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Signed (student author).

Signed (faculty advisor)

Signed (2d advisor, if appli'eal5le)------

Thesis title Ar+-a, ,C,t,..,k' · RtA.iineJ

Date __:t.._'f'_,.L!/t !:--"-t/....3 '------Arturo A. Schomburg: RedefinedRevolutionary A.fro-Puerto-Rican Black Historian

By

Don Sidney Polite, Jr.

Leslie Brown, PhD., Advisor

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in Africana Studies

WILLIAMS COLLEGE

Williamstown, Massachusetts

May 15,2013 2

Table of Contents

Introduction••• 3

Biographical Sketch . .. 6

Schomburg, Las Dos Antillas and Antillean War of Independence ... 15

The Scholarly, Intellectual Societies and their Relation to the

Renaissance ••• 24

The American Negro Academy and the Creation of Elite Organizations... .. 26

Rivalry between the NSHRand ASNLH .. .. 29

The Negro Society for Historical Research ...31

Papers of the NSHR... .37

Carter G. Woodson and the ASNLH vs the NSHR.. . 43

Carter G. Woodson and A.A. Schomburg

Schomburg rips Woodson to pieces ....52

Schomburg asRespected Intellectual and Colleague ...56

Schomburg's Presidency, the ANA and the Talented Tenth.... 65

Valuing Schomburg for what he is ...76

Conclusion. ..79

Bibliography... 86 3

Introduction

The name Schomburg is relatively well-known to many in the fields of African-

American and Afiicana Studies, as it is attached to the Schomburg Center for Research in

Black Culture, one of the most extensive research archives to the study of the global

Black Diaspora. For his work in compiling the materials that served as foundation of this renowned collect, Puerto-Rican bornArturo Alfonso Schomburg is commonly labeled a

"bibliophile," not as an "archivist." However, his influence and activities extended far beyond the mere collection of artifacts pertaining to theglobal Black Diaspora. For this reason, Schomburg should beunderstood as more thana collectoror a bibliophile.

Understanding Schomburg has been a complex quest as several scholars have attempted to accurately capture him. In spite of the complexity of Schomburg and his work, scholarshiptends to focus on Schomburg's ethno-racial identity. For example, Earl Lewis writes in an essay, "The history of how Arturo became Arthur and yet remained Arturo is

1 the challenge for the next generation of scholars." While Schomburg's identity is a question that scholarship should grapple with, what we should learn from his life and work is the legacy that we inherit fromArturo Alfonso Schomburg.

My questions are largely informed by three major works beginning with the dissertation written by Elinor Des Verney Sinnette "ArthurAlfonso Schomburg: Black

2 Bibliophile and Collector,"the most complete biography to date. Many scholars such as

Earl Lewis, Thabiti Asukile and Lisa Sanchez Gonzalez continue to cite Sinnette's work in essays regarding Schomburg. Because this work is often the single source that runs

1 Earl lewis, "To Turn as on a Plvot:Wrlting African-Americans into a History of Overlapping Diasporas," The American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (1995). 787.

2 Elinor Des VerneySinne tte, Arthur Alfonso Schomburg: Black Bibliophile and Collector (Detroit: The Public Library and Wayne State University Press, 1989). 4

throughout subsequent studies on Schomburg, many of the assumptions and interpretations thatSinnette makes are taken at face value. A more recent extensive work on his life is necessary given the datedness ofSinnette's work. For instance, Sinnette titled her work, "Arthur AlfonsoSchomburg: Black Bibliophile and Collector." In the current moment of academic work, especially the work that I find myself a part of, Afro­ latinidad as an identity has become a much more accepted term. Given his birth on the island of , and his continued relation to these origins in his identity, I write of him as Afro-Puerto Rican Arturo AlfonsoSchomburg, to highlight his diasporic and

Puerto Rican background, instead of Anglicizing or Americanizing his identity. The implications that go along with Anglicizing his name and simply labelingSchomburg as

"Black" in its title seems to relegate his Puerto-Ri.can identity as secondary. But I believe that this should be at the forefront of any consideration on his life and works. If we reconcile the fact that a man of descent is central to the development of Black history as it is studied, we can expand the scope and complexity of the conceptions of early twentieth centuryBlackness and of Black movements.

Another contention of mine is Sinnette's placement ofSchomburg's significance in the terms of bibliophilia, which is different from archiving. Bibliophilia or collecting, carries a connotation of someone who amasses a collection as a hobby, or an aimless obsession. Schomburg's vision, ideology and influence prove that this collection of his was a means to a deliberate and calculated attempt to aid in race uplift. By re-terming him and his activities in terms of archiving, his activities become proactive socio-political practices, which give more credence to the influence thatSchomburg held. 5

In Jesse Hoffuung-Garskoff's 2001 essay "TheMigrations of ArturoSchomburg:

On Being Antillano, Negroand Puerto Rican in New York 1891-1938," he writes regarding the identity negotiations of Schomburg that, "being black fromthe West Indies in Puerto Rico, a Puerto Rican in the Cuban independence movement, a fo reign Negro in

Harlem andBrooklyn, has laid the fo undationfo r the ideas of the we

" have inherited.' Hoffuung-Garskoffgives major consideration to the ideas of overlapping Diasporas that are central to a full examination of Schomburg, but falls short of speaking to Schomburg's own socio-political vision as communicated through his own writings. That is not the case in Josianna Arroyo's 2005 essay, "Technologies:

Transculturations of Race, Gender & Ethnicity inArturo A. Schomburg's Masonic

Writings'"' where she makes a literary analysis of Schomburg's work as part of the Free

Masons, letting Schomburg's own words speak for him. While Arroyo includes

Schomburg's own writings to contextualize what his Freemasonry work suggests, she does link this adequately to theother movements of thetime. Being a contributor to the

Harlem Renaissance, Schomburg was also a product of national and international socio- political thought. I attempt to also link Schomburg to many of the other individuals, social movements and historical happenings of the era.

This is a question of reinserting Schomburg into the conversation about the early

20thcentury's Black History Movement and its figures. While his archival and bibliophilic practices are indeed what he is best known fo r, his activities within several scholarly, literary and political organizations are as much a part of his life. His vision

' Jesse Hoffnung-Garskoff, "The Migrations of Arturo Schomburg: On Being Antilla no, Negro, and Puerto Rican in New York 1891-1938," Journal of American Ethnic History 21, no. 1 (2001). 33. 4 Josslana Arroyo, "Technologies: Transculturations of Race, Gender & Ethnicity in ArturoA. Schomburg's Masonic Writings," Journalof the Center for Puerto Rican Studies 17, no. l (2005). 6 cannot be divorced from the archive that bears his name and for which he is known,but rather complements the archive. Manning Marable wrote in Living Black Historythat,

"For us, the past is not simply prologue; it is indelibly part of the fabric of our collective

5 destiny." Understanding and beingaware of one's past within the African-American communityis central to understanding our contemporarymoment, and understanding where we are going. Inreturning and reconsidering Arturo Schomburg, African-

Americans can rewrite the missing pages of the prologue of the Black History movement and imagine new conclusions for the collective.

Biographical Sketch of Schomburg

There have been many misconceptions, misrepresentations and misinformation in the gaps of scholarship on his life. To this end, it is necessaryto begin with a brief biographical sketch that can clarizymany of the un-truths that circulate about him. We must actually begin slightly before his birth to find a lens from which to see the trajectory of his life more clearly. The period of Schomburg's life that has the most uncertaintyis the first 17 ye ars and slightly before his birth as well. The uncertaintyis attributableto

Schomburg's own tendency to avoid talk of his yo uth,as well as the dearth of documentaryevidence to corroborate the facts that Schomburg did divulge, beginning with his lineage and parentage. Scholars agree that Schomburg's mother was Mary

Joseph, a woman whose own ancestrytied her to St. Thomas and other West Indian islands. But there are slight discrepancies on the filial side, appearing in two of the earliest and most cited biographical works. In "Arthur A. Schomburg: A Biographical

Essay," Victoria Ortizwrites that Schomburg's father was Carlos Federico Schomburg,a

5 ManningMarable, Living Black History: how reimagining the African-American past can remake America's racial future. (New York, NY Basic Civitas, 2006). 7

6 man of mixed German and native Indian heritage. Ina later biographical work by Des

Verney Sinnette, Schomburg's father was labeled a German-born merchant living in

th 7 Puerto Rico during the mid to late 19 century. Generally, however, believe that

Schomburg's grandfather migrated from Germany to Puerto Rico, and that Schomburg's father was born there. This fact is cited in a 2004 online article by John Anthony Lugo,8 and the story most closely coincides with accounts from Schomburg's own writings and interviews. Regardless of the exact nature of his parentage, it is clear that Schomburg wasthe child of many international and intercultural crossings, which while being an important fact, should not be the central focus of a study of Schomburg.

ArturoAlfonso Schomburg was born on January 24, 1874 in Cangrejos, Puerto

Rico; today known as Santurce. His birthday falls just 10 months after the abolition of slaveryon the island. Because of this, race and racism were ever-present realities of his childhood, helping shape him in the future. But Puerto Rico was not the only island that shaped his youth. In fact Schomburg also spent some time in the West Indian islands of

St. Thomas and St. Croix with members of his maternal family during his upbringing.

But outside of his parentage, another inquiry surrounding Schomburg's youth is the level of education he achieved. In an interview that Schomburg gave from in 1933, he claimed to have studied in at the Iustituto Portorriquefio de Educaci6n Popular and at the

College of St. Thomas (Virgin Islands). However he claimed that theserecords were destroyedin a fire. Inanother account Bernardo Vega, by tabaquero (cigar-maker) and recorder of the Puerto Rican migration experience in the early-to-mid-twentieth century,

6 Victoria Ortiz, "Arthur A. Schomburg: A Biographical Essay," in The Legacy of Arthur A. Schomburg, ed. Louis C. Young (New York, NY: The , 1986). 7 Sinnette, Arthur Alfonso Schomburg: Black Bibliophile and Collector. 8 John Anthony Lugo, "Schomburg: Cultural Education and Empowerment," http://www .autodidact project.orgfot her/schomburg1.html. 8

the only school Arturo attended as a child wasthe Institute de Parvulos (kindergarten) run by the Jesuit father in San Juan.9 From the "fuzzy" knowledge of his education one of the most commonly told stories addressing Schomburg's early inspiration for archiving the Black experience emerges.

At some point in his education a teacher charged Schomburg's class to collect information on the historical contributions people from the students' "communities" had made to the island, but adapted theassignment for Schomburg because she said Blacks had made no significant contributions to the history of Puerto Rico. What began as an attempt to prove to his teacher and classmates that Blacks were just as central to the history of Puerto Rico, would serve a dual purpose. It would prove those individuals wrong, but also instill a sense of worth and duty in Schomburg. Many scholars identify this incident as an early impetus that urged Schomburg to collect materials about the

Black diaspora, beginning with those within the island of Puerto Rico.

As for the remainder of his early years, there is scant information. In his late teens

Schomburg did some work for a tabaquero who later provided him a letter of contact for

Schomburg to take to Flor Baerga, a Puerto Rican emigrant and socio-political leader in

New York City. With this letter in hand, arrived in New York

City on April l7, 1891, before the outbreak of the Cuban War ofindependence. In New

York City Schomburg met Ramon Emeterio Betances and Flor Baerga, two well-known

Puerto Rican tabaqueros who were also independence leaders in the New York community. Such individuals were part of the emigrant Puerto-Rican working class, but they were well-versed in the revolutionary ideplogies and rhetoric of the time. Moving among revolutionary circles, Schomburg emerged as a central player in the Puerto Rican

9 Ortiz,Schomburg. 21. 9

and Cuban independence movements in New York. He and a group of contemporaries foundedthe social revolutionary club "Las Dos Antillas" in April of 1892. This group actively contributed to the Cuban cause, of which Schomburg served as the secretary for five years. He also contributed to Patria, a newspaper edited by Puerto Rican Sotero

Figueroa which served as an unofficial voice and organ of the Partido Revolucionario

Cubano (Cuban Revolutionary Party). Lastly, Schomburgjoined El Sol de Cuba Lodge

#38, a Spanish-speaking Freemason lodge in New York constituted largely of Spanish- speaking and . Schomburg was the frrst chairman of the Lodge's

Committee on Foreign Relations, where he conducted the Lodge's correspondence with other Masons in Central and South America and in the Spanish andFrench-speaking

0 Caribbean. In this role he organized andpreserved the Lodge's archives.1

In addition to his political activities, Schomburg worked and attended school to learn English. He held jobs as a printer, a porter, and a bellhop while attending night school at Central High School. Within two years, Schomburg obtained work as a teacher of Spanish, English and World History with the Adult Education Program at

11 the same school where he had been a student. For several years, this is how Schomburg sustained himself while he also continued his involvement with the several political organizations focused on Caribbean independence.

In 1895 Schomburg married an African-American woman, ElizabethHatcher. A somewhat important point in his own personal life, this year was more significant for his socio-political activities. That same year the Partido Revolucionario Cubano (PRC) officially created a Puerto Rican Section in their organization, a move that placed

10 Sinette. Black Bibliaphile. 11lugo, "Schomburg: CulturalEducation and Empowerment." 10

Schomburg and his contemporaries further into the center of the Caribbean liberation movement during the peak of the Cuban War oflndependence from Spain. In 1898 the

United States entered the war and claimed victory over the Spanish. The negotiated terms included US control of Puerto Rico and Cuba. With this development, disagreements emerged within the PRC. These disagreements revolved over the course the organizations should take moving forward. The disagreement caused the dissolution ofNew York revolutionary groups, including Los Dos Antillas. With this, Schomburg's involvement with the welfare and liberation of Puerto Rico effectively and abruptly ended.

The change offered Schomburg an opening for new opportunities. Schomburg worked as a paralegal clerk with theNew York law fumof Pryor, Mellis and Harris, and initially wanted to turn this into a career in law. He attempted to apply for the law certification exam. However, questions arose about his education and he attempted to get a letter of validation from Puerto Rico, but itwas not accepted, and he leftthe firm. But there were other changes in Schomburg's life around this point as he put things back together. Schomburg married his second wife, Elizabeth Marrow Taylor in 1902. Then on

February 1, 1906 he worked as a messenger of primarily the Latin American Department of the Bankers Trust Company. But also, most substantially for personal reasons to

Schomburg took several trips during this decade.

From the years of 1904-9, Schomburg made trips to , Santo Domingo, Cuba, the West Indies, and Panama. While most of these travels were taken aspart of hisjob as a messenger, these trips served a personal purpose for Schomburg. From his childhood,

Schomburg had spent his time within the islands of Puerto Rico and the other West

Indies. In his early adulthood his passion centered on the revolutionary movements of the 11 two Antillean islands of Puerto Rico and Cuba. Thesetravels put him into contact with people from thesurrounding areas, people of similar revolutionary spirit. While he does not explicitly write about these travels, his later writings included essays on General

Maceo, the Afro-Cuban general, Toussaint L'Ouverture who led the Haitian Revolution and the revolution in smaller islands such as St. Lucia. Schomburg not only found and collected evidence of larger revolutionary sentiments, but also learned that these movements were often led by those of African-descent, solidi:l)'ing his belief that these movements had contributed to the historyof the African diaspora. With theclose of this decade, Schomburg emerged with a more global outlook on his feelings of revolution, as well as the globalhistorical contributions of those of his race. More than this, Schomburg found that the amassing of the evidence and materials on the history and culture of Black people, and the scholarship of these peoples and events was the ideal way to combine his revolutionary yearnings with his interest in theBlack diaspora. These materials became part of what was later known as the Schomburg Collection, an important archive.

Most significantly, Schomburg at the turnon this decade founded, along with

John Edward Bruce (Bruce Grit), the Negro Society for Historical Research (NSHR) in

1911, an organization dedicated specifically for the goal of the collecting of these materials. The first lecturer invited by this society was Alain Locke whose presentation was on December 9, 1911 at Sunny Slope Farm and was titled The Question of a Race

Tradition. Locke was important in reaffmning Schomburg's belief of the importance of examining bothAfrican roots and universal Black history and experience. The fruits of this relationship between Locke and Schomburg resulted in Locke himself editing

Schomburg's English writings. With the encouragement he received from Locke and 12

Bruce "Grit" took form in Schomburg's paper "Racial Integrity: A Plea for the

Establishment of a Chair of Negro History in Our Colleges ." This paper was delivered at

Cheney University in Pennsylvania in 1913, and is one of Schomburg's most frequently cited personal works. As a result of his growing influence in the early Black History

Movement, Schomburg, withthe support of those such as Bruce and Locke, was elected into the American Negro Academy (ANA) in 1914, an organization of the most elite

African-American men dedicated to the advancement of the race.

The American Negro Academy had many of the same goals as the Negro Society for Historical Research, but was different in several ways as well. Just like the NSHR, the

ANA supported educational and scholarly work on, about and by Black men for the advancement of the race. Nonetheless, the membership into the ANA was by election of current members only, yielded a more "elite" membership of scholars than that of the

Negro Society, with scholars such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Alain Locke and James Weldon

Johnson. The papers and presentations submitted by the ANA were expected to adhere to more stringent academic guidelines. The sameyear Schomburg earned acceptance in the

ANA, he also married his third wife Elizabeth Green, his final marriage. With this final

12 marriage, Schomburg also had his last four of seven total children. Throughout all of this, Schomburg stayed true to and advanced within the ranks of the Masons. By this time the Lodge had built more diverse membership with African-Americans taking a larger role than Puerto Rican and Cubans . By 1918, Schomburg himself rose to the rank of

Grand Secretary to the Grand Lodge. He held a tremendous amount of responsibility in comparison with his beginnings within the lodge El Sol de Cuba. Working within the

12 Sinette, Block Bibliophile. Maximo Gomez, Arturo Alfonso Jr, Kingsley Guarionez (Elizabeth Hatcher), Reginald Sta nfield, Nathaniel Jose Fernando Alfonso, Dolores Maria, Carlos Placido (Elizabeth Green). 13

ranks of the Masons, while maintaining his dedication to scholarly organizations such as the NSHR and the ANA, and working as a supervisor within the Bankers Trust Company,

Schomburg continued to growhis personal archive.

During the 1920's Schomburg attained some of his greatest and most lasting

achievements. He reached his peak within the ranks of the Free Masons, and in 1920,

Schomburg also was elected president of the American Negro Academy, a position he

would hold for nine years, until l929. However, his dedication to theFree Masons, his job at theBankers Trust Company, as well as his own archival practices were all factors that eventually Jed to the decline of the his health. Nevertheless, the onset of the Harlem

Renaissance, or New Negro Renaissance, coincided with the greatest influence of

Schomburg's life. In 1926, aftertwo years of planning, Schomburg donated his personal collection to Negro Division of Literature, History and Prints, a special collection within

the New York Public Library System, with the help of the CarnegieFoundation who

donated $10,00 for the acquisition of this collection. Schomburg was initially denied the

opportunityto serve as the curator to this collection due to oppositionfrom the likes of

CarterG. Woodson and W.E.B. DuBois who believed that he did not have the academic credentials to adequately fulfill this role. Nonetheless, the Schomburg Collection was the

most extensive and impressive of all that rival collectors, archivists andbibliophiles had compiled during this period.

The collection served many purposeswithin the context of the Harlem

Renaissance as figures such as andWoodson often sought out

Schomburg for information and counsel. Around this time, Schomburg earned the

Williams E. Hannon Award for outstanding work in the field of education as he often 14

used his own collection and the NYPL system as an opening into teaching about the global Black diaspora. However, his declining health and relentless work ethic eventually weighed on Schomburg. In 1926 he stepped down from his position within the Masons.

Just a few years later, the Bankers Trust Company, for which Schomburg had become a supervisor in the Latin American correspondence department, urged him into retirement, largely citing his health. This, combined with the eventual dissolution of the American

Negro Academy, left Schomburg in a position where his life again needed redirection.

Seeking a new beginning, Schomburg went down to where he served as curator for a year from 1930- 193 1 of the Negro Collection of the library. Here,

Schomburg continued collecting rare materials concerning the Black diaspora, increasing their holdings by over 4,000 volumes. But Fisk could not maintain his services long-term.

After leaving Fisk in 1932 Schomburg made another trip abroad, his first in years.

This next trip led him to Cuba, where upon his returnhe fmally achieved the position of

th curator for the collection he had donated to the !35 Street Branch Library. As part of his activities he organized a series of exhibits highlighting Afro-Cuban artists. As the

Renaissance waned during the Great Depression and with it the literary scene of Harlem,

Schomburg grew increasingly disillusioned and depressed. Many of his personal letters in his last years spoke of reminiscence to the Caribbean islands of his youth, or his frustration for other Black intellectual leaders. For example, in a letter to Wendell P.

Dabney on August 19, 1937 Schomburg wrote, "I am sick and tired of the conditions that

I see every night in Harlem. I am still dreaming of going to theVirgin Islands and spending the remainder of my life in the calm and solicitude that can only be had in such 15

13 a restful place." Nonetheless, he remained steadfast in his commitment to using his archival practices to educate people about the global worth, dignity and importance of the

African diaspora .to world history.

On June 10, 1938 at the age of 64, Arturo Schomburg died at the Madison Park

Hospital in fromcomplications stemming froma tooth infection. He was buried in the Cypress Hills Cemetery. Yet, in his death Schomburg still did not receive the credit and respect that was deserving of his life's commitment. His obituary published within theNYPL system, wrote his nameincorrectly, an oversight by theinstitution that benefitted most from his collection. It was several years before theNegro Collection of

History, Literature and Prints was appropriately renamed in his honor, a step towards

1 bestowing on him the respect that his life deserved. 4

Schomburg, Las Dos Antillas and Antillean War of Independence

Arturo Schomburg transplanted many of the same energies, ideas, rhetoric of the

Caribbean independence movements, and incorporated them into his concern for the

Black race. Schomburg had not merely moved on from Caribbean independence, rather these experiences working with Las Dos Antillas and the PRC informed his next actions.

Schomburg was still a Puerto Rican born, Antillean revolutionary, but went on to found new ways to reinterpretwhat revolution meant, and the ways he wished to accomplish its goals.

Schomburg arrived in at the age of 17 in 1891. By this time, the build-up to the Cuban War oflndependence from Spain was well underway. Like many

Puerto Rican emigrants before him, Schomburgmoved toNew York to join the

"Schomburg to Dabney, August 19, 1937. Schomburg Papers, SCRBC. 14 Sl nette, Black Bibliophile. Lugo, "Schomburg." Ortiz, "A Biographical Essay." 16

revolutioruuy exiles that were building a community there. It was this purpose--to support the Revolution--that brought Schomburg to the originally, not to begin the extensive archive for which he is known. Nor was hls primary preoccupation with the US

African-American community. Instead, Schomburg wished to integrate into the Cuban and Puerto Rican revolutionary community and dedicate hlmself whole-heartedly to this cause. These early years within this movement however, offer a lens from which to view

Schomburg's life and works.

Jose Marti, the Cuban poet known as a symbol for Cuban nationalism, proved to be much more than a propagandist anda symbol for Schomburg. Marti was exiled from

Cuba years before for inciting revolution on the island. He visited Tampa Bay, Florida, in

November of 1891, where Marti authored the Tampa Resolutions, the prelude to what became the Bases of the Cuban Revolutioruuy Party. The Tampa Resolutions had four significant parts whlch dictated the ways the Cuban War of Independence would be organized. They set up the design of the Cuban Revolutionary Party, or Partido

Revolucionario Cubano (PRC), the official organ of the Revolution. These resolutions were the direct roots of the official breakout of the war. In a dissertation, Marshall

Macdonald True analyzes the Bases of the Cuban Revolutioruuy Party. In intentional design, the Cuban Revolutionary Party decided to unite all the varying and diverse revolutioruuy clubs under one umbrella, but in a loose nexus. True writes that,

Each club functioned as a self-sufficient unity; if one were discovered,

the others would remain intact. The Cubans hoped that by leaving the local

clubs much independence as possible the Spanish might mistake one

revolutioruuy club for the entire movement ....The clubs themselves were to 17

be governed by a regional council which was generally composed of the

presidents of the local clubs. The members of the regional council would

receive their instructions from the national officers, the Delegate and the

Treasurer. These two national officers would be elected annually by the

local clubs voting through the regional councils.15

Within this power structure, final decisions dependedon one office, that of Delegate. The office of the delegate, the central governing body was headedby the Tomas Estrada

Palma. The Delegate exercised virtual dominion over the rest of the PRC. Throughout

1892 then, Marti's chief task was to convince the Cubans that the PRC spoke for all

Cuban separatists and had genuine prospects for success. Marti's actions centered on

NYC, where in 1892, he established a working organization, a council, which served as the nerve centerfor the PRC. On April 10 1892, the first meeting of theNY council was held in Military Hall.16

While Marti was concerned with Cuban independence, Puerto Rican involvement was present fromthe onset. In fact, many such as Puerto Rican emigrant leader and PRC delegate in Paris, Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances throughouthis book Las Antillas para los Anti llanos, and throughout his ideology, used the term"Antillean" to refer to the commonalities of the two islandsP For Marti, and many Cubans, the two Antillean islands were linked in their subordination to Spanish rule. As such, both should work together. For example, Puerto Rican exile served as one of the Cuban

Marti's editorial assistants on Patria, the voice of the PRC and the main source of

15 Marshall Macdonald True, "Revolutionaries in Exile: The Cuban Revolutionary Party, 1891-1898" (University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1965). 50. 16 Sinnette, Black Bibliophile. 17 Ramon Emeterio Betances, ed. Las Anti/las Para Los Ant/llanos (San Juan, Puerto Rico: lnstituto de Cultura Puertorriquena, 1975). 18 propaganda and information for the war. Also, Puerto Rican patriot General Rius Rivera,

Puerto Rican patriot, succeeded him as the main military leader in Cuba following the death of General Antonio Maceo in 1897. Moreover, and even in the TampaResolutions,

Marti expressed that thePRC would contribute aid to the liberation of Puerto Rican island. For Marti, and many Cubans, the two Antillean islands were linked in their subordination to Spanish rule, as such, both should work together. But Cuban assistance to Puerto Rico was not just a strategy of Marti's to gain support from this similarly revolutionary community. In fact, Carol AnnPreece noted in her dissertation that in 1896 the Assembly of the Cuban Republic, which served as the planning committee on the

Cuban island, approved a plan for invasion of Puerto Rico for the fall of 1897, contingent

18 upon funds being provided by EstradaPalma, thePRC delegate. Under these conditions, there included a Puerto Rican Directory to the PRC led by Julio Henna,

Roberto H. Todd andSotero Figueroa. With such intense Puerto Rican involvement, the

Cuban Waroflndependence offered many opportunities for individuals such as

Schomburg to play an important role.

Within the design of the PRC, which was constituted as a collection of singular local revolutionary clubs with autonomy reporting their activities to the headquarters,

Schomburg and his contemporaries founded Las Dos Antillas in New York in April1892.

Seen through the lens of the PRC's function, Las Dos Antillas was not just an isolated social revolutionary club, but was a part of the greater organization and nexus of the PRC and Antillean (Cuban and Puerto Rican) liberation movement. Through the next few years, Schomburg served as secretary andproved an integral partof this organization. He

18 Carol Ann Preece, "Insurgent Guests: The Cuban RevolutionaryParty and Its Activities in the United States, 1892-1898" (University of Michigan Microfilm, 1976). 19

kept copious notes, andother documents. In this way, Schomburg demonstrated not only his dedication to this movement at the mere age of 21, but also the significance of this particular club within the overall scheme of the Antillean liberation movement in NYC.

In the Regulations of the political club Las Dos Antillas, Schomburg and his contemporaries laid out their vision, and how their vision fit within the folds of the PRC.

For example in the first few articles, the Regulations clearly state the purpose of the club.

Articles 1 and 3 specifically state that, "The Political Club 'Las Dos Antillas' constitutes itself to effectively contribute to the independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico" and that,

" ... the war funds will not be prepared until Cuba or Puerto Rico sets off the armed movement. "19 This club specifically was concernedwith the joint liberation of Cuba along with Puerto Rico. As part of their constitution and regulations, members made it so that as they collected monies from each member, funds designated for weapons would be withheld until the war officially broke out on the islands. And fo llowing with the overall rules of the .PRC as set out by Marti, the club determined through its Constitution to maintain discretion of the group's membership and activities, even to not acknowledge each other as members on the street, in order to preserve the autonomy of the singular group, while maintaining the security of the PRC at-large. The roles of the various Board members were included within the Constitution. Article 22 states that, "The secretary will carrythe books of minutes and will make the calls to meeting by order of the President; will carry the public andprivate correspondence with the approval of the .President and

19 Translation my own. "Reglamento Del Club Politico "Las Dos Antillas"," ed. Las Dos Anti lias (New York City1892). 20

20 will send a copy of this Regulation to each of the new partners." Lastly, in one of the ending articles, Las Dos Antillas stated that it would not dissolve until the islands of

Cuba and Puerto Rico were constituted as independent nations. However well-meaning these regulations were, the significance and actions of Las Dos Antillas and Schomburg himself must be judged by the realities, not simply the ideas as dictated within the constitution.

The young Schomburg assumed the role of secretary through severalre-elections.

Furthermore, in several instances, such as on April 9, 1893, Schomburg himself dictated to the other members concerning the actions and decisions of the club as a whole. It was a heavy responsibility for a young man who had just turned22 years old to direct men who were many years his senior. These men, who included Las Dos Antillas president

Rosendo Rodriguez, had made their place within revolutionary circles in New York for several years before Schomburg's arrival in New York. They nonetheless respected

Schomburg's dedication and reliability. One of the most significant meetings of the club occurred on October 6, 1895, in MilitaryHall, the initial meeting place of the central organ of the PRC three years earlier. Las Dos Antillas hosted Puerto RicanPatriots

1 Gerardo Forrest, G. Rivas, and Dr. Eugenio S. Agrarnonte/ significant individuals within the context of the Cuban revolutionary movement. Forrest and Rivas had emigrated to Venezuela permanently, which shows the reach of both the PRC in Latin

America, but also the reach of Las Dos Antillas. In his notes, Schomburg attempted to

20 "Reglamento." "EI Secreta rio llevan! el libro de Aetas y han! las convocatorias a Junta por orden del Presidente; llevara Ia correspondencia publica y privada con el visto bueno del Presidente y enviara una copia de este Reglamento a cada uno de los nuevos socios." 21 "Las Dos Antillas Political Club Minutes: SCRBC. October 6, 1895. The fttstname was illegible, assuch, the initialG. will beused for Rivas. 21 quote Rivas and Forrest when they spoke of how their Jove of the homeland had caused them to seek the most effectivemeans of obtaining absolute Antillean independence. The words of these two pa1riots, inspired Schomburg and he spent much more time expanding upon the notes of this meeting. The meeting ended, however, with the words of Dr.

Agramonte, an individual who was related to the planning of supplying arms andtroops for a Puerto Rican invasion as dictated by the Assembly of the CubanRepublic. Despite the actions of the club in con1ributing ftmds and propaganda that assisted the Cuban War oflndependence, and this group'srelation to such people as Sotero Figueroa, Agramonte and even Marti, it did not last. Several years later in 1898, with the United States' involvement in the Cuban war, and America's subsequent victory over Spain, disagreements emerged amongst the PRC. Members argued over the extent to which

Puerto Rico and Cuba were free nations, and they reached no consensus as to the actions

22 they should take. The PRC dissolved and Las Dos Antillas along with it.

Despite the limited success of Las Dos Anti!las in the context of Antillean independence, Schomburg nonetheless moved in and was influenced by the Caribbean revolutionary circles. The fact that he was a significant figure amongst older men, demonstrated not only his dedication to themovement, and to the ideas of Caribbean independence, but also the respect that he had earned. This early experience shaped

Schomburg's orientation and relation to the world. In later years andas he travelled in academic circles, disillusiomnent with the failures of Las Dos Antillas and the revolution led Schomburg to devote his time and energies to Black history. Although seemingly

Schomburg had lost interest with Caribbean independence, and in essence had

" Sinnette,Black Bibliophile. 22

disassociated himself from those leaningsto identify himself as African-American, in reality, he had begun to see himself andpeople of Africandescent as partof a larger world. Indeed, to dissociate these two from each other limits our understandings of

Schomburg and the significance this early period had on his life, his ways of viewing the world and his later actions.Between the end of the war and until the founding of the

Negro Society of Historical Research in 19 11, Schomburg travelledthrough several places in the Caribbean and Latin America, and began to view Blacks throughout these regions as part of a similar link. In an article he wrote for W.E.B. DuBois's Crisis magazine in July 19 12, we can see this continuity emerge for Schomburg, the link between his Caribbean independence work and the Black history archival work for which he is knowtt

Schomburg articulated this connection in thearticle titled "General Evaristo

Estenoz" in DuBois's Crisis magazine. The article gave details about the life and actions of aBlack political leader in Cuba. In it, Schomburg gave an accurate, albeit short description of the Independent Party of Color or Partido Independiente de Color (PIC) in

Cuba. According to Schomburg, the PIC was formed through the joint efforts of war and revolutionary veteran Estenoz andBlack Cuban intellectual Rafael Serra. While initially seen as an organization that would fade in time, in just over a year's time the PIC had garnered substantial enough portion of Black voters to advance a political agenda that included advocating for a fair proportion of appointive positions for Blacks. Schomburg noted that in order to crush this political body, white Cubans used a Negro senator M.

Morua Delgado to pass an amendment to declare that the party which was based on race was unconstitutional, andarrested severalBlack leaders of the PIC on the eve of the 23 election. Schomburg's coverage of theseevents is unique as most African-American scholars were unaware of these events, and Cuban media largely avoided its mention.

Schomburg's knowledge of these events was indicative of the connections he had in the global community.

But furtherthan this, it was the language in the concluding paragraphs that are most revealing. Inmentioning the leaders of the PIC, Schomburg wrote, "They are hunted by spies, threatened with imprisomnent, and misrepresented in the press whenever

23 they attempt to assert their rights.'. The fa ct that Schomburg was aware of the murder and hunting of Black leaders of the PIC is significant in that for many years this incidence was not mentioned much within Cuba since it was depicted as a race war instead of a hunt and murder for Black leaders. In the concluding paragraph Schomburg wrote, "The black men of Cuba have taken to the woods because conditions are intolerable, because, as my friend, the late Jose Marti, the apostle of Cuban freedom said:

'So long as there remains one injustice to repair in Cuba, the revolutionary redemption hasnot finished its work. "'24 While the article may be one of Schomburg's lesser known and lesser acclaimed works, its significance is overlooked in context withthe point of his life and the activities that he began to develop. Schomburg had been over a decade removed from the end of the Cuban War oflndependence, and by this point was supposed to have left this aspect of his life in the past. In this concluding paragraph,

Marti reemerges. Schomburg had not forgotten or become disillusioned with theidea of independence and revolution. He merely had begun to distill those same fires.

Years later for Schomburg, Marti still symbolized liberation, revolution and

23 Arthur Schomburg, "General Evaristo Estenoz," 4, no. 3 (1912). 143. 24 Schomburg, "Estenoz." 144. 24 independence. But in light of the war, he was also aware of the ways in which Black

Cubans were left out of the benefits and spoils of the victory that should have been theirs.

Instead, between US economic and political interests, and the power of white Cubans,

Blacks were suffering within the island context, similarly to the ways in which US blacks were suffering from white oppression. In addition, what was promised by Marti was a society in which racial discrimination would be non-existent, where Black Cubans would receive all the rights and privileges of their counterparts. But Schomburg was cognizant of the fact that the revolution against Spain had failed in delivering this promise.

Schomburg had spent too much of his life embroiled and involved in ideas of Antillean independence and working under the ideas of Marti and Caribbean revolutionaries to merely move on from this endeavor to which he had devoted much of his early life. But he also saw the ways in which Antillean independence still leftothers oppressed, many of the samepeople who had fought in the Cuban War, whether on the battlefields or in the political clubs of the PRC. Further, his travels throughout the Caribbean, Haiti and Latin

America had opened his eyes to thecommunal condition of global Blacks, issues that could not simply be solved withnationhood. The sparks of revolution still drove

Schomburg, but he had found a different venue from which to stage his fight.

The Scholarly, Intellectual Societies and their Relation to the

The Harlem Renaissance is mostly identified as a 1920's phenomenon phasing out with theGreat Depression in the 1930's. Renaissance, as it was also called, was an era of race consciousness and race pride solidified as a movement to 25

undennine public, primarily white, assumptions about Black people.25 But roots of the

ideologies that became central to the Harlem or New Negro Renaissance began years

earlier. Several organizations served as the impetus for scholarly andliterary production

that characterized the Harlem Renaissance and the work of writers such as James Weldon

Johnson and Alain Locke. These establishments planted the seeds for the ideologies of

the Renaissance, namely increasing literature and study about Black people and by Black

scholars. These groups also facilitated the networks of the most in:fluential African-

Americans who communicated with each other through these organizations. As such,

they can also beseen as the engines of Black thought and politics of the time. Since these

collections granted the opportunity fo r many of these individuals to share ideas, the

publishings were a great source that fueled the Harlem Renaissance.

Three of the mostsignificant scholarly organizations that emerged during this

time were: the American Negro Academy (ANA) founded in 1897, the Negro Society for

Historical Research (NSHR) fo unded in 1911 and the Association for the Study of Negro

Life and History (ANSLH) founded in 1915. Schomburg served as the president for the

ANA for its last nine years of existence and he co-founded and served as secretary of the

Negro Society for Historical Research in 1911 alongside his friend and mentor John

Edward Bruce "Grit." Schomburg was neither a fo under, nor a member of the

Association for the Study ofNegro Life and History, which was fo unded as alternative to

· the NSHR. The ASNLH was founded in 1915 by Carter G. Woodson, commonly referred

to as the "Father of Black History," who launched the Jo urnalof Negro History, now the

Jo urnal of Afr ican-American History, an academic journal which still runs to this day.

25 Alain Locke, ed. The New Negro: Voices of the Harlem Renaissance (New York: Simon Schuster, 1925). David Levering Lewis, When Harlem Wos in Vogue (New York: , 1989). 26

Woodson often stood against Schomburg, the former believing more than the latter the demand for fo rmal scholarship as an assessment of intellectualism in the drive for racial progress. This was a major area of disagreement between Woodson and Schomburg, albeit Woodson's group and its influence stood the test of time. But Schomburg is no mere fo otnote. Rather he was a major player of the Harlem Renaissance. While his archival and bibliophilic practices are indeed what he is best known fo r, his activities withinthese organizations was very much a part of his vision. This vision cannot be divorced from the archive that bears his name and for which he is known and gives extra context to the life, work and understanding of the historian Arturo Alfonso Schomburg.

The American Negro Academy and the Creation of Elite Organizations

The American Negro Academy, the first major black American learned society, was founded March 5, 1897, in Washington DC. The ANA was created in response to several factors at the end of the 19thcentury. Educated, successful and professional

Blacks had to deal with fo rced segregation from their white counterparts, which left

Blacks without an official outlet for their voices and works. Furthermore, these individuals were also influenced by an outgrowth in the birth of a numerous cultural and learned societies by other American ethnic groups in the 1880's. Many of these groups took the fo rm of historical societies, producing literature, providing propaganda and group defense. The historian Alfred Moss writes, "Many blacks were aware of both these movements-the forming of professional andlearned organizations, and the fo unding of ethnic cultural societies. They both occurred during the same years that black Americans were attempting to strengthen the institutional life of their increasingly segregated 27

26 communities, and were important models." With these fo rmer groups as models, Blacks began to form their own organizations, creating their own outlet where their voice and thought truly flourished.

At the urging of individuals such as William H. Crogman, professor and later president at Clark College, known today as Clark Atlanta University; Richard R. Wright, president of State Industrial College for Colored Youth, which is today

Savannah State University; and Francis Grimke, who later helped fo und the National

Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the American Negro Academy was founded by African-American theologian Alexander Crummell. Crummell was an early advocate and proponent of Pan-African ideology, a belief that the fates of all those of

African descent worldwide are intertwined. Among the others who were some of the co- fo unders of this organization included, historian, educator and lawyer John Wesley

Cromwell who is most known for his book The Negro in American History: Men and

Women Eminent in the Evolution of the American of Afr ican Descent; the great African-

American poet, playwright andnovelist Paul Lawrence Dunbar; clergyman Walter B.

Hayson; and mathematician/scientist Kelly Miller. The initial constitution theof ANA dictates that,

This Academy is an organization of authors, scholars, artists and those

distinguished in other walks of life, men of African descent, for the promotion of

Letters, Science and Art; for the creation, as far as possible, of a form of

intellectual taste; for the encouragement and assistance of youthful, but hesitant

26 Alfred A. Moss Jr., The American Negro Academy: Voice at the Talented Tenth (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). 15. 28

scholarship; for the stimulation of incentive and artistic powers; and for the

promotion of the publication of works ofmerit.27

Its statement of purpose or mission laid out a vision, one that encouraged the ANA to develop as a cultural movement that undergirded the Harlem Renaissance.

The American Negro Academy attempted to unite African-American individuals who had achieved great distinction in various spheres of life. In many ways, the

American Negro Academy can be seen as the physical and institutional manifestation of the "Talented Tenth" thesis, at least in terms of arts and letters. 28 What increasingly made this group even more exclusive was the admittance process. The ANA allowed itself 50 fe llows or core members at any given time. As outlined in the Constitution, "Vacancies in the fellowship of the Academy shall be filled by selection from members of the

Academy,"29 who nominated voted on subsequent candidates. In essence, a prospective fe llow in the Academy not only hadto be a man of distinction within the African-

American community and in their respective fields, but their worth was judeged and respected by the current members. Gaining admission was evidence of his acknowledged significance and contributions to the African-American intellectual community by individuals of a similar ilk. Despite the membership of many of the most significant individuals of the period, and the fact that itsurvived until almost 1930, the ANA coUld not outlast the fo rmation of other, similar organizations.

There were several factors that went into the ultimate demise of the American

Negro Academy. The lack of continuous programming from the ANA made it difficult to

27 Constitution of the American Negro Academy. Papers, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture (SCRBC). 28 W.E.B. Du Bois, The Souls of Block Folk (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007). 29 Constitution of the American Negro Academy. 29

hold the ANA and its members together. Competition from otherorganizations and societies, such as the Negro Society for Historical Research and the Association for the

Study ofNegro Life and History, which had more precise ideas and goals, drew down efforts from the ANA. Another factor that played significantly into the hardships that doomed the ANA was the fact that the ANA was not supported by Booker T. Washington starting from its fo unding. Because of Washington's support of industrial education, and his implicit endorsement of black accommodation to southern racial practices, he was not necessarily a proponent of the ANA's endeavor, which made consistent fm ancial

30 contributions a constraint. Nonetheless, the American Negro Academy in many ways served asthe archetype for future societies, and served the role as a scholarly organization that put individuals in contact with each other, out of which future collaborations and partnerships grew. Eventually during the 1910's, the American Negro

Academy was overshadowed by NSHR and ASNLH, which drew members and ideas from the ANA.

Rivalry between the NSHR and ASNLH

The Harlem Renaissance had its roots in the decades prior to the 1920's. While part of the impetus ofthe Harlem Renaissance was grounded in thenorthward migration of African-Americans in search of work in urban cities, the fo undations of the intellectual and artistic movement that is a central characteristic of the Harlem Renaissance began decades earlier as several Black intellectuals, thinkers, scholars and activists began to band together for joint cooperation. This collaboration between the Black elite, led to an outgrowth of Black research societies, organizations and voluntary associations founded by some of the most influential individuals of the time. The most well-known of these

30 Moss, "The American Negro Academy." 124. 30

organizations to this day remains the Association fo r the Study ofNegro Life and History

(ASNLH), currently the Association for the Study of African-American Life and History

(ASALH). This organization is inherently tied to Carter G. Woodson. The ASNLH, formed in 1915, established the Journal of Negro History which cemented its influence by disseminating scholarship, and provided Woodson with the moniker that scholars and students of Black Studies often use today.

Too often, however, we fail to acknowledge the other people and organizations that both preceded and co-existed with Woodson, his organization and his supporters, among them Arturo Schomburg and the Negro Society for Historical Research. The

Negro Society for Historical Research (NSHR) was co-founded in 1911 by Schomburg along with John Edward Bruce"Grit," fo ur years before Woodson established the

ASNLH. In his book, Voices of a Black Nation, Theodore G. Vincent details what led to these two particular organizations being brought to the fo refront, as well as their link to the Harlem Renaissance. Two coteries or cohorts of black intellectuals emerged in the

31 years prior the World War I: self-trained scholars and university-trained scholars.

This split was pre-existent, although the public only became aware ofthe divide in the late 1910's. Although the split was already existent, there remained work across the lines, held together by common interests in the improvement of racial conditions. But agreeing with Vincent, Ralph L. Crowder in his book, John Edward Bruce he also states that the "two fa ctions congregated around distinct historical study groups," namely the

ASNLH and the NSHR, as the uncovering of the Afro-American and African past was

" Theodore G. Vincent, Voices of a Black Nation: Political Journalism In the Harlem Renaissance (San Francisco, CA: Ramparts Press, 1973). 31

seen as a central facet of the Renaissance.32 The fo rmer, the ASNLH, was fo rmed and led by Woodson and Benjamin Brawley, another Afiican-American author and educator. The latter, the NSHR, was co-founded by Schomburg and his mentor John Edward Bruce. But the differences and distinctions between the two groups were deeper than a simple delineation between self-trained historians and university-trained black scholars. These distinctions emerged as early as the fo unding of these respective organizations and the vision each one decided to take.

The NSHR

In a letter, John Edward Bruce writes, "About a year ago, I conceived the idea of organizing a society of Black and Colored men, to be known as the "Sons of Afiica ...to embrace in its membership men of all the darker races who have a grievance of any sort against the race which is now dominating the earth... We must organize to secure uniformity of utterance and action among the darker races and to meet organized wrong with intelligently organized resistance."33 Although it served as a speech given two years afterthe fo unding of the Negro Society for Historical Research, this letter to an undisclosed group of "gentlemen" displayed some of the founding tenets and ideologies that Schomburg and Bruce fundamentally believed would hold them and their contemporaries together in the founding, organization and maintenance of the NSHR.

One of thebasic tenets of Bruce's ideology was based on the sense of a racial identity that originated in Afiica. Furthermore, because he believed in a greater communal sense of global Black identity, it was the moral imperative of all such self-identifiedpersons to work and collaborate together for racial uplift. This wasa group effort to effectively

32 Ralph L Crowder, John Edward Bruce: Politician, Journalist, and Self- Trained Historican of the African Diaspora (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2004). 33 John Edward Bruce to "Gentlemen," 1913, John Edward Bruce Papers, SCRBC. 32

displace the hegemonic party that was oppressing the race the world over, namely the white race, and the NSHRserved as an early example of the roots of Afiicana ideology.

A similar branch of ideology can be seen in the constitution of the Negro Society for Historical Research which states, "The Negro Society for Historical Research has been fo unded fo r thepurpose of collecting data, pamphlets, books bearing upon the history and achievements of the Negro race: to establish a circulating library for its members, the special fe atures of which will be the published writings of the Negro and the Negro's friends upon subj ects that enlighten and encourage the race in its struggles upwards."34 In this statement of purpose, the Society made it known that its scope was truly more of a sense of collective Blackness that transcended the solely African-

American experience. In fa ct, in this section there is no direct reference to the or the American experience at all. Also, specific goals were set out by the NSHR in their ultimate desire to help the race move "upwards" in society. The primary tactic as laid out in this statement of purpose was the "collection of material," which fit in with the archival practices of Schomburg andBruce. Archival, in my use implies that the person in question had a broader social vision for which to engage in this specific practice. As supported by the words in this constitution, the collecting of these materials served as evidence of the "history and achievements of the Negro," which underlines their greater social purpose. Secondary to this was the writing of papers by those of Negro descent, and allies that would also serve as encouragement and enlightemnent for the Black,

Colored or Negro race. As such, these materials served the purpose of building up the pride and self-worth of this community. These collected materials formed the basis for

34 •constitution of the Negro Society of Historical Research." 1911. John Edward Bruce Papers. Misc. 55, p. 13. SCRBC. 33

which the university-trained scholars rewrote history. Thus, without these materials as

evidence, history could not be rewritten fo r the Black diaspora.

In order to do this, the group following Schomburg and Bruce had to be of a certainmindset and belief. This is also evidenced in the constitution under the headline of

"Qualifications." This section says, "Qualifications for members shall be character and intelligence, Race Love, a strong desire to know its history, and a belief in its possibilities

35 and its rights to claim equality with any other race or people." These were the only qualifications listed within the constitution, and they reflect the vision of the kind of individuals they would accept within their organization. While they upheld "character" and "intelligence," intelligence as such was not measured in terms of levels of education or attaimnent of degrees. As a matter of fact, neither Schomburg nor Bruce possessed degrees. But that did not factor explicitly into their approximation of "intelligence." In terms of character, they desired individuals with a particular moral or personal fiber.The link between character and intelligence was personified in the backgrounds of both John

EdwardBruce and Schomburg. Character could be enveloped by a display of determiuation, dedication and sincerity in their work, and the terms encapsulated part of their image of what a member would look like. Furthermore, the constitution declared that a member should display "Race Love," which manifested itself through the desire to know the value of its history and a belief in global equality. This spoke to an international race equal to any and all people, determined primarily through a reclaiming and uncovering of history. Through "Race Love" a member showed loyalty to global peoples of color, not singularly those solely within American borders.

35 Constitution of the NSHR, Qualifications. 34

Among the original members was W.E. Braxton, who served as the Art director and helped create the letterhead of membership. W.W. Weekes served as the musical clirector and David B. Fulton served technically as librarian for the Society. This left John

Edward Bruce as President with Schomburg serving the dual roles of secretary-treasurer.

Although Fulton held the title of librarian, the majority of the Society's collection was derived from Schomburg's personal collection, and he continued to be the most dedicated collector of them all. Schomburg was in essence the de-facto librarian and archivist. The organization in its first year built allies among a large and diverse group of individuals including Anna Julia Cooper, James J. Dossen amongst others.

From 1911 to 1912, the Society led by Bruce and Schomburg sent out a large number ofletters electing individuals to membership in the NSHR. The individuals that they chose also reflected the values as stated within the letter by Bruce, and the

th constitution of the society. For example, on October 24 of 19 11, Schomburg received a letter fromJames J. Dossen, then the Vice-President of Liberia, who was later elected as president of Liberia College in 1913. In this letter, Dossen writes glowingly of the purpose and aims of the society before answering, "it is therefore with the highest pleasure that I accept becoming an honorary member of the society and shall do whatever

36 lies in my power to promote its development and success" and asking for information on what is required from members. But he was not the only individual to receive letters of election as there are also letters to individuals in Edinburgh, Scotland as well as other countries in . At the same time Bruce and Schomburg were not simply fo cused on growing their global cohort, they remained interested in their local communities as well, as is evidenced in a letter to the Principal of the Banneker School in Washington, D.C.

36 James J. Dossen to Schomburg, October 24, 1911. John Edward Bruce Papers, SCRBC. 35

In this Jetter, Bruce writes "The Negro Society for Historical Research of

Yonkers, having learnedthat there is in the city of Washington a school for Negro youth named in honor of Benjamin Banneker ...desire to present to the school through your board, a Bronze tablet bearing the fa ce of Benjamin Banneker and a brief record of his public service." Inthis short letter, Bruce also made it a point to layout some of the brief achievements of this important individual who he deemed as, "our fam ed Negro

37 Astronomer and Civil Engineer." Although much has been made of their dedication to the global race, there is much also to be said for the work the NSHR attempted to do for those within their own communities, particularly in terms of education of the youth. This bronze tablet served as another mark of evidence to enlighten and encourage the youth.

But this was not the only instance of which they demonstrated their goals of reaching youth.

In another letter, Bruce writes to the editors of the New York Age, an in:fluential

Black newspaper. Addressed simply to "The Editor'' and signed as the President of the

NSHR, Bruce admonished a teacher in a Yonkers High School who "made an astonishing statement ...that the Sphinx, and other marvelous works of artwhich have excited the wonder and the admiration of the world are the work of the white race ...But it isn't true."38 Throughout the letter, Bruce points out that the marvels of the Egyptian culture were not the work of the white race, and further argues that aspects of philosophy that are normally attributed to the Greeks also had their roots in varying African cultures. In doing this, he also wanted to correct the teacher spread these perceived "mistruths" to youths inhigh school. Between this letter, and the previous letter to the Principal of the

37 Bruce to Principal of Banneker School, December 3, 1912. Bruce Papers, SCRBC. 38 Bruce to the Editor of TheAge, John Edward Bruce Papers, SCRBC. 36

Banneker school, it is apparent that the education ofNegro youth, as well as changes in history educational curriculum, was central goals of the NSHR.

Bruce and Schomburg tapped into enormous intellectual energy and interest evidenced by the letters they received from 1913-1915. The first letter of importance is directed to Schomburg fr om the Robert Nelson of the Douglass Publishing Company, where Nelson sought help with his proposed collection of "Masterpieces ofNegro

Eloquence." Nelson wrote, "I have been referred to you by Mr. John E. Bruce of

Yonkers, who assures me that you will .. .let me have copies or tell me where I can secure copies of the speeches ofNegro orators from Spain, Cuba, Porto Rica, Liberia. Mr.

Bolivar of Philadelphia has also referred me to you as a gentleman possessing an

39 unrivaled library and accurate information on books pertaining to the Negro especially."

The letter highlights the fa ct that the Society had a conception of Negroes being comprised of people from countries such as Spain and the Caribbean. Schomburg's critical role was also evident Not only would Bruce himself refer individuals to

Schomburg, but William Bolivar, another notable bibliophile of Philadelphia did so as well. Lastly, letters note not only that Schomburg was a gentleman possessing an unrivaled library, but also that he possessed, "accurate information," regardless of the fact that he had not attained degrees. Just as mentioned within the constitution, level of intellect and knowledge was deemed as independent of educational attaimnent.

These letters or notices, additionally speak directly to the scope of the organization to those on the African continent. Beyond the election of James J. Dossen of

Liberia to their Society's ranks, another notice refers to, "Dr. J. H. Reed, president of the

College of West Africa, and Freida Bado Brown, who is a member of one of the most

39 Robert J. Nelson to Schomburg, July 15, 1913, Schomburg Papers, SCRBC. 37

0 aggressive tribes on the West Coast."4 The visiting the US, Reed and Brown were invited as special guests of the Societywhere Dr.Reed spoke of his work. Arturo Schomburg himself planned to lead a paper subj ect on the role of the Black woman in Black society, which leads to another aspect of the NSHR. Another, albeit less transparent part of the

NSHR was the publication and presentations on papers amongst themselves. These papers give glimpses to not only what subjects they deemed important, but also the manner in which they approached these subj ects.

Papers of the NSHR

The Negro Society for Historical Research often distributed occasional papers.

The first of these was presented before the society in 1912 by York Russell. The second

Occasional Paper "A Plea for Social Justice for the Negro Woman," was written by

David Bryant Fulton, the titled librarian of the NSHR. This paper references several issues of importance to the NSHR. These historians chose to deal with social problems or subjects in written form. Furthermore, they wielded facts as evidence to make their arguments. Finally, they offered thoughtful solutions and proposals for the future.41

Fulton 's essay, which was read before the society in 1912, begins with a reach deep into the Black Past. "In beginning the discussion of this subject, it is both fitting and comforting to revert to that period in history of the world when the dominant races were sable races ...when the women of whose beauty and charms the bards wrote in such extravagant eulogy were colored women, and the warriors and heroes ...in both sacred and profane history were swarthy and black."42 After this introduction, Fulton proceeded

"' Notice to the Negro Society of Historical Research, 191?, Schomburg Papers, SCRBC. 41 David B. Fulton, "A Plea for Social Justice for the Negro Woman," Occasional Papers of the Negro Society for Historical Research 2(1912). 42 Fulton, "Plea." 38

to compare the philosophers ofMeroe in northern Africa to those of Athens, Greece, and spoke to the complex culture of Egypt and Ethiopia. This "culture" as defmed by Fulton included "art schools, literary societies and libraries," developed years before those of other races. This harkening to the cultural achievements of ancient Egypt and Ethiopia as aspects the greatness of the Negro race was a recurring theme throughout his essay, and is reminiscent of the arguments proposed by Bruce in his Letter to the Editor of The Age referenced earlier. With this call to a great lineage, Fulton writes that "in discussing the woman of our race we are considering a woman ofnoble ancestry, worthy of our chivalry, our most strenuous efforts to protect, guard and encourage in her efforts to advance."43 However, in speaking of the progress of the Negro woman, his paper took a highly paternalistic tone, suggesting that women should be guarded and protected, provided with little to no agency of their own. Granted, Fulton does give the Negro woman high praise, especially within the framework of the time when Negro woman received little respect from society. However, the advancement that Fulton framed fit within a specific image, more explicitly stated later in the paragraph where he writes, "as a distinct people, apart from others, we must bear our part in the nation's progressive and onward movement; and this Negro woman is to be the mother of those men and women that must take their place in the ranks of this progressive army."44 Here he speaks to the value of the Negro woman in terms of her motherhood to humanity. Albeit he spoke to the fact that women must also take their place in the ranks of the "progressive army," this position resides within conceptions of the Negro woman as mother, with a limited realm of activity, especially in regards to the political, public or activist spheres. In Part II,

43 Fulton, pA Plea," 2. 44 1bid, 2. 39

Fulton wrote and spoke specifically to the Negro in theNorth. Afteralluding to the ways that American slavery, and even post-slavery, created a situation where the Black woman is still objectified and the Black man is unable to adequately defend her because of social andjudicial system that does not protect men from lynching.

In another section Fulton condemned those who boasted of education and wealth while the women of the Negro race were still subject to oppression and sexual predation by white men. But he also admonished another practice as proposed at a Race Congress in London. Fulton wrote in responseto an appeal by a professor of Wilberforce

University, that the proposition of"Race blending, 'cross breeding', as a means of

'improving the stock,' is nothing more or less thanan appeal to the vanity of the white race and to the weakness of the black women ... Shall we the men of the Negro race in

America continue to consent to the 'improvement of stock' as of old, at the expense of the chastity of our women?"45 1biswas not only a blatant disavowal of the idea of miscegenation as solving the race problem, which the Wilberforce professor had proposed, but also a criticism of some black men's view of women. He not only challenged the ideas of miscegenation as a means of racial uplift, but also challenged the view of Black women as naturally sexually promiscuous and weak to the advances of white men. For all practical purposes, Fulton spoke to the idea of staying within the race, albeit having a broad definition of what encompassed the race.

But in his conclusion, Fulton gives us more to think about. Near the end of this essay, Fulton turnedhis sight toward women themselves. "The woman should not be allowed to fe el that beautiful skin andhair are more essential than purity of soul and character. Our greatest drawback in our struggles upward is our ignorance of our own

45 Fulton, (/A Plea," 8. 40

"'6 history; to realize our own with and possibilities.' The question is, how does he logically make this link with history, to that of the woman's purity of character, and more generally to the argument for social plea for the Negro woman? Fulton made a particular plea throughout this essay that reflected the ideals of womanhood, fe mininity and sexuality that reflected Victorian ideals like chastity and purity. In his mind, this image was only awarded to white women. The Negro woman was socially deemed unworthy and incapable of being seen as "sophisticated" and "womanly" enough to achieve such heights. Furthermore, he argued the Negro man did not do enough to protect the Negro woman's honor in that pursuit. However, by making the link to a regal heritage of

Egyptian and Ethiopian queens and royalty, Fulton made the argument that by blood, the

Negro woman was even more worthy of the prevailing ideals of womanhood, and it was

47 the responsibility of men to help woman achieve this position. The best way to do this was by knowing one's history, which would enlighten and encourage the entire race; the recurring theme and goal as stated within the Constitution of the NSHR.

The third occasional paper was also significantly the longest, read in 1913 before the Teachers' Summer class at Cheney Institute in Pennsylvania, and it is the most cited publication produced by the Negro Society of Historical Research. Titled "Racial

Integrity: A Plea for the Establishment of a Chair of Negro History," it was written by secretary-treasurer and de fa cto librarian Arturo Schomburg. Its numerous themes are essential to understanding the NSHR. The three main identifiable tenets within this piece are the global and international scope in their organization's concept of Blacks as a race;

•• Fulton, "A Plea," 11. 47 Ibid, "A Plea," 11. 41

the divorce ofintellect from educational achievement; and the importance of history

education for Negro youth.

In this essay, Schomburg took his place as one of the early individuals to speak of

"the Negro" interms of a diaspora. Although he did not specifically use that term,

Schomburg, made references and connections to the Jewish diaspora in theirmigration and scattering around the world. When Schomburg uses the term "practical nation" in saying that Jews live in theory as a practical nation of powerful intellects, he evoked images and imaginations of a diaspora. The nation in theory signifies diaspora, and

Schomburg argued that it is by living as a 'nation in theory' that gave Jews the strength to

48 overcome persecution. Drawing on the example of the Jews, Schomburg wrote that,

"The Negro must strive to fo llow in the good examples of the Jews-they cling to their customs and traditions, no matter whether they live in Timbuctoo or in the highest peaks of the Andean mountains; they cling together and uphold the maxim that 'in unity there is strength. "'49 Moreover Schomburg, as a member of the NSHR, did not see the plight of the Negro or Black race as an isolated incident, but rather a resulting pattern of global displacement and because of oppression. Thus, he along with the other members of the society actively advocated for Black alliances as a way to form "practical nations."

The second most evident threadin Schomburg's argument is the development of intelligence and character was separate from and independent of the possession of elite education. As Schomburg wrote, "The university graduate is wont to overestimate his ability, fresh from the machinery that endows him with a parchment and crowns him with

48 Ada Iaine Holton, "Decolonizing History: Arthur Schomburg's Afro-Diasporic Archive," TheJournal of African-American History 92.2(2007). 221. 49Arturo Schomburg, "Racial Integrity: A Plea for the Establishment of a Chair of Negro History in Our Schools and Colleges, Etc," Negro Societyfor Historical Research Occasional Paper, no. No. 3 (1913). 6-7. 42

knowledge, he steps out into the world to meet the practical men with years of experience and mother wit."50 In this quote, Schomburg not only divorced "experience and mother wit" from education, but also criticized the university graduate as a one dimensional caricature, as a person whose possession of knowledge imbued hlm/her with undue arrogance, but not necessarily with intellect. In this way, these "lay-historians," as

Schomburg and his contemporaries were often called by these university scholars, promoted their experience, dedication, and intellectual curiosity as a characteristic, a scholarly one, which could carry the race fo rward. The lay-historian would furthermore, do the work that tied the NSHR to its other goal, and Schomburg's third main point of the paper, the importance of Negro history education.

Schomburg opened his paper with a plea when he wrote, "The jectob of this paper is not to revolutionize existing standards, but simply to improve them by amending them so that they will include the practical history of the Negro Race, from the dawn of civilization to the present time"51 and he concluded by asking, "Where is our historian to give us our side view and our chair of Negro History to teach our people our own history."52 Here Schomburg made the plea for a Chair ofNegro History, providing some of the early arguments for the development of what would later be called Africana

Studies, which is currently central to the rhetoric of Black Studies programs. In

Schomburg's view, an education in Negro history should reach the masses. In this way, a point also made and demonstrated in Bruce's Letter to the Editor of The Ageand the

Principal of the Banneker school, the NSHR and its members wanted their work to reach and effect the next generations ofNegro youth. Such knowledge, interest, and

50 Schomburg, "Racial integrity," 5. 51 Schomburg, "Racial integrity," 5. 52 Ibid, "Racial integrity," 19. 43 intellectualism about the Negro could seiVe "to awaken the sensibilities, to kindle the

53 donnant fibres in the soul, and to fire the racial patriotism" that would bring the race fo rward in the future.

The NSHR's vision made it different from other Black professional or scholarly organizations. The members of the organization were aware of and embraced this perceived difference. This embracement of difference is apparent in a 1915 letter from

Bruce to Professor Giddings of Columbia University in 1915. Inthis letter Bruce writes,

"The Negro Society for Historical Research is different from other Negro organizations in this: It is trying to do effective work unostentatiously by getting at bed rock of things

54 and encouraging its members to think broadly and think black." Herein, Bruce underlines several things about his and Schomburg's society. First, that by thinking broadly and black, the society was interested in a more international understanding of how race and race uplift should work. Second, they stood against the pomp that might accompany other educated intellectuals that have similar goals. Given that statement on

"ostentatiousness," his insistence that his Society was different from other Negro organizations, and the year in which this letter was written, leads me to believe that Bruce was positioning himself and the NSHR against one other group in particular, Carter G.

Woodson's Association for the Study of NegroLif e and History.

Carter G. Woodson and the ASNLH

Pero Dagbovie in his introduction to TheEa rly Black HistoryMov ement writes,

"the early black history movement lasted from the founding of the Association for the

53 Schomburg, "Racial integrity," 5. 54 John Edward Bruce to Prof. P.H. Giddings, August 20, 1915, John Edward Bruce Papers, SCRBC. 44

55 Study ofNegro Life and History in 1915 until Woodson's death in 1950." I disagree with this statement. As I have already claimed, the intellectual movement for black history formally began in large part with the NSHR fo unded by Bruce and Schomburg. intellectual and scholarly organizations. More importantly, the early black history movement can be seen as a matrix of collaborations and conversations between a number of thinkers and intellectuals of the time, of which the NSHR and the ASNLH were two.

Whereas the NSHRwas founded as am organization devoted to uplift, the ANSLH was founded with a specifically scholarly purpose.

Woodson co-founded the ASNLH on September 9, 1915 in with physician George Hall, James E. Stamps and Alexander Jackson. From here it is necessary to draw distinctions in the fundamental vision ofWoodson's organization.

On the current web page of the Association fo r the Study of African American Life and

History, (the current iteration of the ASNLH), the Mission of this society is, "to promote, research, preserve, interpret and disseminate information about Black life, history and

56 culture to the global community." The NSHRwas dedicated to the acquisition of materials as evidence. To speak to a sense of knowledge as their own as scholars do, was not the main goal of the NSHR. The ASNLH and now currently the ASALH made knowledge production and scholarship the primary goals of the organization. The differences in these ideologies can be seen in the lasting legacies of each organization.

While the NSHR valued the collection of materials as evidence of Black history, especially primary sources, and the compiling of a circulating library which became the

55 Pero Dagbovie, The Early Black History Movement: Carter G. Woodsonand Lorenzo Johnson Greene (Urbana, Illinois: University of lllinios Press, 2007). 1. 56Daryl Michael Scott, "About Asalh:Mission, Vision, Structure, Activities," http://asalh.or g/aboutasalhmain.html. 45

Schomburg Center for Research Black Culture, the ASNLH promoted research, writing, and dissemination of secondary sources. Granted, the vision of a given organization can

change over time, especially over several decades and changes in leadership, but the current mission of the ASALH is very much in line with the original vision of Woodson.

Two documents clearly outlined the vision that Woodson set out for in creating the ASNLH, the Constitution as well as the Certificate of Incorporation issued in

Washington, DC. The original constitution stated that, "Its object shall be the collection of sociological and historical documents and the promotion of studies bearing on the

Negro."57 In some respects then, that the original intent of the ASNLH was not all that different from that of the NSHR in their emphases on collection. But two distinctions should be made between the ASNLH and NSHR. The first is the type of materials that these two societies designated as important. The Constitution of the NSHR designated that the organization would collect "data, books and pamphlets," while here in the

Constitution of the ASNLH they are putting extra value on "sociological and historical documents." This distinction on what these organizations would collect is fundamental to the ways in which these organizations functioned. Since the majority of those within the

ANSLH were men who possessed graduate degrees, such as Woodson, the information that they would value are shaped by university education. Furthermore, the NSHR intended to create a circulating library amongst its members. The second main goal of the

ANSLH is the promotion of studies "bearing on the Negro." This stipulation also appears in the Constitution of the NSHR as well, but the scholarship it produced was secondary to its mission to provide resources, or put another way, resources over analysis.

57 Constitution of the Association for the Study of Negro life and History, 1915. Carter G. Woodson Papers, Reel 2. 46

In October of 1915, Woodson applied for a Certificate of Incorporation for the

ASNLH. In this document Woodson, along with minister, civic leader and bibliophile

Jesse E. Moorland (whose collection became part of the Moorland-Spingarn Library at

Howard University) and John A. Bingham expanded on the vision of the ANSLH in certifying that, "Its obj ects shall be the mutual improvement and the dissemination of information among students ofNegro history by collecting and publishing sociological and historical databearing on the Negro. Its particular business shall be the publication of 58 the Quarterly Jo urnal of Negro History." Thus the primary purpose of the Association was the dissemination of historical and sociological data. Not only would these publications take the form of dictated history and sociology conventions of the time, but the audience was specifically students ofNegro History, i.e. the educated or those who are products of academia. Lastly, the main product of the Association, or as these individuals stated, the "particular business," was to be the publication of the Jo urnal of

Negro History. And yet the two organizations were symbiotic. The ASNLH needed the work of Schomburg in order to fo llow its mission. The two organizations have lasting legacies: Schomburg's personal collection fo rmed the cornerstone ofthe Schomburg

Center for Research in Black Culture, the premier research institution and library on the

Black diaspora experience and the Journal of Negro History, now called the Journal of

Af rican-American History.

The ways in which their visions differ appeared publicly in the first writings of the ASNLH in the Jo urnal of Negro History compared to those of the NSHR. The two articles that appeared in the first issue of the Journal of Negro Historythat are of

..Certificate of Incorporation of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, October 2, 1915. Carter G. Woodson Papers, Reel 2. 47

particular interest in comparison were written by Monroe Work and W.B. Hartgrove.

Work's essay, "The Passing Tradition and the African Civilization" makes use of similar tropes that appeared throughout the rhetoric of Schomburg and his cohort, harkening back to Ethiopian and Egyptian civilization as a part of historical restoration. W.B.

Hartgrove's work "The Story of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards," again studies the Negro woman as a subj ect, yet the tone and the way in which they approach the matter of the subjects are entirely different, reflecting the ways in which these organizations converged and diverged.

At first glance, Monroe Work's essay is equivalent to the writings that were produced and presented amongst those of the NSRH such as Schomburg, Bruce or

Fulton. For instance, Work writes about the mistruths about the proposed inferiority of theNegro race. He offered numerous examples to combat the "scientific evidence" that was prevalent in the rhetoric of the time. In combating this, he harkens back to the greatness of past great African civilizations, in writing, "The seat of one of the highest of

59 these civilizations was Ethiopia. Here the Negronation attained its greatest fam e." And he continued to speak of the later capital of Ethiopia, Meroe, noting that Greeks such as

Homer knew of what was occurring in Ethiopia Even in the conclusion, Work sounds very similar to that of Schomburg and Fulton when he writes, "From this brief sketch which I have given of the African in ancient and medieval times it is clear that Negroes should not despise the rock from which they were hewn. As a race they have a history which is fu ll of interest ...Along their own special line and in their own peculiar should

59 Monroe N. Work, "The Passing Tra dition and the African Civilization," Journal ofNegro History 1, no. 1 (1916). 37. 48

endeavor to make contributions to civilization."60 He continued, that the Negro can hopefully reach a level where being black can be dignified and that the fa me of Ethiopia would once again be spread. Here, Work is working along the same lines as Schomburg's cohort of making claims to a global Blackness.

But there are several points of distinction. First of all, Work attached specific evidence to his essay, writing "Excavations have shown that for 150 years Egypt was a dependency of Ethiopia. The kings of the twenty-third and twenty-fourth Egyptian dynasties were really governors appointed by Ethiopian overlords ..."61 And as opposed to assertions made by Schomburg, Bruce and Fulton, Work views Egypt as a country within the continent of Africa, but not as belonging to the Negro Race. The NSHRlooked to Egypt as another civilization that encompassed their sense of blackness. There also appear differences between the two organizations in terms of language use that might be overlooked. Although Work wrote that the Negro should strive and work hard to make contributions to society that would rival what Ethiopia provided, and used the same type of rhetoric of inspiration, enlightenment and encouragement, his writing makes a scholarly tum. Work implied that the "current" Negro race had to reach back to times of

Ethiopian prominence to notice where it had contributed to society, and as such it currently did not have the same influence. Thus, by only looking to the past can the

Negro race once again be dignified and contribute. Schomburg, along with Bruce and

Fulton stated that because of this past, Black is inherently dignified, and need only realize and acknowledge their present self-worth, not strive to achieve self-worth in the future.

Secondly, it is important to notice the pronoun use throughout his essay. Work referred to

"' Work, "Passing Tradition," 41. 61 Work, "Passing Tradition/' 37. 49 the Negro race in the third person, as "they," "he," "the Negroes," and "their" achievements. Schomburg andFulton used the firstperson. For example, "We need in the

62 coming dawn the man, who will give us the background for our future'. as Schomburg wrote. Oras Fulton wrote, "Our greatest drawback in our struggles upwards is our

63 ignorance of our own history; to realize our own worth and possibilities." Here it is apparent that those such as Schomburg and his cohort inserted themselves, and identified themselves as people of African descent within their writings. They made no pretensions to scholarly obj ectivity, designated by the use of the third person. The rhetorical difference is central to their respective writings . To the members of the NSHR, making their positions as members ofthe Negro race was central to the politics of their work. The politics of academia, however, as reflected in the writings of Work demanded distance from self-identification. Indeed, Woodson's point was that the identity of the scholar should not matter.

The second article appearing in the inaugural issue of the Journal of Negro

His tory, takes the Negro woman into consideration. Again it takes a different tact from

Fulton and the NSHR. In opening his article titled, "The Story of Marie Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards," W.B. Hartgrove writes, "A dissertation on the noted colored women of Virginia would find a small circle of readers but would ...contain interesting accounts of some of the most important achievements of the people of that State. The story of MariaLouise Moore-Richards would be a large chapter of such a narrative (23).

,,64 Hartgrove provides a biographical sketch of both Maria Louise Richards and her

62 Schomburg, "Racial Integrity," 19. 63 Fulton, "A Plea," 8. 64 W.B. Hartgrove, "The Story of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards," Journalof Negro History 1, no. 1 (1916). 23. 50

daughter Fannie M. Richards, and it is interesting to read what he valued of these two

"heroines." It is not some innate gifts, talents or special exceptional achievements that he highlights, but the roles these women played in their households or in communities that were valued.

Hartgrove speaks to great length about the respectability and status of Richard-

Moore's fa mily, relative to the other Free Negroes of Fredericksburg, Virginia. But as to her own achievements, the best he explicitly states was her dedication to the education of her children. "They hadin all fo urteen children, the training of whom was largely the work of the mother. All of them were grounded in the rudiments of education and given a

65 taste for higher things.', Even in continuing, Hartgrove mostly highlights the ways in which Richards took risks to educate her children. But more peculiar is how he spends more time detailing the numerous other Free Negro families in Fredericksburg, and then

Detroit as they migrated together. These families would include the Cooks, the Lees, The

Williamses and the De Baptistes and eventually the Pelhams. At some point, Richards gets lost as he details the individuals, and respective achievements of these families. In returuing to daughter Fannie M. Richards, he again highlights thededication to educational achievement which she passed on as a schoolteacher. In his conclusion

Hartgrove writes, "We can not close this article with a better testimonial than the following letter from one of her former pupils, the Honorable Charles T. Wilkius, a

66 lawyer and an influential white citizen." Inthis testimonial, Wilkins highlights his thanks to Richards as an educator, woman and Christian.

65 Hartgrove, "Marla Louise Moore: 24. 66 Hartgrove, "Maria Luise Moore," 32. 51

Hartgrove and the ASNLH differed fr om theirtreatment ofthe Negro woman in

these early articles from that of Fulton and the NSHR. Hartgrove decided to use two

figures to stand in for what African-Americans should respect and strive for in Negro women; they stood as archetypes for what Negro womanhood should strive for. These

women were not singled out for their extraordinary achievements. But rather, they were highlighted for portraying a specific role fo r the Negro woman, a particularly domestic, maternal role. The Negro woman was seen as responsible for the passing on of cultural and moral values such as education to her children, and maintaining family status through integrity, as shown in the case of Maria Louise Moore-Richards. As for her daughter

Fannie M. Richards, it was her role in teaching numerous students of both races, and her position as "educator, woman and Christian" that Hartgrove highlighted as admirable in the Negro woman. But as educator, Hartgrove did not speak to the greatness of her teaching, or give any hint of including Black education in her curriculum or making any mention to her intellectual capacity. Rather, Hartgrove mentioned the ways that children would clingto her hands as she walked to her schoolroom. While not explicitly underlining her as a mother, he still evoked images of Black motherhood and idealized femininity. While different in tone from Fulton, Black motherhood and fe mininity remained inherently tied to the ideal ofNegro womanhood.

It is here where we could see another of the great differences between the NSHR and the ASNLH. In his conclusion, Hartgrove applauded these women for their roles in society. The NSHR's articles, like Schomburg's "A Plea for the Establishment of a

Negro Chair", and Fulton's "Plea for Social Justice for the Negro Woman," did more than just present stand-alone facts, they presented a plea to Blacks for immediate action. 52

The NSHRpapers were personal-political speeches put to paper, while the ASNLH papers took the form of scholarly articles. This is not to say that these scholarly articles were not political statements. The entire fact that Woodson was writing and advocating scholarship for and by African-Americans was a tremendous political statement, an attempt to change the historical and academic rhetoric that surrounded the Black community. This is evidenced by the fa ct that the Jo urnal of Negro History was circulated amongst the academic and intellectual elite. The ASNLH's goal was to change the intellectual discussion among the educated. while the NSHR targeted the masses. This split between the NSHRand its supporters and the ASNLH over the years would deepen until the point where it emerged as public knowledge in 1922 with the publishing of an article in the , Marcus Garvey's newspaper.

Schomburg rips Woodson to Pieces

In 1922, Carter G. Woodson fo unded Associated Publishers which published The

67 Negro in Our History, the first major textbook on black history. Schomburg reviewed

Woodson's work in 1922. The review revealed the rivalries that had emerged of

Woodson and Schomburg personally, and between the NSHRand ASNLH cohorts.

Published in the Negro World on November 4, 1922, the article was entitled by the editor

"Schomburg rips Woodson to Pieces for Historical Narrowness." This piece was initially intended to be a review of Woodson's book, TheNegro in Our Hi story, but its critique was especially harsh. Schomburg wrote that Woodson's, "premises are not based on careful examination and research of these sources, but rather on speculative opinion and

67Carter G. Woodson, The Negro in Our History (Washington, DC.: The Associated Publishers, 1941). 4. This book was not replaced as the standard black historytext until John Hope Franklin published his enduring classic From Slavery to Freedom (1947). 53

68 finding oflatter-day writers." This scathing assertion, an attack launched by a "self·

trained" historian against a "university-trained" black scholar, pointed out Woodson's

glaring omissions, exaggerations and misleading information. Schomburg emphasized

that "The book takes for granted opinion, whereas the historian should of necessity deal

with naked facts" and that furthermore "It is unfortunate for a history in the fo rm of a

69 textbook for school children to be marred by such improper statements." Schomburg

was exacting about his contention with Woodson throughout the book.

For instance, Schomburg wrote,

It would have been more appropriate for the Doctor to have called the discoverer

of the city of Cibola, Esteban, as his fo ot-note from Channing's history (p. 75, v.

1) proves, rather than for him to have dubbed him diminutively Estevanecito;

even George Parker Winship in his elaborate work on the 'Coronado Expediation,

1540·1542,' printed in the fourteenth annual report of the bureau of Ethnology (p.

70 348), holds to the dignity of the proper name of 'Esteban' (or Stephen) .

Schomburg was alluding to the conventions of the Spanish language that Woodson ignored in his book. That is, in Spanish, it is customary within fa mily or friendship groups to add the diminutive suffiX "-ito" at the end of names, such as Pedro being changed to Pedrito or Juan to Juanito. This denotes a sense of familiarity or closeness.

The closest English equivalent would be shortening names such as William to Willie,

Donovan to Donnie or Elizabeth to Lizzie. In naming the discoverer Esteban as

Estevanecito, Woodson's writing disrespected his subject. Schomburg's first language

68 Arturo Schomburg, "Schomburg Rips Woodson to Pieces for Historical Narrowness," Negro World, November 4 1922. 69 "Schomburg Rips Woodson." 70 "Schomburg Rips Woodson." 54

was Spanish, and considering that Woodson consulted Schomburg in compiling material for this textbook, Schomburg was urmerved that Woodson did not also consult him regarding language usage.

Moreover, true to the spirit of the NSHR, Schomburg combated the perceived distinctions between the "self-trained historian" and the "university-trained scholar."

Whereas the self-trained historian might have been expected to lean toward exaggeration or be driven by opinion, making amateurish errors writing history through a lens that strays away from the fa cts. A university-trained scholar meanwhile was understood to have the training to sustain distance or neutrality and to stay true to the fa cts in order to ground their interpretations. Schomburg's review disrupts that line of thinking and belief by taking Woodson to task on the issue of objectivity and subj ectivity. Contrary to the imagination then and now currently held of Woodson, Schomburg assumed the role of the role of the university-trained scholar, here schooling Woodson as though he was a younger, less well-trained academic in the values and standards of scholarly writing. This is not to say that Schomburg in any way was the greater scholar; but considered himself

Woodson's colleague and intellectual equal. Schomburg was disappointed by Woodson's oversight. The point here is not to diminish Woodson and his works, but rather to highlight the fact that Schomburg himself was a capable scholar, someone able and willing to stand on the same ground as the likes of Carter G. Woodson, Benjamin

Brawley, and W.E.B. Du Bois when it comes to historical accuracy.

In a further insult, Woodson published TheNegro in Our History with a number of photographs and other pictorial material from the Schomburg collection but fa iled to 55

acknowledge this source in his book.71 Theodore Vincent highlights this fa ct to note how

''the nationalists" as he called them, fe lt slighted and perhaps were in need of publicity.

Schomburg's attention to this egregious error is perhaps the most commonly quoted passage of his review. It reads: "A charitable appreciation for those who helped Dr.

Woodson with rare prints, engravings, etc., would not have in any way harmed him in the

72 preface. It is one of the few books lacking this fe ature of long-established custom."

While many scholars including Vincent seem to see this as the most substantial part of

Schomburg's entire essay, they do so to highlight the lack of publicity of Schomburg and his cohort, or the personal hurt fe lt by Schomburg. However, the issue is as much professional as personal . Better put, Woodson asked for and received many materials from Schomburg's own personal library, but did not assign credit. What scholars like

Vincent described as Woodson's "slight," was considered a crime against the NSHR and a personal insult to Schomburg as an academic and scholar. By providing Woodson access to his library, Schomburg extended a professional courtesy to Woodson. By fa iling to acknowledge Schomburg, Woodson fa iled to act in a scholarly and professional manner towards Schomburg andthe NSHR historians.

Schomburg 's review was more than a personal attack made out of spite. Indeed,

Schomburg's knowledge of sources, the depth of his collection, was evidenced by the fact that many "university-trained scholars," including Woodson and Du Bois, relied on him for their own scholarly worlc Woodson's slight demeaned Schomburg's scholarly instincts. Moreover, throughout the article, Schomburg continuously spun through numerous books, articles and essays that Woodson should have consulted, or that

71 Vincent, Voices of o Black Nation, 337. 72 Vincent, Voices of a Block Notion, 338. 56

Woodson interpreted incorrectly displaying that his university training was not a great benefit. At the same time, Schomburg demonstrated that he was not some obscure bibliophile, a collector of books to satisfY an obsession; rather that he was an equally adept and accomplished thinker, capable of holding his own with people fo rmally trained in the field of history. Furthermore, Schomburg was known even amongst the university­ trained scholars andother Black elite to possess most of the materials which could aid them in their works on the global Black diaspora, and Woodson consulted him in writing this textbook, just as Robert Nelson consulted Schomburg nearly a decade earlier in his letters to Bruce and Bolivar.

This article was written in 1922, several years after the creation of the ASNLH and NSHR. Without any specific reference to either organization in this article, this review was not simply a personal rivalry between Schomburg and Woodson. This article is also crucial in understanding the differences as well as similarities between the two organizations. What superficially described by scholars as a personal fight between

Woodson and Schomburg, this dispute runs much deeper. Seeing as these two individuals were either the "face" of their respective organizations in the terms of Woodson, or the central cog in the case of Schomburg, their own disputes shown in 1922 are public reflections of the disagreements of the organizations, disagreements that had been brewing in the previous years before appearing on such a grand stage. But while the disagreements between Schomburg and Woodson during this period are detailed, the evolution of their professional relationship afterwards is not addressed later by scholars. 57

Schomburg as Respected Intellectual and Colleague

Scholars such as Alfred Moss Jr. are incorrect in their assertion that Schomburg's work was limited to a small cohort, and that his activities were limited to the role of

73 bibliophilia. Although he is most known for his vast collection of resources, Schomburg proved to be much more. Through his tireless work, Schomburg earned the respect of the

th most accomplished Black men of the early 20 century, not just as a collector, but an invaluable member to the Black intellectual community. This is revealed in several pieces of correspondence that Schomburg received near the end of his life, which demonstrated the impact that he had on the Black intellectual community and the positive light in which they viewed him. By the time he had reached the presidency of the ANA,

Schomburg had earned the position he held in the Black intelligentsia, and continued to contribute the development of Black history. This grew in the waning years of his life.

His development within these circles is evidenced by the numerous requests placed upon

Schomburg, as well as between the evolution of the relationship between Schomburg and

Carter G. Woodson.

On December 20, 1922 Schomburg received a Jetter from Floyd L. Calvin, the editor for the Messenger, an African-American political and literary magazine fo unded in

1917. In this letter, Calvin informed Schomburg of an Educational Supplement for their

May 1923 issue. This educational supplement was composed of 62 books that were to be

74 reviewed by "the most prominent and able Negro men and women in America."

Schomburg was asked to be one of the reviewers on this committee. The Messenger considered Schomburg as a member of the most prominent Black men, but not just for his

73 Alfred Moss Jr, The American Negro Academy. 74 Floyd Calvin, "The Friends of Negro Freedom," ed. ArthurA. Schomburg (New York City1922). 58

talent in collecting sources, but in being able to review the works of other intellectuals.

But Calvin further detailed the credentials that Schomburg had to adequately serve as a reviewer. Calvin wrote, "We selected you for this work because we understand you to be a man of rare literary ability and attainments, and we also understand this particular volume requires careful dissection fo r presentation in the correct vein to Negro

75 readers." Calvin and the other members of the Messenger staff were well-aware of

Schomburg's attention to detail, and his scrupulous nature regarding facts, and for this purpose, his ability to carefully assess information for this piece and to make it accessible and suitable to a wide Black readership. Calvin concluded in his request for Schomburg's help, "We might interpose that such men as Mr. Jas. W. Johnson, Dr. W.S. Scarborough,

Dr. A. Wilberforce Williams, Prof. Monroe N. Work, and many others of prominence

76 bave already consented to review books for the supplement." The need to include the names of college presidents (Dr. W.S. Scarborough of Wilberforce College), health editors and physicians (Dr. Williams), or sociology professors (Prof. Monroe Work), showed that the Me ssenger deemed it necessary to enlist the assistance of Schomburg for the sake of credibility. The fact is that Schomburg's expertise was valued in reviewing volumes for the Me ssenger, and that he was deemed as someone significantly qualified for this task.

This reliance on Schomburg did not cease in the 1920's but only grew, and his relation to the greater Black intellectual community only deepened over time. For example, on September 30, 1937, Schomburg received a Jetter from theNational Negro

Congress National Secretary John P. Davis. By this point, Schomburg was specifically

" Calvin, "Friends of Negro Freedom." 76 Calvin, "Friends of Negro Freedom.'' 59

known for his work in the 135th Street Branch Library where he served as curator for the largest collection of original source material on the Black diaspora. Nonetheless, they did not call on Schomburg for source material in this instance. Instead, they needed his assistance on a series of discussions that included over 2,000 delegates, among them two hundred to five hundred Black leaders from around the country. Davis wrote, "I am writing you at this time urgently to request that you serve as Discussion Leader of the sub-session on 'Problems of ForeignBorn Negroes.' ...You have been the unanimous choice of our committee for this vital assignment."77 Davis and the members of the committee deemed it suitable for Schomburg to be the sole person responsible for leading this discussion. With prominent Black men from around the country attending this event, the decision to use Schomburg demonstrates the trust that the National Negro Congress had in Schomburg's ability to guide discussion, and the fact that it was a unanimous decision, makes this point even clearer. Their insistence that Schomburg lead this particular discussion is further evidence to their knowledge ofSchomburg being fo reign­ born himself. Schomburg had not left behind his status of being Puerto rucan by birth.

While Schomburg moved amongst the American Black community, he was not hiding the fa ct that he was not African-American in the strictest sense of the term, but a member of the Diaspora who lived and worked in America.

While these isolated incidents are two of the many events that point to the significance and respect that Schomburg earned amongst a wide audience, the clearest evidence of Schomburg earning his place is through the development of the professional relationship between Woodson and Schomburg. As discussed earlier, Schomburg had criticized Woodson for the lack of professional respect attributed to him in Woodson's

77 John P. Davis, 1937. Schomburg Papers. SCRBC. 60

book. This tumultuous relationship initially only grew while Woodson initially was part of a group that opposed Schomburg being named curator of the Negro Division of the

th 135 Street Branch Library, despite the fact that it was comprised primarily of the collection that Schomburg had personally amassed over the years. This opposition, led by individuals such as W.E.B. Du Bois and Carter G. Woodson was based on the idea that

Schomburg was unqualified educationally to fulfill this role because of his lack of degrees. As such, this incident is highlighted here to demonstrate the ways in which

Schomburg was slighted within the Black intellectual community. But the intellectual and professional relationship in later years is not discussed by scholars, but provides the best evidence for the ways Schomburg had to prove himself as capable, and convinced even some of his fo rmer rivals.

In 1933, when Schomburg assumed hisrole as curator of the Negro Division

th within the !35 Street Branch Library, Woodson sent Schomburg a lengthy letter. This letter is evidence of the thinking and planning that went into what would later become the

Negro Hi storyBulletin, which Woodson founded fo ur years later in 1937. The Bulletin was aimed at providing teachers, students, and a general readership a fo undation in Black history. In this letter, Woodson was particularly concerned about the education of the

Negro youth, a concern fo r which Schomburg had expressed since his earliest days in the founding of the NSHR, before donating his collection to the New York Public Library

(NYPL) in 1926. This donation to the NYPL was just anextension of Schomburg's concern for education of the youth. Nonetheless, Woodson was now concerned about spreading Black History to the masses, and in this letter, confessed that he needed

Schomburg's help in addressing the lack of study materials on Black history to the 61 elementary,junior high, and high school levels. Woodson was confident that the ASNLH could deal with this matter as it pertained to the college, but needed assistance in the best ways to address the lower levels of education. Woodson acknowledged that, especially at the elementary levels, textbooks were not the most efficient means of teaching, but rather stories, pictures, dramatizations should be employed. But as to their utilization, Woodson was unsure. Woodson wrote, "the fm dings ofthese local committees must be committed here for consideration in summarizing the best thought of the entire country on this particular problem. Ifyou have no objection to this plan, kindly proceed accordingly at your earliest convenience."78

By this point, Schomburg was working in collaboration with the ASNLH, contributing from New York City to the Committee of Findings. And, Woodson was giving Schomburg the task ofleading meetings locally to find the best ways in which to direct the education ofBlack schoolchildren. Woodson ended, " ...what facts should we present to the pupils in each grade and how and when should they be presented? This is thetask before us now, and we should like to have something defmite to give the country early in January. Thanking you for whatever cooperation you may give."79 Here,

Woodson enlisted Schomburg for the task of contributing his local fm dings to a national report that the Association gave the following month. The fact is Woodson had respected

Schomburg enough at this point to askfor his help, and gave Schomburg the liberty to collect information on this topic on his own time, in his own way. However, some may say that Woodson wasjust casting a wide net to collect as much information as he could,

78 Woodson to Schomburg, December 9, 1933. Schomburg Papers. 79 Woodson to Schomburg, December 9, 1933. Schomburg Papers. 62

and that Schomburg was just one of many who were asked for assistance. But thework between Woodson and Schomburg grew even more in the fo llowing years.

Through 1937, Woodson was interested incontacts with Blacks in the West

Indies, the Caribbean and Latin America, and a set of letters shows that Woodson repeatedly turned to Schomburg personally in order to establish these contacts. In April and May of 1937, Woodson was in frequent contact with Schomburg concerning happenings in Puerto Rico and Latin America, and these letters are much more directed personally to Schomburg specifically in their requests for assistance, much more than just as providing sources as Woodson had done years before. For example, in a letter post- marked May 7, 1937, Woodson wrote Schomburg concerning a mutual contact in the

West Indies. Woodson thanked Schomburg for placing him in contact with an individual in the West Indies and wrote, "You have properly characterized all the gentleman to whom you refer in your communication. I thank you sincerely for your cooperation."80

Schomburg was responsible for serving as a link between Woodson and these other people. In this same letter, Woodson acknowledged that he was unaware of the efforts of men of Latin America, and wished for Schomburg to aid himin making a good impression on these individuals, as well. Woodson wrote, " . .1 knew nothing about their efforts in Latin-America when several weeks ago I wrote these very gentlemen myself a letter, a copy of which is herewith enclosed. When you have read this communication kindly give me your reaction."81 Woodson was concerned that these gentlemen assumed that he was unaware of certain information, and thus sought Schomburg's guidance on the best way to proceed in these communications. Thus, Schomburg had evolved from

80 Woodson to Schomburg, May 7, 1937. Schomburg Papers. 81 Woodson to Schomburg, May 7, 1937. Schomburg Papers. 63 someone who merely served as a consult for source material for Woodson. Instead,

Woodson now sought Schomburg to help in research collection for the ASNLH.

Additionally, on a much more personal level, Schomburg served as a valuable contact for connections throughout the world. Schomburg was not merely a member of an isolated cohort of individuals, but Woodson himself was aware of the ways in which Schomburg was in regular contact with a more global community, and had more working relations with this global community thanWoodson did. As such, Woodson had to consult

Schomburg more frequently. But this is not necessarily evidence of the ways that

Woodson gave Schomburg respect as an intellectual equal.

The best proof of this fa ct is given through correspondence between Schomburg and Woodson a year earlier in 1936. On October 16, 1936 Woodson wrote to Schomburg,

"I have the honor to inform you that you have been awarded the second prize of $50.00 for having contributed to the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY the next best ar ticle for

82 the year ending October I, 1936." Woodson's Jo urnal was meant to appeal to the purely academic audience, and as such was held to the strictest of academic standards.

The fact that Woodson had come to Schomburg to contribute to this publication is a testament to the value he had placed on Schomburg's own intellectual thought at this point in their relationship. Furthermore, not only did Schomburg contribute to the

Journal, as the author of his own article, but had won the award for second best article published in the journal for that year, astonishing considering that several of the authors published that year included, anthropologist Melville J. Herskovits and political scientist and diplomat Ralph Bunche, amongst others. Schomburg's article, "Two Negro

82 Woodson to Schomburg, October 16, 1936. Schomburg Papers. 64

83 Missionaries to the American Indians, John Marrant and John Stewart" appeared in the

October issue of the Journal. Scholar Josianna Arroyo gives a deep consideration of this article as an articulation ofSchomburg 's Afro-Caribbean perspectives and fo rms of

84 transcultural difference.

What Arroyo points to is the uniqueness ofthis article in comparison with the authors. Schomburg inserted himself into much of the article. For example, Schomburg wrote, "Many years ago while browsing in an old book shop, I ran across a booklet containing a narrative of the life of John Marrant ofNew York, giving an account of his

85 conversion when only fo urteen years of age." Schomburg continues the use of narrative throughout the article, melding it with facts, as well. But he takes the use of narrative even further than this. Opening the article, Schomburg illustrates the scene ofa meeting in Brooklyn, NYbetween several individuals the home of a "modest bibliophile." He continued, "In the library, there were present Bishop Alexander Camphor ofthe A.M.E.

Church, President Nathaniel Cassell of Liberia College in Monrovia, Liberia, Journalist

,s6 John E. Bruce-Grit and , the writer.' Schomburg is by all accounts the

"modest bibliophile," whose home was the location of this meeting. But he did not announce his own presence, instead he wrote about "Guarionez-the writer." Arroyo points to the fact that Guarionex was a pen-name Schomburg used decades earlier in several writings during his work within the Antillean independence movement. This displacement of his own identity, when he showed no preoccupation with using the "I"

83 Arthur A. Schomburg, "Two Negro Missionaries to the American Indians, John Marrant and John Stewart," Journal of Negro History 21, no. 4 (1936). 84 Arroyo, "Technologies," 17-19. For a furtherconversation of Schomburg's use of his pen name of Guarlonex, and metafiction to articulate Ideas of transcultural identity. 85 Schomburg, "Two Negro Missionaries," 395. 86 Schomburg, "Two Negro Missionaries," 394. 65

on the very next page is deliberate and an artistic development within his own intellectual writing, a development that was awarded by the ASNLH in granting its prize. But even in his growing prominence within Woodson's own circle, Schomburg was still strongly aware of the ways in which his own past within the Antillean Independence movement and his own revolutionary Caribbean past were directly involved in the ways he considered and viewed his presence decades later.

The fm al honor that depicted Woodson's respect for Schomburg as an equal appeared in a letter to Schomburg in December of 1936. Despite years where Schomburg and Woodson had disagreements, when Woodson disrespected and slighted Schomburg as an equal, Schomburg continued to demonstrate both his dedication and rare talents as a collector and intellectual. Woodson wrote, "We are pleased to know that you are willing to serve on our editorial board ...At present we shall proceed with a board of

87 seven ...Return this Jetter when you have read it. This matter is confidential." Woodson had lost a member of the editorial board by this point and needed a suitable replacement.

In filling this position, and completing an eight member board for his Journal of Negro

History, Woodson appealed to his reliable colleague Schomburg. But this was to be kept confidential until details could beworked out. Still the fact is, when left in a vulnerable position, Woodson turned to Schomburg to serve as one of the primary editors for his

Jo urnal.

Schomburg had developed from someone whom Woodson only consulted for sources, and subsequently failed to acknowledge in his book over a decade before, to someone of much status and importance. Schomburg served as a personal contact for several individuals globally, and contributed to the ASNLH on several levels. Woodson

" Woodson to Schomburg, December 29, 1936. 66

contacted Schomburg for input and information for his Committee of Findings.

Furthermore, Woodson not only allowed Schomburg to publish articleswithin his

Journal, but also awarded Schomburg as a writerwho garnered praise from the ASNLH in receiving second prize over established professors and individuals with advanced degrees for his contribution to the Jo urnal. In the end, Woodson himselfrequested for

Schomburg to serve as one of a limited group of editors for the Jo urnal, a testament to the respect and positive light in which Woodson held Schomburg. Thefa ct that

Woodson, who had been one of the biggest detractors against Schomburg, relied on

Schomburg in so many fa cets is a striking development within their relationship. But it also shows the ways in which Schomburg, through his own perseverance and work, had solidified himself as a respected, deserving and crucial member of the Black intellectual elite, and a colleague of Woodson.

Schomburg' s Presidency,the ANA andthe Talented Tenth

In the 1920's during the Harlem Renaissance, Schomburg was elected to the presidency of the American Negro Academy. In the years since his acceptance to the organization in the mid 1910's, Schomburg rose in the ranks of this society, not only earning the presidency, but also maintaining this role until its demise in 1929. Scholars such as Alfred Moss, Jr ., have questioned Schomburg's presidency, labeling his presidency as a primary reason for the ultimate demise of the ANA. Arguing that

Schomburg's activities were known only to a small circle of friends, Moss writes,

"Despite the fact that the society'smembership included men of superior scholarly attaimnents, with more impressive public reputations, Schomburg retained the office of 67 president until the demise of the academy in 1929 ."88 Given 50 members to choose from,

Moss finds the choice to elect Schomburg as president a dubious decision. To him,

Schomburg was not on equal fo oting as those such as Carter G. Woodson, Kelly Miller or

Edward Everett Just. Yet Schomburg won re-election for nine years. Moss writes, "It is impossible to say with any uncertainty why Schomburg and [ANA vice-president]

Pelham had as much support asthey did."89

Schomburg was not as obscure as Moss seems to think, nor were his activities as isolated as Moss makes them out to be. Despite the fact that Schomburg lacked the degrees of Woodson, he was as central to Black intellectualism and perhaps more important to the building of Black history than these other figures, given his collection of research resources. Through his presidency, and his activities up to and through the

Harlem Renaissance, Schomburg challenged conceptions of what it meant to be a member of the talented tenth, and in doing so solidified his position as a cornerstone of the Early Black History movement.

In 1898, the ANA published its third occasional paper, "Civilization the Primal

Need of the Race," a printed copy of fo under Alexander Cnunmell 's inaugural address to theAcademy. Here, Crummell expanded upon the goals and vision of the ANA, while also defming the intellectual and moral guidelines of the Black leadership. Further,

Cnunmell set up the ANA as the bastion of what Du Bois later called the talented tenth.

Crummell posited that absence of "civilization" was the main problem of the American

ss Moss, The American Negro Academy, 222. Further, "For the academy to have elected him its president when there were members such as Kelly Miller, a prominent sociologist and writer and writer on racial issues; Edward Everett Just, a distinguished research biologist who had earned a Ph.D. at the University of Chicago; and Carter G. Woodson, an outstanding historian and educator with a Ph.D from Harvard University, was unmistakable sign of decline." 89 Moss, The American Negro Academy, 227. 68

Negro, and as such promoting civilization should be the special undertaking of the

Academy. The main issue, then, is what encompassed the definition of civilization, and how it pertains to the Negro race, for Crummell, and the ANA.

Crummell wrote succinctly that the special undertaking of the Academy is the civilization of the Negro race in terms ofliterature, art, philosophy, through the agency of the "cultured men of the Negro race." In this, he linked civilization to ideas of the need of leadership of a select fe w. But he expanded further on his concept. Crummell said that the leaders must be proactive in,

...the revival of letters, in the advancement of science, in the renaissance of

art, in the destruction of gross superstitions and in the restoration of true and

enlightened religion ....It is only thus we can secure that recognition of genius

and scholarship in the republic of letters, which is the rightful prerogative of

every race.90

In 1898, Crummell addressed the organization and underlined that the goals of the ANA were to be measured by its collective attainment of the highest arts. As such, the responsibility of the ANA was to collect distinguished men of arts and letters, through the maintenance of 50 core members who exemplified this trait. Each individual must represent themselves as leaders, race leaders of "genius and scholarship." These high levels of civilization encompassed such things as education, arts, sciences and religion which must be advanced by the beacons of the race. Beyond, this, they must promote and encourage further talent and genius to foster a community of high civilization to serve as examples and leaders. This is the measure of civilization as defined by Crummell whose

90 Alexander Crummell, "Civilizatio the Primal Need of the Race (1898)," In The American Negro Academy Occasional Papers 1-22, ed. William Loren Katz (New York: Arno Press, 1969). 69

logic runs through the ANA. Standing against the ideas ofproperty or financial attainment as the means of racial progress, Crnmmell stated that, "It is the absorption of a people, of a nation, of a race, in large majestic and abiding things which lifts them upto the skies.'m To Crummell, and the members of the society, the proposed leaders of the race, by building arts and letters i.e. civilization, the entire race could be lifted. Through the cultivation of civilization, such things as humanized labor, extended commerce, enterprise and invention could be achieved.

But it took exceptional individuals to foster civilization. Even in his paper,

Crummell asked the question of who the agents of racial uplift would be. He answered his own question by stating that bringing up the height and noble thought, elevating culture refinement and progress, would be the work of scholars and thinkers. Crummell then created the framework of who was included in these thinkers and scholars.

According to Crummell, few "men" could grasp truth. This was not the work of the masses. For Crnmmell, the masses were crude, incapable of being learned and scientific, and needed the guidance of "trained and scholarly men." The scholar or thinker on the other hand, was exceptional . Crummell wrote, "the leader, the creative and organizing mind, is the master-need in all societies of man. But, if they are not inspired with the notion of leadership and duty, then with all their Latin and Greek and science they are but

92 pedants, trimmers and opportunists." Crummell made the case for a very exceptional group of individuals as the sole vehicles or agents of change for the race. These individuals, not only had to be exceptional thinkers and scholars, men of distinction, but also hadto fe el that they were responsible for bringing about this change in this race. It

91 Crumm ell, "Civilization." 92 Crummell, �'Civilization." 70

was only through the work of this talented and select few that Black civilization would be achieved.

Crummell in this inaugural address also made one last demand of the men who were members of the Academy and individuals of this privileged class. He wrote, "these reformers must not be mere scholars and philanthropists .. .In all the great revolutions, and in all great reforms which have transpired, scholars have been conspicuous; in the

reconstruction of society, in fo rmulating laws, in producing great emancipations.. . ,,n

These men that Crummell and the ANA amassed were not just to be seen as exceptional beacons to be modeled after, but instead must be seen, and must see themselves, as reformers, or better yet revolutionary figures. In many ways then, Crummell was advocating a revolution of sorts, led by these select men, using the vehicle of arts and letters. It is in this vain that Schomburg saw his role, and he accepted and assumed leadership. It was though ideas of revolution and reform, particularly through education of Black history, that Schomburg understood his own position and vision.

Inthis position as leader and president, Schomburg worked for almost a decade, and while his production waned in the closing years, Schomburg also published one of the occasional papers of the Academy. Scholar Thabiti Asukile gives Schomburg's essay,

"Economic Contribution by the Negro to America," one of the deepest and positive considerations of many scholars. While Alfred Moss critiques this paper as being rambling and disjointed, and unimpressive, which aids his assertion that Schomburg was unfit fo r presidency, Asukile finds many positive qualities in Schomburg's paper presented to the ANA. Asukile says that, "some of the historical topics Schomburg raised in his paper could be viewed as precursors to what few historians wrote about during his

93 Crummell, "Civilization." 71

94 lifetime and after his death." For instance, Schomburg proposed the possibility of

African presence in the Americas more than half a decade before ' s work TheyCame Before Columbus (1976).95 A second example that Asukile highlights is

Schomburg's attention and reference to African storytelling and music in slave culture,

96 fo reshadowing the later work of Melvin Herskovits and Sterling Stuckey. While

Asukile concluded that Schomburg ably critiqued falsifications in Eurocentric scholarship, and gave Africans an agency that was denied to them in Euro-American scholarship, Schomburg's paper reveals more. Schomburg's paper to the ANA demonstrates more than what it is given credit fo r, namely, elements of Schomburg's vision and ideology of reformation as idealized by Crummell in theANA members.

Throughout the essay, Schomburg makes references to great individuals of two spheres. The first sphere that emergesthroughout this essay several times, and throughout many of his other works, are great writers and poets of Negro descent. In Crummell's address, he advocated, "If we are fortunate enough, to see, of a sudden, a clever mathematician of our class, a brilliant poet, a youthful, but promising scientist or philosopher, let us rush forward and hail his coming with no hesitant admiration, with no

97 reluetant praise." Schomburg took these words to heart; he reinterpreted them how he saw fit. In his approximation, it was not enough to just hail the coming of current individuals who succeeded in the realms of arts and letters, but also to laud those who came before. As such, in his paper to the ANA, Schomburg he celebrates many Negroes

94 Thabiti Asukile, "Arthur Alfonso Schomburg (1874-1938): Embracing the Black Motherhood Experience in Love of Black People," Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 30, no. 2 (2006). 83. 95 Ivan Van Sertima, They Came before Columbus (New York: Random House, 1976). 96 Melville J. Herskovits, The Myth of the Negro Past (Gloucester, MA: P. Smith, 1958); Sterling St uckey, Slave Culture : Nationalist Th eory and the Foundations of Black America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). 97 Crummell, {ICivilization," 7. 72

who had achieved thehighest arts. For instance, he wrote, "Negroes were in Mexico with the vanguard of Spaniards, and to that country must be credited one of the earliest Negro poets. He lived in Mexico City, and was by trade, a carpenter. ..and was always sought by

the elite ... "98 He also praised the Eboe tribe of Africa for their work in fabrics and their looms, Negro students who excelled in examinations of such subj ects as algebra, geometry, Latin, Greek and Hebrew. Of agricultural talents Schomburg also wrote, "They were able in the production of sugar cane to become experts in the tempering of the cane juice for the various degrees of sugar, which today require analytical chemists to supervise its improved manufacture ..:m Here, Schomburg challenged and expanded the views ofCrummell. It was not only the prerogative of the Negro elite to usher in the young and talented Negroes of the highest arts. Rather, it was also the past that must be honored, for here Blacks had demonstrated their achievements and contributions to civilization. Schomburg, promoted the past great individuals of arts, letters and science.

He was taking the ideas central to the ANA, and reinterpreted them to fit his ideas of reformist history.

But this was not the only vain in which this paper reveals Schomburg's ideology.

Throughout this paper, Schomburg displayed a fa scination with another topic, the ideas of great military leaders ofNegro descent. Early in the paper, Schomburg highlighted a

Negro captain who opposed the Spanish in Granada, and jumped to his death rather than surrender and submit to the Spanish Commander Cisneros. He later devoted an entire section to the added glory ofNegroes in the "field of arms." He noted several early insurrections from the 17t11 and 18t11 centuries, and mentioned how Negroes of Suriname

98 Arturo Schomburg, "The Economic Contributions by the Negro to the Americas (1915)," in The American Negro Academy Occasional Papers 1-22, ed. William Loren Katz (New York: Arno Press, 1969). 53. 99 Schomburg, "Economic Contributions," 56. 73

fo ught white Hollanders for fiveyears from 1772-7. His admiration for military achievements, or insurrections led by, or contributed to by Negroes proceeded through

Santo Domingo, St. Lucia, Brazil and Jamaica. And Schomburg dedicated an entire paragraph to Haiti. In admiration of Haiti, Schomburg wrote,

The name of Haiti will always stimulate us to revere the memory of men

who have stamped their names on the scroll of time, for not only did that

island strike the first effective blow for the liberation of the black slave,

but, having accomplished this purpose, the Haitians aided in the liberation

100 of all America from the yoke ofEurope.

He then noted the contributions of Haitian president Petion and compared him to Simon

Bolivar in the liberation of South America. Here, it is not the obsession with violence, aggression or military per se that drove Schomburg. Rather, what was driving Schomburg was a fa scination on ideas of insurrection and revolution. Earlier in Crummell' s inaugural address, Crummell made pleas to fm d intellectuals and thinkers who were dedicated to reform and revolution, amongst other means. However, Schomburg was attracted to the ideas of reform and revolution specifically. In this way, Schomburg took the tenets of the

ANA and interpreted them in ways that fit his growing ideology and his vision based on his life experiences. It was in this way that Schomburg could be seen not just as a valuable member of the ANA, but also suitable for the presidency.

In only allowing, or permitting 50 core members at a time, the ANA would remain dedicated to having 50 men who qualicy and demonstrate these traits at any given time. By gaining admission, and then receiving the seat of the presidency, Schomburg demonstrated that his activities were not only appreciated by a small circle, but that his

100 Schomburg, "Economic Contributions," 58. 74

talents were recognized and valued by many, although occasionally devalued by those with degrees such as Woodson. Ibis back and fo rth of recognition and disregard from his colleagues complicated Schomburg's position amongst the intellectual elite, but his significance is nonetheless tangible and undeniable. Schomburg assumed his role as president and maintained it in spite of two challenges. Schomburg was respected as a member of the talented tenth, but expanded the definitions of the intellectual elite and leadership as understood by those such as Crummell, Carter G. Woodson and W.E.B. Du

Bois. But Schomburg defied limited interpretations and considered himself, as there were also others who considered him, as a necessary figure, especially in the movement in

New York known as the New Negro Renaissance.

In 1925, Alain Locke published andreleased the iconic Survey Graphic, the magazine which armounced the coming of the New Negro, and situated Harlem at the center of this artistic and intellectual. Inthis magazine, Locke used essays and creative works by many of the most significant individuals of the time. Schomburg's inclusion, not as a bibliophile, but as an essayist and writer in alandmark document, is evidence of

Schomburg's acceptance as a thinker, as a member of the intellectual elite. Here, he was not just asked to supply sources to armounce the arrival of the New Negro so more accomplished scholars could write the works that would be transformative fo r the race.

Instead, Schomburg wrote one of his most well-known essays, "The Negro Digs up His

Past." In it, Schomburg advocated two critical stances that showed his true and central beliefs: the ways in which slavery and oppression had caused deep social damage that negatively affected the Negro race in every fa cet oflife, and secondly, the role that a reorientation ofNegro history would rectifY andremedy this damage. 75

Schomburg wrote early in the essay that, "History must restore what slavery took away, for it is the social damage of slavery that present generations must offset."101 Here, he stated that, in the case of the United States, slavery had ongoing negative effects to the

Negro population, that even in the years since the abolition of slavery, there were several elements of racism that hadnot been erased but instead still contributed to the conditions of Blacks in America. To him, it went beyond just the actual physical bondage or persistent external racism from whites which was responsible for the sub-optimal condition of the race in the United States. Instead, slavery had committed several psychological and social crimes to the Negro population and was detrimental to the collective psyche of the race. Furthermore, these internal scars would not be heal naturally on their own, but must be actively treated. The way he saw to rectifY the ills of the race then, was a reorientation of history and history education, and the role of the

Negro historian in all of this.

Schomburg wrote in this shorter essay,

The bigotry of civilization which is the taproot of intellectual prejudice

begins far back and must becorre cted. Fundamentally it has come about

from the depreciation of Africa which has sprung up from ignorance of her

true role and position in human history and the early development of

culture. The Negro has been a man without a history because he has been

a man without a worthy culture.102

Here Schomburg explicitly stated that what slavery had removed African-Americans' knowledge of the Black race's own culture and civilization, andthat this was holding the

101 Arthur A. Schomburg, "The Negro Digs up His Past," in ThePortable Harlem Renaissance Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 1926). 61. 102 Schomburg, "The Negro Digs Up His Past", 66. 76

race back. Furthennore, not only was it taken away, but it was continuously and sinisterly hidden and occluded in history by Euro-centric frameworks which actively sought to exclude the presence of the Black race in any significant world events. To Schomburg,

European domination resulted fr om whites' knowledge of their place and significance in the world, and that Euro-centric scholarship erased the Black race fr om history to maintain this dominance. But in so doing, he adhered to the ideas of the ANA and

Crurnmell by invoking the importance of civilization and culture. What Schomburg advocated was challenging the ways in which we look at history. In order to restore the

Negro race, history must be looked at through a revaluation of Africa; that Negro history must be looked at through an emphasis on the centrality of what is African, Negro or

Black. Thus, Africa must beresituated in history in order for the Negro in America and in the Diaspora to truly overcome oppression. Schomburg's thought is nonnally reduced to one line of this essay, "The American Negro must remake his past in order to make his

103 future." But this line does not get to the richness of his thought. The line does show that his view of history as refonnative, restorative and revisionary in nature. But

Schomburg advocated a revolutionary interpretation of history, one that completely re­ wrote the Black past and restructured the Diaspora in the "New World." Through

Schomburg's work we rediscover the roots for Afro-centric thought presently. And these seeds of Afro-centric thought that he was planting blossomed in both the thoughts of others, and the physical reality through his archive.

Valuing Schomburg for what he is ...

On July 5 1930, the African-American newspaper Top eka Plain Dealer, printed two pieces that demonstrated Schomburg's importance in the African-American

103 Schomburg, "The Negro Digs up his Past," 61. 77 community. Noted essayist Eugene Gordon, wrote "The Thirteen Most Important

Negroes in the United States," an article that extended through several issues and concluded in this edition of the Dealer. Gordon not only listed the individuals that he considered most important to the African-American community, but also the rational tor placing them on the list while excluding others. Concerning Schomburg, Gordon wrote,

It is significant that the man who has done most to make books by and about the

Negro available to the black man is himself a Negro. Arthur A. Schomburg's

splendid collection of books and pamphlets, brought together over many years,

was bought by the New York Public Library and placed in the 135th St. Branch

in Harlem. Mr. Schomburg has read all these books, and can relate their

contents; but this fac t is not so important as the fact that his unusual talent has

104 made it possible for everybody to read them.

Schomburg was included on the listalongside the names of figures such as, Carter G.

Woodson, Professor Monroe Work, and A. Philip Randolph, the fo under of the

Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Schomburg's fame was renowned enough for him to receive this praise far from his home community inNYC. For Gordon, Schomburg's importance is tied to his archive, themost impressive collection ofartif acts, materials, and books dedicated to the Black diaspora during that time. Furthermore, Schomburg is lauded for donating and making this collection accessible to anyone and everyone as part of the New York Public Library system. The fa ct that Schomburg served as the curator of this collection, working within the 135th St. Branch Library, only enhanced his standing within the Black community locally, nationally. He shared his rare ability to relate the

104 Eugene Gordon, "The Thirteen Most Important Negros in the United States," Topeka Plain Dealer, July 5, 1930 1930. 78

contents of these books, and his extensive knowledge, to any passerby who chanced upon this library. A few of those who frequented this Collection, to witness Schomburg's collection and share in his knowledge, were Marcus Garvey (before he was arrested),

Countee Cullen and Langston Hughes. Gordon honored Schomburg for his role in making this knowledge accessible to the Black community at-large, as well as to the

105 intellectual community.

Included in this same issue is a fe ature story on Schomburg written by Jamaican- born author, journalist and historian, . Rogers declared that

Schomburg, "is one of the outstanding figures in the field of Negro history, and in his

106 particular line, original research, he is foremost." In this celebratory biographical sketch, Schomburg is praised for his unique and unrivaled ability to uncover the most obscure facts and materials. For instance, Schomburg was able to unearth the original portrait of Black astronomer and almanac-maker Benjamin Banneker, as well as re- discovering a manuscript of Lenuel Haynes, a Black pastor of a white congregation in

New England pre-emancipation. With these finds, John Wesley Cromwell, former president of the ANA, congratulated Schomburg for achieving what numerous individuals and institutions had failed to do. Schomburg was able to fm d what many fe lt to be lost, and they marveled at what seemed to be his perceived magnetic attraction to items that had eluded the quest of others before . Rogers acknowledged not only

Schomburg's work in supplying a rare collection of books and sources to African-

American scholars, sources which included Zulu nursery rhymes, the poetry of Phyllis

105 Slnette, Black Bibliophile. 106 J.A. Rogers, "The Sherlock Holmes of History," Topeka Plain Dealer., July 5. 1930. 79

Wheatley, and othermaterial from the Congo, Guinea and Latin America, but also his aid to foreign scholars and libraries.

RogerS called Schomburg a walking encyclopedia of information on the

"American Negro," and noted that rarely could anyone reference a fa ct on "the Negro" of which Schomburg was not already aware. But Schomburg was also knowledgeable about the global Black diaspora in ways that many ways that were unrivaled. Rogers also made a point that often is overlooked, that Schomburg's native language was Spanish. The fa ct that Schomburg did all this, in a second language that he learned after arriving in New

York at 17 years of age, is another testament to his dedication and hard work. Rogers concluded, " ...history is all important, and the group who becomes important must have one. When that time comes, Schomburg will be valued for what he is. Let us hope, however, that the Negro group for which he has labored for so long and so consistently, will give him some of that honor while he is still here to enjoy it." Unfortunately, that wish has not come to pass, and Schomburg still has not received the acknowledgement of which he is deserving, nor does history value him for what he is, a revolutionary historian.

Conclusion

The consistent thread through the life and works of Schomburg is an adherence to revolution. It was the single most powerful motivating fa ctor that drove Schomburg to dedicate his life to ideas of human betterment. Schomburg initially looked to the

Liberation of the Antilles as a form of political and national liberation to improve the conditions of those within Cuba and Puerto Rico. For this reason, he worked under those such as Cuban nationalist Jose Marti, and Puerto Rican revolutionary figures in New 80

York Sotero Figueroa and Flor Baerga. Schomburg came to New York to be a part of this emancipatory movement, and contributed to it by fo unding and serving as secretary to one of the many local anns of the larger Cuban Revolutionary Party based in the United

States. But at the close of the war, when the United States claimed victory over Spain,

Schomburg was said to have become disillusioned with the revolutionary movement and abandoned this cause to pursue his other activities in advancement of the Black race and

Black history.

But this is a misplaced assertion. By looking at, and understanding Schomburg in terms of revolutionary thought and vain, the evolution to this field is not at all a difficult or disconnected jump. Schomburg was able to see that the conditions of Cuban Blacks, many of whom had given their time, work and lives even, fo r the liberation of that island, were not reaping the same benefits that their white counterparts received post-War of

Independence, disturbed Schomburg. The ways in which the Revolutionary principles of

Mart! were not applied to Black Cubans, whom Schomburg had witnessed as being dedicated to the Antillean Independence movement on the frontlines or within the Cuban

Revolutionary Party, was disconcerting. In this way, he had the passion for revolution and in many ways, recalled upon the rhetoric of Marti's emancipatory politics and spirit, but reapplied it in a new way. His travels throughout the Caribbean and Spanish America, and seeing the conditions of Blacks in those countries, this only solidified his ideology on the connections among people of African descent, and realized that national independence movements were not necessarily effective means in improving this race of peoples he felt connected to. For Schomburg, revolution took on a new fonn. He turned these ideas of unseating a power, from dismantling an imperial power in tenns of Spain's 81

control over Cuba and Puerto Rico, into an attempt to dismantle white domination over

Blacks by seeking the past. That is, the best way for Schomburg to do that was through history, where he knew his talent for collecting source materials was unmatched. For

Schomburg, the cultivation of the study of history was a form of revolutionary resistance, one informed by his experiences within Las Dos Antillas and the New York-based Cuban

Revolutionary Party. He translated that same dedication and passion, in terms oflanguage and aim in such organizations as the Negro Society for Historical Research and the

American Negro Academy. Schomburg found that a larger form of freedom had to take place by intellectually and historically displacing a white oppressive society. But this in and of itself was not the extent of Schomburg's vision.

Schomburg also challenged the Black intelligentsia on what it means to be educated. He brought attention to institutions and his research demonstrated that knowledge could be acquired instead of putting limits on the access to, knowledge.

Schomburg worked within such organizations such as the ANA, NSHR and even did extensive work within the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History with

Woodson, often in the face of fierce opposition. Schomburg faced the slight and professional discourtesy of Woodson who fai led to credit him with sources in his textbook TheNegro in Our History, and by individuals including Woodson and Du Bois who believed that Schomburg was unfit to serve as curator to the collection that he amassed anddonated to the New York Public Library. Because of his lack of a degree,

Schomburg was originally deemed unqualified for this role. Schomburg also was belittled

(both those in his time and after his death) who questioned his credentials in being president of the ANA. But Schomburg challenged what it meant to be learned and 82

educated. He blurred and thenredef med the lines between education and intellectualism.

For Schomburg, to be educated and learnedwas not predicated on the attainment of advanced degrees, nor was intelligence reserved for those who had advanced degrees.

Schomburg himself was a testament to this fact.

Schomburg withstood all this resistance because he was a child raised in revolutionary times, imbued with persistence and drive fo r change. This context was central to his character in all his actions, and his perspectives on life. Schomburg considered himself as a radical, a reformist and revolutionary whose specific weapon of choice was history. For this reason, there is remarkable continuity in his life, and a purpose behind his tireless efforts. Schomburg viewed himself, and understood his actions as not simply academic, but as a further continuance of emancipation, informed by his past within the PRC, and translated to the uplift of the Black race. Schomburg took the principles of poet, writer and orator Marti, mixed them with visions of military leaders such as Cuban generals Antonio Maceo and Haitian liberator Touissant

L'Ouverture, and fa shioned himself as a cross between all these figures. By infusing the fight and leadership of Black generals and the words and rhetoric of Cuban national symbol Marti into the field of Black history, Schomburg presented a redefined "Negro

History" based on new revolutionary principles.

Schomburg was dedicated to his archive, his collection of primary source material, and fo r that reason he is known as a bibliophile. At the same time, we speak of

Carter G. Woodson and W.E.B. Du Bois in glowing terms because of their achievements in publications and academia. Du Bois is identified as one of our greatest historians, sociologists and thinkers, while Carter G. Woodson is still termed the "Father of Black 83

History." Schomburg is normally not seen in this light because his legacy is defined in terms of collecting. But if we value evidence as well as thinking, writing, activism aud intellectualism as contributions in the Black experience, Schomburg stauds on similar fo oting to these individuals. Schomburg served as president at one of the most prestigious institutions for advaucement of the Black race, audwas called upon on numerous occasions to aid Woodson in the later years. Schomburg contributed to, aud even excelled to the highest levels in these same levels, being called upon to write articles fo r the

Journal of Negro History aud won prize. He was also requested to serve on editorial boards fo r the ASNLH, aud lead discussions on meetings of Black leaders.

But even if he had not accomplished all of these things, aud his collection at the

!35thStreet was all that he was remembered fo r, what does this say about what we consider worthy of extraordinary recognition when we do not lift Schomburg's name up to high levels of praise? Rogers called Schomburg the Sherlock Holmes of Negro History for his ability to find, collect, preserve aud catalogue the most impressive collection of materials for the Black race ever assembled. Gordon proceeded to celebrate Schomburg's importauce of making this information available aud accessible to every person interested in the subj ect, intellectual aud common mau alike. This remains so with the Schomburg

Center for Research in Black Culture which still stauds in Harlem. What is valued, aud what constitutes legitimate achievement when this accomplishment in contribution to the

Negro race, is reduced to bibliophilia while we choose to celebrate others?

But in the end, Joel Augustus Rogers' appeal to value Schomburg for what he is still fa lls on deaf ears. Even understauding Schomburg as a revolutionary historiau falls short. , distinguished Pau-Africanist historiau aud professor, wrote au 84

essay titled "The Influence of Arthur A. Schomburg on My Concept of Africana Studies" about his first encounter with Schomburg within his collection on the third floor of the

th 135 StreetBranch library in 1934. The 15-year-old Clarke told Schomburg that he wanted to know the full history of Blacks around the world. Schomburg responded, "Son, go study the history of your oppressor. Once you know the history of your oppressor and why he had to oppress you, you will also learn why he had to remove you from the

107 respectful commentary of human history." Schomburg advocated a view of the history that particularly liberating, a history as a tool of liberation, a tool that he intended to be used by the masses. This view and understanding that he shared with the young Clarke changed the ways the young man would understand study for years to come. Clarke wrote, "In retrospect, I think that Arthur A. Schomburg was the antecedent of the Black

108 Studies Revolution and one of the ideological fathers of this generation." Clarke was unaware of the weight and truth of these words he said in passing.

When the numerous contributious he made to the varied organizations of his life, in establishing the fo undation of the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, and his views on education on how it could change the racial status quo for the global

Black diaspora are considered, Schomburg emerges as more thana bibliophile. Even deeming him the greatest bibliophile to ever live, or the Sherlock Holmes ofNegro

History does not quite capture the extent of his influence or important ofthe collection for which the Research Center is named.. If we are to value Schomburg fo r what he is, as

J.A. Rogers asked us to do, as revolutionary historian of the Black race, we come to a new consideration. Using the Spanish language myself, if Woodson is considered the

107 John Henrik Clarke, "The Influence of Arthur A. Schomburg on My Concept of Africana Studies," Phylon 49, no. 1/2 (1992). 108 Clarke, "The Influence of Arthur A. Schomburg," 9. 85

"Father of Black History," then Schomburg is certainly one of the copadres,109 co- parents, of the Black History movement. Further to thepoint, Schomburg should be considered the "Father of Africana Studies," for his concept of Black diasporic history, its role in resisting oppression, and fo r making historical knowledge about Black peoples accessible to everyone through this archive.

109 In Spanish, co padre is used to referto "godparents." However, this also has connotations of mutual responsibility for raising a child, more so than is Implied In English. 86

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