OF NO OF ELITES S oviet oviet E ME ted the the ted f 1990s early in the bene urope R
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23 MEDIJSKE STUDIJE MEDIA STUDIES 2015 . 6 . (11) . 19-34 L. Trifonova Price : JOURNALISTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF NOMENKLATURA NETWORKS AND MEDIA... IZVORNI ZNANSTVENI RAD / UDK 316.344.42:070.13(497.2), 316.774:070.2(497.2) / PRIMLJENO: 20.11.2014.
of the former security services whose role is to “maintain order but also act as a means of infuence and contract enforcement” (ibid.). Similarly, the Bulgarian former secret services ensured that the revolution of 1989 posed no threat to the former nomenklatura and especially not to those who had served as spies and agents. Unlike in other East-Central European countries, in Romania and Bulgaria the political transition has been marked by the active role of the former secret services and their foray into the ruling and opposition parties. In Bulgaria semi-mafa structures were endorsed by the secret services and the state has not been able to deal with this problem. The privatization processes were in both countries manipulated in favour of powerful local actors while foreign investors were kept at bay (Andreev, 2009). In the media sphere this is particularly visible: foreign investors did not arrive until the mid-1990s and a number of them have exited the market in recent years.
According to Elza Ibroscheva (2012) controversial fgures that had collaborated with
19-34 the communist regime own some of the most infuential Bulgarian media outlets. The
. former spies’ unique position in the media, for example, gave them unprecedented access (11) (11) .
6 to media resources like printing and broadcasting facilities, as well as access to substantial . capital that was out of the reach of ordinary Bulgarian citizens. Cynthia Horne (2009: 349) 2015 2015 notes the widespread cronyism of the former spy network and its continued infuence on Polish society as highly problematic: the richest Polish businessmen today had extensive contacts with the security services prior to 19898. MEDIA STUDIES It is important to stress that elite members of the communist nomenklatura controlled – either directly or indirectly – the vast majority of state property and enterprises as well as strategic government ofces, at least at the start of the transition in Bulgaria. They operated personal networks that provided them with information, infuence and resources resulting in a privileged access to the new market9. As Jozsef Böröcz and Akos Róna-Tas argue (1995: MEDIJSKE STUDIJE 24 755–756), the high degree of “informality-intensity” of East European post-communist economies makes informal social networks essential in determining economic outcomes. It was the existence of “widespread, extremely sophisticated and discriminating systems of informal networks of actors” that cut across the boundaries among formal economic institutions. Even if they were no longer active party functionaries, ex-cadres were said to reap the benefts of their insider knowledge and personal social networks by acting as intermediaries among key segments, institutions, and actors of the new market economy.
that corruption levels grew or stagnated even after joining joining after even stagnated or grew levels corruption that regime totalitarian previous the to contributed continue to obtain legal and who business with advantages, 80% of people the that were belief transitions pervasive the that perceptions In incomplete”. widespread and unfair created have power economic of positions in elites former and elites political current between agreements unwritten and media sphere ( sphere media city journalists capital 31 the with from interviews face-to-face post-communism. semi-structured system anonymous on media relied Bulgarian study the in place taken have that changes the on ect f re to asked were who journalists of group a of understandings and opinions scrutinized. to yet be are outlets media most of owners Bulgarian media from landscape the of and start the democratization true identities of the the plagued has ownership media Unclear,non-transparent environment. volatile highly a in survival long-term of goals their to sympathetic leaders and parties issues, media certain of the in visibility the ensuring owners, media and elites dominant the as emerged in and countries manypoliticians even oligarchs, gures f crime notorious post-communist 2009; Horne, 2005; al., et transitional on focuses societies 1996; (Welsh, justice post-communist on networks nomenklatura former 363). T t as this kind of media ownership is not not is ownership media of kind ambitions. corporate or political other this supports but t-oriented f pro as t f pro a make than rather a own such to as important outlet more media it consider argued, is it Bulgaria, in media own who those of purchased. or launched were outlets media private which with funds the of origin the to relation in especially investigated, be to needs landscape media communist Bulgarian Bulgarian * N able 1.able 6 R Broadcasting O
adio =31 ne interviewee was (media group) in at position but a is ne the journalist interviewee managerial a senior former T throughout that argues 349) (2009: Horne V L. Trifonova Price : Price Trifonova L. his article his is article on based the ndings f of a larger study, the which examined perceptions, icken icken Cheterian (2009) and M TV S uence of of uence f in the and transition the discussing literature and research the of ost ample of interviewees of ample IZVORN N 6 ational ational
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agazine ON yczok yczok (2009) – among others – demonstrate that S LISTS OF NO OF E astern astern 2 ME ’ PE W N
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25 MEDIJSKE STUDIJE MEDIA STUDIES 2015 . 6 . (11) . 19-34 L. Trifonova Price : JOURNALISTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF NOMENKLATURA NETWORKS AND MEDIA... IZVORNI ZNANSTVENI RAD / UDK 316.344.42:070.13(497.2), 316.774:070.2(497.2) / PRIMLJENO: 20.11.2014.
The bulk of interviews (25) were conducted in 2010 after a pilot of 6 interviews took place in 200910. The majority of the participants (27) had direct journalistic experience in the media prior to the end of the communist regime in 1989. The oldest nine interviewees began a career in the 1950s and 1960s while eight others started in the 1970s. 18 journalists embarked on a journalism career in the 1980s while the remaining four participants began working as journalists post 1990. A characteristic shared by the 27 participants is that they have worked continuously in the Bulgarian media since 1989 in positions ranging from junior reporters, editors-in-chief and senior TV/radio producers and directors (Table 2).
Table 2. Age group and years of working as a journalist
20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60+ <10 10-20 20-30 30-40 40+ 1 4 16 4 6 1 3 18 4 5 N = 31 19-34
. (11) (11) . The interviews comprised 22 questions examining journalists’ views and opinions 6 . on issues that the literature on post-communist media systems observes as common
2015 2015 limitations to Bulgarian journalism during the process of democratization. In the course of the research an unexpected gap in the literature emerged on the former nomenklatura networks and their role and infuence on the Bulgarian post-communist media landscape. Nevertheless, the fndings of pilot interviews suggested that the issues of nomenklatura/ MEDIA STUDIES former party elite as well as the problematic topic of the journalist-spy in the media appeared in answers to other questions. Using semi-structured interviews allowed a considerable degree of fexibility for both the researcher and the participants in exploring unexpected issues and angles that came up in interviews. One of the clear advantages of anonymous semi-structured interviews was that they allowed a wealth of information to MEDIJSKE STUDIJE be collected from a number of prominent fgures in Bulgarian media without risking their 26 identifcation. The protection of the identities of the 14 men and 17 women who took part in the study was unconditional.
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
The consensus among participants is that most Bulgarian media outlets were bought specifcally to serve certain agendas and to represent particular political and business interests. Ownership of a media outlet is perceived as an important tool for exerting undue infuence on politics, business and society. This is the main reason why non-transparent or hidden ownership is seen as hugely problematic by the majority of interviewees, who note the lack of an efective register of ownership for private media that clearly names the true owner of each media outlet. Several interviewees state matter-of-factly that the real owners of the bulk of private Bulgarian media are hidden behind ofshore companies or behind “fronts”, such as lawyers. Serious worries are raised not only about the hidden owners of media but also about the true origin of capital that has fnanced
distance themselves from their repressive past. past. repressive their from themselves distance to change who their are image trying and as perceived desperately nomenklatura, former model of democracy that was established here. was established that democracy of model over it seen have It and those the years. waswe development an on transition, orchestrated which the later country's impacted as “democracy”, Bulgarian the transition, Services, Bulgarian the Secret of the model of the created “laboratories” they the in somewhere So power. economic into them, for enough not was which power, political their transform to wanted who party, the within fractions actually and or people certain party leading the by “directed” was 198910, November on happened what that clear was It (BKP) Party Communist Bulgarian the by played role “dubious” and “murky” the about particularly companies, media launch who people the of identities the about and cable publications, new are supported by reports issued by organizations such as the International International the as Bank. such World the and Fund organizations by issued reports by supported are privatization. property state rigged in especially Bulgaria, in opportunities intobusiness new back poured being was away overseas stashed illegally capital that the outlets. media nance f or to purchase used and enterprises private in reinvested been have to believed are assets clandestine those regime, the the of Following collapse literature. the in made claims with resonates this accounts; bank foreign secret to abroad funds party siphoning by change for preparations made nomenklatura completely unfounded, especially in the case of the former former the of case the in especially unfounded, completely regime, not were claims such far-fetched, oppressive seemingly While repercussions. violent thuspreventing the toward grievances and frustrations long-held express an to have outlet would public the new that of ensured leadership variety communist a former and the publications, expression 1989. of freedom after unprecedented power allowing by in that suggest remain to strategy designed carefully ( deals privatization non-transparent and dubious through systematically depleted being were Party had made preparations for its future survival. survival. future its for preparations made had Party the expense of ordinary citizens and has, according to several journalists and scholars scholars and journalists several 1998), democratization. of Bulgaria’s(Hellman, process ected f a to according has, and citizens ordinary of expense large the a to members. its and, of economic majority the the of survival secured political but extent, vanish simply not did nomenklatura party 1996; White, and (Kryshtanovskaya suggests gures with proven links to the communist regime, several several investigation. regime, thorough communist a the for to desire strong links a proven express with participants gures f business Bulgarian and notorious most the political of some of fortunes the of origin the tracing at attempts S T A A L. Trifonova Price : Price Trifonova L. nal stages of communism, the former former the communism, of stages nal f the in that assert participants everal here is a belief that just like in the former former the in like just that belief a is here ccording to several journalists control over media was part of the nomenklatura’s nomenklatura’s the of part was media over control journalists several to ccording fter decades of rumours, speculation about media ownership and half-hearted half-hearted and ownership media about speculation rumours, of decades fter E veraert et al., 1999). al., et veraert IZVORN I ZNANSTVEN JO U RNA I RAD /U RAD A LISTS t the time both organizations reported that Bulgaria’s assets assets Bulgaria’s that reported organizations both time the t TV D (497.2K 316.344.42:070.13 )(, 316.774:070.2 497.2) /PR channels since the 1990s. the since channels ’ PE RC EPTI ( S ON enior producer at a private aprivate at producer enior S OF NO OF S teen and and teen S oviet Union, the Bulgarian Communist Communist Bulgarian the Union, oviet ME T his quote illustrates the view well: view the his illustrates quote N KL R A T uus, 2002) that the communist communist the that 2002) uus, TU his, however, was achieved at achieved was however, his, T RA N RA here is a noticeable concern concern noticeable a is here S oviet Union. Union. oviet S ET m priiat even participants ome I MLJENO: 20.11.2014. MLJENO: TV WOR M any journalists claim claim anyjournalists channel) channel) M KS ore importantly, importantly, ore AN T D T he literature literature he
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27 MEDIJSKE STUDIJE MEDIA STUDIES 2015 . 6 . (11) . 19-34 L. Trifonova Price : JOURNALISTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF NOMENKLATURA NETWORKS AND MEDIA... IZVORNI ZNANSTVENI RAD / UDK 316.344.42:070.13(497.2), 316.774:070.2(497.2) / PRIMLJENO: 20.11.2014.
however, journalists want to know how those fortunes have been deployed in the media since 1989. One journalist sums up the prevailing attitude when saying that there are only three main questions that should be asked about Bulgarian media outlets: “Where does the money come from, are they complying with professional standards and is there a confict of interests?” (Senior TV producer at BNT).
Interviewees are clearly convinced that such pressing questions will neither be asked nor answered by any Bulgarian government. Despite Bulgaria’s obligation to fulfl its EU accession criteria, the prevalent secrecy and deception in media ownership have not been adequately addressed. The problem is exacerbated, according to several journalists, by the existence of complicated “networks of vested interests”, which are concentrated and visible in the media. Several journalists claim that a number of media outlets were launched with the sole purpose of “laundering money” or “settling scores” with political and business rivals12. Other participants note that many newspapers do not follow the
19-34 market logic in its usual sense (i.e. supported by income from advertising or a paying
. audience). However, such newspapers continue to be published year after year because (11) (11) .
6 informal political and business networks would like to have an outlet “just in case they . need them at one point or another”. Seemingly unlimited and highly dubious funding 2015 2015 allows media to exist without making a proft, even if, as one participant notes, they are “haemorrhaging money”.
The problem of unclear ownership and funding appears to have its roots in the early MEDIA STUDIES period of Bulgarian democratization. Journalists believe that in the early 1990s, despite some profound changes in the media landscape (such as the introduction of private ownership and a new language and style of press reporting), a clear continuity with the past existed, with senior media personnel retaining leadership positions. This, in turn, fuelled speculation by the general public and among journalists that they stayed in those MEDIJSKE STUDIJE 28 positions to protect the former nomenklatura’s interests and to facilitate its easy transition into capitalism. Such beliefs are supported by media experts. For instance, in one of its reports, the organization Reporters Without Borders states:
Bulgaria has evolved from a strong communist regime to a modern feudalism, but without any real change of actors. The former oligarchy invested massively in the privatisation of the Bulgarian economy at the start of the 1990s and took control of all the key sectors such as energy, construction, natural resource management, transport, telecommunications and real estate. (Reporters Without Borders, 2009)
The situation in the media is similar, and according to the report it is not uncommon to fnd former high-level party and security ofcials or former intelligence ofcers managing media outlets.
Informal arrangements remained intact and thriving, put in place solely with the purpose of advancing personal agendas. The continuity of actors in the media sphere, especially in the early years of democratization, combined with unclear press ownership
actors and trends in the post-communist media landscape, have contributed to negative negative to contributed have landscape, media post-communist the in trends and actors from Far making such recognise claims, that with. participants including several newly factors, emerging struggle media Bulgarian that problems and issues all for elite party and nomenklatura former the blame not do journalists collective, faceless and ambiguous an slow to change. However, it should be noted that todespite a view tendency this group as are networks the friendship and rules informal Habits, communism. in in rooted deeply culture, trends negative the extent large a development of to the Bulgarian media system are a result of democratization, political, economic and societal of process the in steps since 1989 in in clientelism Bulgaria increase and constructive positive shows that despite apparatus. service secret repressive its and regime communist former the and to status fortunes vast their owe politicians and entrepreneurs wealthy oligarchs, most that over stronger the years since the demise of the communist regime. broadcasting. and print in outlets media of chain alarge example, for but, outlet one only not buy could and wealthy so became they how and where clear quite become would it then traced were money owners’ real the of origins the if that insist interviewees popular most the include own secretly they that media the of some power, in stay elites the help they arrangement: this of part favours. of exchanges and agreements informal of basis the on conducted are business and politics where separation” of degrees “two only with place Bulgaria. in freedom media of state dismal the of ection f re true a as rankings the understand interviewees the reports, the of language O agendas. as such organisations corporate by awarded and political private, promote T to without responsibility, method, any or employ media to restraint blanche and any carte business a political, as the freedom that media understand fact elites the about concerns serious express most politicized and rich the of elites”. fraction While concede several journalists to a small limited of degree in media freedom Bulgaria, very a of “voice the as act instead but interest S that the media are used as weapons. as weapons. used are media the that sure be can you then standards, journalistic basic following not in someone, against publications cally f biased speci and see them you when and clear, not is outlet media the of ownership the when you and telling this, who's see to got have you something, you tells someone when because problem major a It’s well: view the illustrates networks. criminal cases some in owners and business alleged political, the informal their of and opponents intimidate or blackmail attack, smear, to which with behind the scenes. powerful yet anonymous, remain to nomenklatura the for conditions perfect the created oviet pluralism is the pluralism of the oligarchs and the media do not serve the public public the serve not do media the and oligarchs the of pluralism the is pluralism oviet he majority of participants point out Bulgaria’s deteriorating media freedom rankings rankings freedom media deteriorating Bulgaria’s out point participants of majority he rganization for for rganization T J A L. Trifonova Price : Price Trifonova L. ournalists perceive Bulgaria, and especially the capital city city capital the especially and Bulgaria, perceive ournalists gures has grown grown has gures f crime and politics business, between alliance questionable he similar trend is observed in in observed is trend similar IZVORN I ZNANSTVEN S M ecurity and Cooperation in in Cooperation and ecurity JO ost ost media outlets in Bulgaria are perceived as “servants” or “weapons” U RNA I RAD /U RAD LISTS D (497.2K 316.344.42:070.13 )(, 316.774:070.2 497.2) /PR ( ’ N PE ewspaper reporter) ewspaper R RC ussia where, according to Cheterian (2009: 213), (2009: post- Cheterian to according where, ussia R eporters Without Borders, Freedom House and the the and House Freedom Borders, Without eporters EPTI TV ON channels, such as b as such channels, S OF NO OF E rp ( urope ME N KL A OS TU RA N RA C E ). S TV ET M a, as a relatively small small relatively a as a, f o D I MLJENO: 20.11.2014. MLJENO: WOR and and T espite the diplomatic diplomatic the espite edia are an important important an are edia he journalists believe he journalists KS N AN ova ova D T
MEDI his opinion opinion his TV . S A... everal everal T he he
29 MEDIJSKE STUDIJE MEDIA STUDIES 2015 . 6 . (11) . 19-34 L. Trifonova Price : JOURNALISTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF NOMENKLATURA NETWORKS AND MEDIA... IZVORNI ZNANSTVENI RAD / UDK 316.344.42:070.13(497.2), 316.774:070.2(497.2) / PRIMLJENO: 20.11.2014.
developments in the Bulgarian media system. Anton Steen and Jüri Ruus (2002) suggest that communist ideology is history which will not re-surface and this view is echoed by Bulgarian journalists. However, the recent communist past and elites associated with it are still perceived as powerful undercurrents in the political and media spheres. The scarcity of hard evidence tying former regime supporters to new rulers after the end of communism and to specifc issues that stem from this alliance does not render these perceptions credible. Nevertheless, those views should not be dismissed entirely as they indicate a problem that has not been adequately addressed for many years.
CONCLUSION
The analysis of journalists’ perceptions indicates a problematic omnipresence of informal nomenklatura networks at the start of the Bulgarian transition. Participants
19-34 believe that the “reformed” communist party elite that was privileged in the past preserved
. its immune status in the new post-communist political and business environment. To (11) (11)
. 13
6 some extent scholars validate those perceptions . .
2015 2015 The infuence and power of such extended and fuid networks of political and economic actors, including semi-mafa organizations, is precisely what journalists are concerned about. What participants and scholars agree on is that the continuity of informality, including clientelistic practices, patronage and friendship networks have lasted despite attempts at MEDIA STUDIES transformation and establishment of democratic institutions. Most participants believe that the communist legacy has partly endured into post-communism through the still- functioning (yet sophisticated) covert networks of former party and secret service ofcials. This “unholy alliance” is seen as impacting adversely on the establishment of the post- communist Bulgarian media system straight from the beginning of the transformation. MEDIJSKE STUDIJE 30 Hidden media ownership and the unclear origin of funding that was (and still is) used to launch and fnance media outlets are especially problematic. The former nomenklatura are seen by many as being at the root of those problems.
The dominant model of governance, now frmly entrenched in Bulgaria, breeds nothing but disillusion, apathy and cynicism toward the state, erodes trust in institutions and crushes faith in the ongoing process of building a democratic society. Using interviews with Bulgarian journalists, this article has demonstrated an existing belief that nomenklatura networks are partly responsible for the bleak state of media freedom in Bulgaria.
At the onset of changes sweeping through Eastern Europe, Antony Levitas and Piotr Strzałkowski warned:
and building a transparent media system. system. media atransparent building and democratization at orts f e continued Bulgaria’s to lethal proved have phenomena these their services, secret combination, former In oligarch. the post-communist the of of makings the and role relationships informal the account into taking elites, new and old of composition precise the explore to needed urgently is research Further addressed. were which were their and media outlets owners founded, the role of the nomenkaltura former with capital of origin the about questions that time 1989, high of is it revolution the after as a vehicle for political and business agendas. outlets media employing of methods sophisticated in itself manifests cultures corporate capitalism. nomenklatura, so-called or rampant, of ects f e the and 1989 post ownership private of introduction the with combined media, the controlling and directing of habit lingering the of and past communist the of legacy former by especially services. secret the with links their outlets, and members nomenklatura media purchase or launch to used capital of origin the b) and ambitions political and corporate personal, their advance to order in freedom media on limits pose and assaults” “launch to position their of use unscrupulous owners’ media pressing concerns expressed by cally f journalists society speci about the media relate to: to a) hidden cost considerable a at private 1998:233). (Hellman, reforms large economic generated partial maintaining have while osi” f returns “entrepreneurs-cum-ma new doubt, any Without ( reforms democratic crucial on have structures a f semi-ma and services seem secret the as such forces perceptions the unaccountable that impact adverse the on supports those participants of views scholars by While presented evidence system. the detail, media lack and its times at on exaggerated uence f in corrosive a as well as process, democratization Bulgarian the to threat a as services, secret the allies, their and Bulgaria. in ective f ine T and slow mostly was justice transitional and decommunization (1997: positions” professional or administrative political, 93). the to threat a constitute would orderly them, functioning of the new among democratic regime if existing they were allowed access solidarity to important of networks the and competence, and attitudes their question, in people “the that argues He laws. screening Claus restitution, and O retribution regimes, old with complicit actors of cation f disquali talents talents of the entrepreneurial the tooverestimate reason little is there noted, have we As capitalism. Polish of prospects the of transformation The the framework of a very lopsided and stagnant capitalism. capitalism. stagnant and lopsided avery of framework the masse the Allowing power. state of corridors the in but markets, on here is little doubt that most journalists perceive the members of former nomenklatura nomenklatura former of members the perceive journalists most that doubt little is here e sums up a widespread argument for adopting transitional justice procedures such as justice procedures transitional e f adopting for sums argument up a widespread T N in decommunization of process the about writing When L. Trifonova Price : Price Trifonova L. he evidence demonstrates that non-transparent media ownership is ownership media the result that of he non-transparent demonstrates evidence the eedless to say, such warnings by scholars were disregarded. disregarded. were scholars by warnings such say, to eedless makes it extremely likely that all the worst forms of socialist clientelism will be perpetuated within within perpetuated be will clientelism socialist of forms worst the all that likely extremely it makes IZVORN apparat I ZNANSTVEN , and where there are talents, many of them have been used for years not to maximise JO T U uence extends to the Bulgarian media sphere. sphere. media Bulgarian the to extends uence f in negative his nomenklatura RNA I RAD /U RAD LISTS D (497.2K 316.344.42:070.13 )(, 316.774:070.2 497.2) /PR ’ PE RC into a class of capitalist owners could be devastating for the the for devastating be could owners capitalist of class a into EPTI ON S OF NO OF A ccording ccording vef to years twenty- participants, ( L ME evitas and and evitas nomenklatura A N mix of old and new political and and political new and old of mix KL A TU RA N RA S kowski, 1990: 415)kowski, ł trza E astern astern ET to acquire state property property state acquire to I MLJENO: 20.11.2014. MLJENO: WOR KS E urope, including including urope, T AN A he process of of process he ndreev, 2009). ndreev, D
MEDI A... T he he en en
31 MEDIJSKE STUDIJE MEDIA STUDIES 2015 . 6 . (11) . 19-34 L. Trifonova Price : JOURNALISTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF NOMENKLATURA NETWORKS AND MEDIA... IZVORNI ZNANSTVENI RAD / UDK 316.344.42:070.13(497.2), 316.774:070.2(497.2) / PRIMLJENO: 20.11.2014.
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Cambridge, Cambridge, xperiences xperiences MEDI L E engyel, engyel, stonia. stonia. Berkeley: Berkeley: L L atvia. atvia. ustration ustration The The A... 24:
33 MEDIJSKE STUDIJE MEDIA STUDIES 2015 . 6 . (11) . 19-34 L. Trifonova Price : JOURNALISTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF NOMENKLATURA NETWORKS AND MEDIA... IZVORNI ZNANSTVENI RAD / UDK 316.344.42:070.13(497.2), 316.774:070.2(497.2) / PRIMLJENO: 20.11.2014.
NOVINARSKA PERCEPCIJA UMREŽENOSTI NOMENKLATURE I MEDIJSKOG VLASNIŠTVA 19-34
. U POSTKOMUNISTIČKOJ BUGARSKOJ
(11) (11) Lada Trifonova Price . 6 .
2015 2015 SAŽETAK U članku se istražuje utjecaj bivše elite komunističke partije (nomenklature) na bugarske postkomunističke medije u kontekstu vlasništva medija i podrijetla medijskog kapitala. Kroz polustruk- turirane intervjue s medijskim stručnjacima iz bugarske prijestolnice Sofje ispituje se prije svega što
MEDIA STUDIES bugarski novinari misle o tome. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na to da bugarski novinari pokazuju veliki interes, ali i zabrinutost, za utjecaj članova bivše nomenklature i njihovih neformalnih veza na medijski sustav u Bugarskoj. Osobito su zabrinuti zbog načina na koji se bugarski mediji fnanciraju i u čijem su vlasništvu od 1989. godine. MEDIJSKE STUDIJE 34 KLJUČNE RIJEČI BUGARSKA, POSTKOMUNIZAM, NOMENKLATURA, MEDIJI, VLASNIŠTVO, NOVINARI
Bilješka o autorici Lada Trifonova Price :: Sveučilište u Shefeldu, Odjel za novinarske studije, Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo :: [email protected]