DOCSLIB.ORG

Mos, Maiores, and Historical Exempla in Roman Culture and Society

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Mos, Maiores, and Historical Exempla in Roman Culture and Society OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 28/6/2010, SPi 1 Mos, maiores, and historical exempla in Roman culture and society The Roman republic with its institutions was not founded by a written constitution but had developed over centuries. The sources consulted for proper legitimate practices—whether political, social, religious, or economic— were laws and decrees of various kinds, legal precedents, and tradition, mos. Mos was an unwritten yet central part of Roman society because, for example, many rules of the political and legal systems were based on tradition rather than laws and statutes. Similarly, mos guided social norms. In this way, mos had a normative function in the Roman republic. The ancestors were regarded as the creators of mos, and the collective actions and customs of the ancestors was termed mos maiorum. The fundamental importance of mos maiorum for the right interpretation of constitutional practices of the Roman state meant that the ancestors were revered as providers of such practices and that their actions and decisions were regarded as one of the leading principles in all aspects of life. The nature of mos maiorum meant that it was a very flexible source of practices and that the actions and customs of the ancestors could always be reinterpreted. In this way, the Romans looked to the past not only for solutions but also for qualifications for present situations which suited their own particular agenda.1 1 Instances of orators referring to mos or the maiores: Val. Max. 4.1.3 (C. Marcius Rutilus Censorinus speaking); Festus 220.9; Prisc. in G.L.2, 226.16; Gell. NA. 4.3.37, 14.2.21 (M. Porcius Cato Maior); Gell. NA. 4.20.1; Macrob. Sat. 3.14.6 (P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus); Cic. De or. 2.200 (C. Antonius, the orator); Cic. Tul. 49 (L. Quinctius); Cic. Balb. 2 (Pompey). For modern discussions of mos maiorum see Rech (1936) 8; Bleicken (1975) 354–96; Burckhardt (1988) 14; Timpe (1996) 279; Lintott (1999b) 1–8; Stemmler (2000) 167; Bettini (2000); Ho¨lkeskamp (2004a) 184–5; Flaig (2004) 83–8; Wallace-Hadrill (2008b) 213–58. Blo¨sel (2000) 76: two meanings of maiores, while Wallace-Hadrill (2008b) 218 argues for three broad uses of maiores. Walter (2004) 51 argues that historical exempla had a normative effect in practice. For the relationship between mos and ius (law) see Lintott (1999b) 1–8; Harries (2006) 68–70. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 28/6/2010, SPi Mos, maiores, and exempla in Roman times 13 The reasons for the respect for the ancestors and their actions were, to a certain extent, political. Modern scholars have argued that the political and social upper class of the Roman republic, the nobility, attempted to retain their power by referring to the leading position of their ancestors. That is, the tradition justified the continued power of this group. The composition of the nobility changed over time, but the argument from ancestral actions and customs seems to have stayed the same.2 The nobility had to take the opinion and responses of the people into consideration when conducting their polit- ics. The discussion of the nature of popular politics in Rome has, if not come to a consensus, at least emphasized and reminded us of the importance of the people as electorate and of oratory as a means of persuading the electorate.3 References to the ancestors must have worked with the electorate, given the many such references found in the extant speeches.4 This, in turn, raises the question of the ownership of these ancestors. The nobility talked of the ancestors within their own families, but also of the maiores of the past as a whole. In this way the maiores could be understood as personal ancestors of a particular family, but also as the ancestors of the whole Roman people at large.5 This double meaning of ancestors can be found in both the literary and the material sources and it provides a further dimension to the rhetorical 2 Blo¨sel (2000) 37, 46–7, 51, 67; Walter (2003) 256–8; Pina Polo (2004) 168–70; Walter (2004) 84–6; Flaig (2004) 76. Blo¨sel (2000) 48 finds the origins of mos maiorum in the struggle between patricians and plebeians. Pina Polo (2004) 164–5 argues for three phases of political use of maiores by the nobility, of which the struggle between patricians and plebeians constitute the first. For the maiores as a concept for the nobility, see Ho¨lkeskamp (2004a) 187. Beck (2003) traces this discourse of the nobility in the early Roman historiography. Cicero did not justify the position of the nobiles with reference to the maiores but he did employ the maiores in his attempt to justify the power of the Senate and the consuls: Cic. Sest. 137. For a discussion of aristocratic values see Rosenstein (2006). 3 The central issues are discussed, with varying and even contrasting conclusions, in Millar (1998) (collecting thoughts expressed in earlier articles) stressing the political power of the populus; North (1990) contra Millar emphasizes the limits on popular power; Yakobson (1999) supports Millar in his stress on popular power in the elections; Mouritsen (2001) contra Millar emphasizes the difference between formal and real political power of the populus; Morstein- Marx (2004) supports Millar in his stress on popular power, but prefers not to call it ‘demo- cratic’ but rather ‘contional’. For an overview of the debate see Jehne (2006) 14–23. The latest contribution to the debate is Wiseman (2009). 4 Cicero’s speeches abound in such references, as will be discussed throughout this study. On the difference between exempla employed in Senate speeches from those in contio speeches, see the sections ‘The flexibility of exempla: the example of the Gracchi’ and ‘The importance of genre?’ in Chapter 6. For evidence of other orators referring to historical exempla see page 2 note 2 and page 12 note 1. 5 Blo¨sel (2000) 26, 31, 53 argues that the ancestors of anybody outside the nobility did not count as maiores. Flaig (2004) 83–8 is critical of this idea and instead argues that the plebs knew and shared the norms of the nobility, including their representation of mos maiorum. See Bu¨cher (2006) 114–15 for a similar but less explicitly argued view. Wallace-Hadrill (2008b) 218 operates with three broad uses of ancestors. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 28/6/2010, SPi 14 Introduction device of referring to the ancestors. Would the populus identify with these maiores of the nobility or would they think of their own personal ancestors? This question is difficult to answer because we lack sources from the lower strata of Roman society. Given the power and appeal of the concept of mos maiorum, the people, too, must have identified, at least partly, with the maiores as ancestors for themselves.6 Besides the political background of this concept, cultural implications can be found as well. Early Roman historians such as Fabius Pictor and Cato Maior referred to the virtues of the ancestors in order to explain and justify Roman supremacy in the Mediterranean world. They argued that the gods had willed the imperial power to the Romans because of the high moral standards of the maiores. In this way, Roman supremacy was legitimized and, at the same time, a Roman identity as an imperial power was created. This identity included not only a self-understanding, but also a responsibility for all Romans to live up to the ancestors, thereby keeping the gods on their side and the empire safe.7 This sense of responsibility was one of the driving forces behind the normative power of mos maiorum. A sense of responsibility was certainly felt within the nobility, perhaps mostly as a responsibility to live up to ancestors within the family.8 Implicit in this responsibility lay an expectation of imitation of ancestral actions. Since the ancestors had been favoured by the gods, an imitation of the ancestors and their actions would secure the continuation of this favour. This expectation led to a moralizing character of the accounts of the ancestral actions and customs. It was made clear to the audience what was good and what was bad behaviour to enable them to use these accounts as yardsticks for their own behaviour. This moralizing element meant that history became a series of good and bad res gestae, that is, actions of the ancestors, rather than impersonal events. History had a practical purpose of providing lessons for the present, and historians therefore focused on individuals rather than on abstract concepts or qualities and connections.9 These concrete actions of the ancestors, these res 6 Flaig (2004) 76–7 argues that the references to the maiores and specific historical exempla supported the consensus-driven Roman politics: consensus between single nobiles and the Senate and consensus between the Senate and the people. 7 For the shaping of a Roman imperial identity through maiores and the role of early Roman historians in this formation, see Lind (1972); Bleicken (1981) 247–9; Stemmler (2000) 166, 192; Pina Polo (2004) 165–6; Ho¨lkeskamp (2004a) 177. 8 Cic. Planc. 51 (M. Juventius Laterensis); Cic. Brut. 281–2 (P. Licinius Crassus, son of M. Cras- sus); Cic. Brut. 331 (M. Junius Brutus); Cic. Rab. Post. 2 (Scipios, P.Decius); Cic. Flac. 25 (Flaccus). Lind (1979) 52; Hofmann-Lo¨bl (1996) 1; Blo¨sel (2000) 40, 46; Ho¨lkeskamp (2004a) 187. 9 See Cic. Arch. 14; Polyb. 1.1, 3.31 for the past providing moral lessons for the present. Cape (1997) 212–16; Ho¨lkeskamp (2004a) 177, 180.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Plutarch, Machiavelli and Shakespeare's Coriolanus Patrick
    The Changing Faces of Virtue: Plutarch, Machiavelli and Shakespeare’s Coriolanus Patrick Ashby University of Bristol [email protected] Introduction: The hinges of virtue ‘Let it be virtuous to be obstinate’, says Caius Martius Coriolanus, shortly before the catastrophe of Shakespeare’s tragedy (Coriolanus, 5.3.26).1 In uttering these words, he articulates a moral hypothesis which is of central importance to Coriolanus: the supposition that steadfastness of principle is a fundamental good. This is a theory which the play puts to the test. The idea of ‘virtue’ — in a variety of guises — is a key focus of this essay, which identifies as crucial those moments at which definitions of virtue are unsettled, transformed, or confronted with a range of alternatives. Several commentators have connected Shakespeare’s Coriolanus with the political ideas of Niccolò Machiavelli, the Florentine theorist whose notoriety rests upon his recommendation of moral flexibility for political leaders. For Anne Barton, who reads the play in the context of Machiavelli’s Discourses on Livy’s history of early Rome, Coriolanus dramatises the futile persistence of obsolescent virtues (the valorisation of battlefield heroics) in an environment of subtler needs and growing political sophistication.2 In Shakespeare and the Popular Voice, Annabel Patterson hints at Shakespeare’s sympathy with the idea of popular political representation, proposing that ‘there is nothing in the play to challenge that famous interpretation of the tribunate which [. .] Machiavelli made a premise of Renaissance political theory’.3 John Plotz 1 William Shakespeare, Coriolanus, The Norton Shakespeare, ed. by Stephen Greenblatt, Katherine Eisaman Maus, Jean E.
    [Show full text]
  • IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military Prowess, Or Virtus, Is but One Quality That
    CHAPTER FOUR IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military prowess, or virtus, is but one quality that characterized an efffec- tive emperor. Ideally, a ‘good’ emperor was not just a competent general but also displayed other virtues. These imperial virtutes were propagated throughout the Roman Empire by means of imperial panegyric, decrees, inscriptions, biographies, and coins.1 On coinage in particular, juxtaposi- tions of AVG or AVGG with the virtue and/or the imperial portrait on the obverse would connect the virtues mentioned on the reverses directly with the emperor(s). Not all emperors emphasized the same virtues on their coinage. For example, Elagabalus seems not to have felt the need to stress virtus, whereas his successor Severus Alexander did try to convince the Roman people of his military prowess by propagating it on his coins. The presence or absence of particular virtues on coins issued by diffferent emperors brings us to the question as to whether an imperial canon of virtues existed. But before elaborating on this, the concept ‘virtue’ must be clarifijied.2 Modern scholars investigating imperial virtues on coinage consider vir- tues to be personifijications with divine power – in other words, deifijied abstractions or, as Fears puts it, ‘specifijic impersonal numina’.3 For many, the terms ‘personifijication’ and ‘virtue’ are interchangeable.4 Indeed, vir- tues can be considered personifijications. Yet, not all personifijications are 1 Noreña, “The communication of the emperor’s virtues”, p. 153. 2 ‘But if one is to compare coins with other sources, particularly philosopically inspired ones (i.e. in talking of the virtues of the ideal statesman) it is vital to distinguish what is a virtue and what is not’, A.
    [Show full text]
  • Coriolanus: the Tragedy of Virtus ANTHONY MILLER
    SYDNEY STUDIES Coriolanus: The Tragedy of Virtus ANTHONY MILLER From the opening entry of "a company of mntinous Citizens, with staves, clubs, and other weapons" to the next to last, barely coherent action-"Kill, kill, kill, kill, kill him!" "Hold, hold, hold, hold!"-Coriolanus displays an ancient world riven by war and civic turmoil.l For all its occasional evocations of a mar­ moreal Romanitas, it is also a busy play. Its protagonist accepts with relish and superhuman energy the opportunities for martial action that his world presents: Coriolanus is probably the most active of Shakespeare's tragic heroes, certainly the one least given to reflection. Yet the play's busyness is not always warlike. Much of it consists of talk, especially the contentious talk of political debate. Characters plan courses of action, rehearse public appearances, plot acts of vengeance, conjure with names, report off-stage events-and even events that the audience has seen occur on-stage. Much of the discussion revolves around Coriolanus himself. His nature and motives, his martial prowess and farouche political manners, are incessantly and variously canvassed. To a belligerent citizen, Coriolanus's heroics are performed to please his mother, and to be partly proud; to the indulgent Menenius, his nature is too noble for the world; to Aufidius, shrewd and grudgingly admiring, his actions are a matter for almost obsessive, but inconclusive, rumination: Whether 'twas pride, Which out of daily fortune ever taints The happy man; whether defect of judgement, To fail in the disposing of those chances Which he was lord of; or whether nature, Not to be other than one thing, not moving From th'casque to th'cushion, but commanding peace Even with the same austerity and garb As he controll'd the war; but one of these­ As he hath spices of them all, not all, For I dare so far free him-made him fear'd, So hated, and so banish'd.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Aspects of the Concept of Virtus in Roman Literature Until Livy
    STUDIA PHILOLOGICA JYV ASKYLAENSIA 16 JUHANI SARSILA SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONCEPT OF VIRTUS IN ROMAN LITERATURE UNTIL LIVY ACADEMIC DISSERTATION TO THE PUBLICLY DISCUSSED, BY PERMISSION OF THE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES, OF THE UNIVERSITY OF JYVASKYLA, IN AUDITORIUM S 212, ON APRIL 7, 1982, AT 12 O'CLOCK NOON UNIVERSITY OF ]YVASKYLA, JYVASKYLA 1982 SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONCEPT OF VIRTUS IN ROMAN LITERATURE UNTIL LIVY STUDIA PHILOLOGICA JYVASKYLAENSIA 16 JUHANI SARSILA SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONCEPT OF VIRTUS IN ROMAN LITERATURE UNTIL LIVY UNIVERSITY OF JYVASKYLA, JYVASKYLA 1982 URN:ISBN:978-951-39-8309-3 ISBN 978-951-39-8309-3 (PDF) ISSN 0585-5462 lSBN 951-678-661-8 ISSN 0585-5462 COPYRIGHT © 1982, by University of Jyvliskylli Jyvliskyllin yliopisto monistuskeskus Kirjapaino Oy Sisa-Suomi. Jyvliskylli 1982 ABSTRACT Sarsila, Juhani, Some Aspects of the Concept of Virtus in Roman Literature until Livy / Juhani Sarsila. - Jyvaskyla Jyvaskylan yliopisto, 1981. - 153 s. - (Studia Philologica Jyvaskylaensia, ISSN 0585-5462; 16) ISBN 951-678-661-8 Diss. This study is an interpretation of some essential occurrences of virtus in the Roman literature from the beginnings until Livy. The method can be characterized as philological, more precisely compara­ tive-diachronical. Despite the great variety of literary genres, virtus remains rather similar from one author to another. The fact that the Romans repeatedly emphasized the importance of virtus goes to show the fundamental significance of this concept for their so­ ciety. Originally the conception of virtus was quite narrow consisting in the readiness of the agrarian and militant community to wage war and to endure hard toil.
    [Show full text]
  • The Development of the Early Christian Concept of Death and Burial Rites from Greco-Roman Culture
    Philomathes The Development of the Early Christian Concept of Death and Burial Rites from Greco-Roman Culture In this paper I set out to describe both the general thoughts of death as well as the rites of burial, aspects both shared and unique to each, of the pagan religions of the Greeks and Romans and the monotheistic religion of early Christianity. I will also attempt to explain the reasoning behind the differences between these cultures, paying particularly close attention to the concept of death itself and its rituals. Using the evidence provided below, I propose that the changes in burial rites stemmed from Christianity’s removal of the fundamental concept of permanence in death. I. The Pagans1 Death, in much of the literature and artifacts of both the Greeks and the Romans, is described with one absolute trait: permanence. An individual could either be deified or he would eventually die. Many of their myths made that an understandable, yet depressing, fact of life. A very poignant example of this belief would be the story of Sisyphus. Sisyphus 1Since the beliefs concerning death for the Romans are similar to those of their Greek counterparts, I thought it appropriate to address them simultaneously, separating them when necessary in order to highlight the contrast between the very private nature of the Greek funeral when compared to the very public nature of the Roman funeral. Additionally, the descriptions of the rights of burial are kept to those most commonly practiced for the sake of a general comparison. For more detailed reviews on these concepts and rights, see D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • The Magic of Professional Gravitas
    CHICAGOLAWBULLETIN.COM MONDAY, AUGUST 25, 2014 ® Volume 160, No. 167 The magic of professional gravitas ince I started this business worlds. our approach in real time. column nearly three As with other things which Maintaining a high level of years ago, I have defy a clear-cut explanation, you PARADIGM SHIFT engagement in these situations is discussed a variety of know it when you see it. People an important element of topics which address with gravitas exude success, an gravitas. Sthe evolution of the legal profes - air of authority and leadership Developing and maintaining sion and the disruptive forces and command respect. They are gravitas takes a lot of hard work. profoundly changing the way in effective communicators and There is an age-old debate about which we practice law. they garner credibility and CHRISTINA whether it is something we are Together, we have explored convey a wisdom often attribut - L. M ARTINI born with. As with most things in ways in which we can weather able to both age and experience. life, there are those who seem to this permanent instability by They have a level of confi - effortlessly demonstrate bettering ourselves as profes - dence which is readily perceived Christina L. Martini is a practicing gravitas, whereas others have a sionals and as people and by by others, yet without attorney, author and columnist. She is more difficult time with it. developing and harnessing those projecting a sense of arrogance. vice chair of the Chicago intellectual Regardless of which camp we qualities and characteristics Those with gravitas are property practice group at DLA Piper are in, everyone can take steps in which help make us uniquely authentic and align what they and has been in private practice since developing and harnessing valuable to our clients and in the say with how they think and 1994.
    [Show full text]
  • Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G
    Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary ILDENHARD INGO GILDENHARD AND JOHN HENDERSON A dead boy (Pallas) and the death of a girl (Camilla) loom over the opening and the closing part of the eleventh book of the Aeneid. Following the savage slaughter in Aeneid 10, the AND book opens in a mournful mood as the warring parti es revisit yesterday’s killing fi elds to att end to their dead. One casualty in parti cular commands att enti on: Aeneas’ protégé H Pallas, killed and despoiled by Turnus in the previous book. His death plunges his father ENDERSON Evander and his surrogate father Aeneas into heart-rending despair – and helps set up the foundati onal act of sacrifi cial brutality that caps the poem, when Aeneas seeks to avenge Pallas by slaying Turnus in wrathful fury. Turnus’ departure from the living is prefi gured by that of his ally Camilla, a maiden schooled in the marti al arts, who sets the mold for warrior princesses such as Xena and Wonder Woman. In the fi nal third of Aeneid 11, she wreaks havoc not just on the batt lefi eld but on gender stereotypes and the conventi ons of the epic genre, before she too succumbs to a premature death. In the porti ons of the book selected for discussion here, Virgil off ers some of his most emoti ve (and disturbing) meditati ons on the tragic nature of human existence – but also knows how to lighten the mood with a bit of drag.
    [Show full text]
  • The Holy Lance of Antioch
    The Holy Lance of Antioch A Study on the Impact of a Perceived Relic during the First Crusade Master Thesis By Marius Kjørmo The crucified Jesus and the Roman soldier Longinus with the spear that would become the Holy Lance. Portrait by Fra Angelico from the Dominican cloister San Marco, Florence. A Master Thesis in History, Institute of Archaeology, History, Culture Studies and Religion, University of Bergen, Spring 2009. 2 Contents Preface.........................................................................................................................................5 List of Maps..................................................................................................................................6 List of Illustrations.......................................................................................................................6 Cast of Characters.......................................................................................................................7 1. Introduction.........................................................................................................................................9 1.1. Introduction...........................................................................................................................9 1.2. Lance Historiography..........................................................................................................11 1.3. Terms and Expressions.......................................................................................................13
    [Show full text]
  • The Juxtaposition of Morality and Sexuality During the Roman Republic Robert Sharp James Madison University
    James Madison Undergraduate Research Journal Volume 2 | Issue 1 2014-2015 INCONTINENTIA, LICENTIA, ET LIBIDO: The Juxtaposition of Morality and Sexuality during the Roman Republic Robert Sharp James Madison University Follow this and other works at: http://commons.lib.jmu.edu/jmurj Recommended Chicago Citation Robert Sharp, “Incontinentia, Licentia et Libido: The Juxtaposition of Morality and Sexuality during the Roman Republic.” James Madison Undergraduate Research Journal 2 (2014): 6-12. Available at: http://commons.lib.jmu.edu/jmurj/vol2/iss1/2/ This full issue is brought to you for free and open access by JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in James Madison Undergraduate Research Journal by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JAMES MADISON UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL Incontinentia, Licentia et Libido The Juxtaposition of Morality and Sexuality during the Roman Republic Robert Sharp Sex and sexuality are important elements of human experience but are surrounded by taboos. Roman sexuality traditionally has been viewed as licentious and obscene in nature, and seemingly incongruous with the propriety expected in an honor-shame culture. But what is often considered moral, immoral, or obscene in our modern context meant something entirely different to the Romans. This paper examines Roman sex and sexuality during the Republic period (509–27 B.C.E.) and their existence alongside traditional Roman values and customs. 6 JAMES MADISON UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH JOURNAL ex is an important element of human existence. From details both sex and morality, and the moral position of the the standpoint of pure reproduction and continuance authors.
    [Show full text]
  • Clodia, Fulvia, Livia, Messalina: What Can We Really Learn About the Elite Women of Rome?
    Clodia, Fulvia, Livia, Messalina: what can we really learn about the elite women of Rome? ‘A dissertation submitted to the University of Wales Trinity Saint David in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts’ 29001652 Jacqueline Margaret Meredith 2014 Master’s Degrees by Examination and Dissertation Declaration Form. 1. This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not being concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree. Name: J M Meredith Date: 21 March 2014 2. This dissertation is being submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Name: J M Meredith Date: 21 March 2014 3. This dissertation is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by footnotes giving explicit references. A bibliography is appended. Name: J M Meredith Date: 21 March 2014 4. I hereby give consent for my dissertation, if accepted, to be available for photocopying, inter-library loan, and for deposit in the University’s digital repository. Name: J M Meredith Date: 21 March 2014 Supervisor’s Declaration. I am satisfied that this work is the result of the student’s own efforts. Name: …………………………………………………………………………... Date: ……………………………………………………………………………... Contents Abstract ...................................................................................................... 5 Introduction and literature review ........................................................... 6 Women in the Late Republic .................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • From Seven Hills to Three Continents: the Art of Ancient Rome 753 BCE – According to Legend, Rome Was Founded by Romulus and Remus
    From Seven Hills to Three Continents: The Art of Ancient Rome 753 BCE – According to legend, Rome was founded by Romulus and Remus. According to Virgil, Romulus and Remus were descendants of Aeneas, son of Aphrodite. Capitoline Wolf, from Rome, Italy, ca. 500–480 BCE. Bronze, approx. 2’ 7 1/2” high. Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. The Great Empire: The Republic of Rome http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yvsbfoKgG-8 The Roman Republic (Late 6th – 1st c. BCE) 509 BC- Expulsion of the Etruscan Kings and establishment of the Roman Republic 27 BC – End of the Republic - Augustus Becomes the First Emperor of Rome This formula is referring to the government of the Roman Republic, and was used as an official signature of the government. Senatus Populusque Romanus "The Roman Senate and People“ The Roman constitution was a republic in the modern sense of the word, in that the supreme power rested with the people; and the right to take part in political life was given to all adult male citizens. Although it was thus nominally a democracy in that all laws had to be approved by an assembly of citizens, the republic was in fact organized as an aristocracy or broad based oligarchy, governed by a fairly small group of about fifty noble families. Sculpture Roman with Busts of Ancestors 1st c. BCE-1st c. CE Roman Republican sculpture is noted for its patrician portraits employing a verism (extreme realism) derived from the patrician cult of ancestors and the practice of making likenesses of the deceased from wax death-masks.
    [Show full text]
  • Birthday Rituals: Friends and Patrons in Roman Poetry and Cult Author(S): Kathryn Argetsinger Source: Classical Antiquity, Vol
    Birthday Rituals: Friends and Patrons in Roman Poetry and Cult Author(s): Kathryn Argetsinger Source: Classical Antiquity, Vol. 11, No. 2 (Oct., 1992), pp. 175-193 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25010971 Accessed: 30-07-2018 15:30 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25010971?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Classical Antiquity This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Mon, 30 Jul 2018 15:30:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms KATHRYN ARGETSINGER Birthday Rituals: Friends and Patrons in Roman Poetry and Cult THE PEOPLE OF late republican Rome celebrated at least three different types of dies natales. In the private sphere, Roman men and women marked their own birthdays and the birthdays of family members and friends with gift giving and banquets. In the public sphere, the natales of temples and the natales of cities were observed; these "birthdays" were actually the anniversaries of the days on which particular cults, or cities, had been founded.1 In addition to these, from the time of the principate, the people of Rome celebrated annually the birthdays of past and present emperors and members of the imperial family, as well as the emperors' natales imperii, or accession days.
    [Show full text]