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Interpreting Conversion to Catholicism a Mong Quebec Algonquins

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Interpreting Conversion to Catholicism a Mong Quebec Algonquins A Question of Emotions and a Matter of Respect: Interpreting Conversion to Catholicism Among Quebec Algonquins MARIE-PIERRE BOUSQUET Universite de Montreal INTRODUCTION "Why did our ancestors convert to a new religion?" Why did Algonquins convert to Catholicism? While presenting the results of some preliminary research to a few Algonquin collaborators in May 2007, I was surprised by the question they put to me. I had thought, rather naively, that I had just answered it. My preliminary research began in 2005, when I first examined the Oblate archives, and it was these results that I was sharing with members of a cultural centre in northern Quebec. While the Algonquins did not consider my opinions to be wrong, they clearly felt that my responses to their questions were partial, at best. Something important was missing: an understanding of conversion in light of Algonquin values and in particular with their rules governing interaction with foreigners (non-Algonquins). I present here the results of a series of conversations - even debates - that emerged following my presentation of these early findings at the Cultural Centre, which I hope will contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the process of conversion. Conversion is usually understood as the adoption of new religious creeds that replace older beliefs. Many explanations can be invoked. The rationalist can see it as fulfilling a need, the believer as reaching out to a community or a god. In analysing the conversion of Canadian First Nations, Laugrand (2002) notes that the literature, on the whole, tends to see conversion as the result of constraint rather than choice. Under the stress of their colonialised life, Native People were either forced to adopt Christianity or chose to do so for strategic reasons. Everything depends on one's Papers of the 39th Algonquin Conference, ed. Karl S. Hele & Regna Darnell (London : The University of Western Ontario, 2008) pp. 52-71. A QUESTION OF EMOTIONS AND A MATTER OF RESPECT 53 viewpoint. When considered as defeated peoples, they bowed to the inevitable but accepted Christianity because it was congruent with some aspects of their belief systems. Laugrand's analysis, however, reveals the contradictions of this position. First, seeing the adoption of religious traditions as a reaction to enforced transformation or as modifications of already-established beliefs essentialises these cultures. Second, examining only visible transformations glosses over the various forms that conversion can take and the many reasons behind the change. On the whole, this position sees the converted as victims, a view that has found its way into Algonquin discourse, especially among the young. Algonquin communities seem to have enshrined in their collective memories a victim complex that lowers their self-esteem. After briefly sharing the results of my earlier research, I will present the contemporary context surrounding the relations between the Algonquins, the Church, and Catholic beliefs in order to show how Algonquins incorporated the discourse on belief systems into their conversion histories. Specifically, I will show how interpretations of emotions - and their public display - can be mobilised to understand the Oblates' reactions in the past, the Algonquins' reactions in the present, and the way that memories are modified by subsequent generations to make sense of the present. I conclude with a discussion of how these different views of emotions were interpreted and understood by members of the Cultural Centre. CONVERSION HISTORIES IN OBLATE DOCUMENTS AND IN ORAL HISTORIES The Algonquins came into contact with Christianity early in recorded history, as did other Algonquian peoples in Quebec. Nonetheless, the Algonquins consider that evangelisation only really began in the 19th century when the Oblate Order started proselytising, three years after their 1841 arrival in Canada. Before 1841, the Algonquins had been visited by Sulpicians and representatives of other orders, but Algonquin semi-nomadism and 54 MARIE-PIERRE BOUSQUET the near-absence of permanent missions meant that they were able to limit their contact with missionaries. In 1844, the Oblates founded permanent missions in Temiscamingue and in Abitibi. According to Oblate accounts, the Temiscamingue Algonquins converted more rapidly than the peoples of Abitibi; the former were considered more docile and more receptive to the missionary message than their Abitibi cousins. Cette premiere mission [a Temiscamingue en 1836] fut tres fructueuse. Les sauvages accoururent au nombre de plusieurs centaines, ecouterent avec docilite la parole de la verite. M. de Bellefeuille et son compagnon firent 142 baptemes, dont 19 d'adultes, 4 mariages, et administrerent la communion a 28 fideles, tant irlandais que canadiens, se reservant de donner, l'annee suivante, une instruction plus solide a leurs neophytes, avant de les laisser s'approcher d'un si auguste sacrement (Barbezieuxl897: 187). According to Proulx (1882: 163), "Les sauvages de Temiscamingue [...] paraissent avoir un air de civilisation que n'ont pas ceux de l'interieur". The Abitibiwinnik resisted because of their strong commitments to sorcery, superstition and drunkenness (Riopel 1991: 32). In this view, Riopel (1991) and Gosselin (1996), summarising the Oblate chronicles, show that the Temiscamingue Algonquins were considered to be almost converted by the early 1840s, as most members of the band were baptized and knew the Catholic prayers, whereas the Abitibi Algonquins remained "hard to convert" until 1869 (Gosselin 1996: 106). Nevertheless, the latter would become, at the end of the 19th century, "the pearl of our missions". As one missionary recounts, "C'est aujourd'hui une mission tres florissante au spirituel et au temporel, la perle de toutes nos missions" (Letter of Francois- Xavier Fafard o.m.i. to Edmond Gendreau, 24 June 1895, quoted by Gosselin 1996: 107). Six major themes run through Oblate accounts of conversion: epidemics and famines, combating alcoholism, gifts, sorcery fights, charm and theatrics, and, finally, intervening in the social order. It is true that major conversions in Temiscamingue and the A QUESTION OF EMOTIONS AND A MATTER OF RESPECT 55 Abitibi took place while there were ongoing famines and epidemics in these regions. Until 1870, for example, the missionaries complained of their lack of success with the Abitibi Indians. Beginning in this period, however, the Abitibiwinnik were rocked by a series of devastating epidemics, which eventually killed half of the people in the band (Riopel c.1991: 32). It is no coincidence that from this time on, Christianity seemed to take hold, according to both Abitibiwinnik oral traditions and missionary records. The missionaries, in effect, exploited this situation by promising that baptism could save the Algonquins. Catholic sacraments were part of the Oblate arsenal, as Father Proulx explained in 1886 when relating how baptism cured a fever (Proulx 1886: 163). Proulx notes in the same line that the Sacred Host is translated in Algonquin as "Medicine that makes one stronger" (1886: 80-81). The missionaries urged the Algonquins to convert to ward off disease, which were signs of divine anger at their reluctance to convert. Pikogan Elders have apparently accepted this explanation, since they allude to it in their accounts of missionary influence. Dans le temps des jours de l'An, au lac Abitibi, mon grand-pere me racontait ca, il mettait des mocassins neufs pour aller danser. lis dansaient toute la nuit, dans ce temps-la, les Anicinabek. A la fin de la danse, il avait des trous dans ses mocassins, tellement il avait danse. On dansait dans ce temps-la! On n'entendait rien, parce que c'etaient des mocassins. On n'entendait pas le bruit des pas, on entendait juste le tambour. Nous, dans notre temps, c'etaient des sets carres. Mais le pretre sonnait la cloche pour dire quand il fallait arreter de danser. Le pretre n'aimait pas que les Anicinabek dansent. II disait que ce n'etait pas bien, il ne voulait pas que Ton danse la nuit. Avant que les pretres ne viennent, les Anicinabek dansaient trois jours et trois nuits. C'est pour 9a que les mocassins etaient troues. Quand les pretres sont arrives, on n'avait plus le droit de danser. On demandait au pretre "pourquoi tu defends aux Anicinabek de danser trois jours et trois nuits?" Le pretre repondait que Dieu les avait punis, parce qu'il y avait eu une grosse maladie, une epidemie, la rougeole je crois, dans ce temps-la. Le pretre disait que Dieu les avait punis de danser trois jours et trois nuits. C'est pour 9a 56 MARIE-PIERRE BOUSQUET qu'ils ont arrete de danser la nuit. C'est ma grand-mere qui disait 9a (Judith, 70 ans, avril 1996, Pikogan). This explanation was coherent with Algonquin moral notions that transgressions merit punishment. In fact, both Algonquins and Catholics at the time attributed illness to bad relations with the spirit world, which partly explains the missionaries' success. The association between the presence of missionaries and the curing of disease was reinforced, for example, by prestigious figures such as Chief Pakinawatik travelling to Bytown in 1851 to beg the Bishop "de venir porter un secours religieux a sa population qui est en train de subir une terrible epideinie de rougeole" (Proulx 1897: 455). This association was further strengthened in the 1930s by the fact missionaries - who were asked by government authorities to coordinate the provision of health care - gave gifts of medicine. Fathers Gueguen (Carriere 1978: 66-67), Proulx (1892: 229), Laverlochere (Carriere 1963) and Guinard (Bouchard 1980) all mention that they fought alcoholism, which they had personally witnessed, as had the fur traders. Alcoholism figured prominently in their sermons: [...] je n'etais pas cependant tres content de nos sauvages. J'avais fait une petite lecture sur l'ivrognerie, le mardi au soir et ce soir-la meme trois ou quatre qui probablement n'avaient pas ete a la chapelle, se mirent a boire et a faire du train de 1'autre bord (de la riviere) (Carriere 1978: 66).
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