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Stoicism and the Virtue of Toleration
STOICISM AND THE VIRTUE OF TOLERATION John Lombardini1 Abstract: This article argues that the Stoics possessed a conception of toleration as a personal and social virtue. In contrast with previous scholarship, I argue that such a conception of toleration only emerges as a product of the novel conceptions of the vir- tue of endurance offered by Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius. The first section provides a survey of the Stoic conception of endurance in order to demonstrate how the distinc- tive treatments of endurance in Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius merit classification of a conception of toleration; the second section offers a brief reconstruction of the argu- ments for toleration in the Meditations. Introduction In his history of the concept of toleration, Rainer Forst identifies its earliest articulation with the use of tolerantia in Stoic philosophy. Though the word tolerantia first occurs in Cicero, it is used to explicate Stoic doctrine. In the Paradoxa Stoicorum, Cicero identifies the tolerantia fortunae (the endurance of what befalls one) as a virtue characteristic of the sage, and connects it with a contempt for human affairs (rerum humanarum contemptione);2 in De Finibus, endurance (toleratio) is contrasted with Epicurus’ maxim that severe pain is brief while long-lasting pain is light as a truer method for dealing with pain.3 Seneca, in his Epistulae Morales, also identifies tolerantia as a virtue, defending it as such against those Stoics who maintain that a strong endurance (fortem tolerantiam) is undesirable, and linking it -
The Stoics and the Practical: a Roman Reply to Aristotle
DePaul University Via Sapientiae College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences 8-2013 The Stoics and the practical: a Roman reply to Aristotle Robin Weiss DePaul University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd Recommended Citation Weiss, Robin, "The Stoics and the practical: a Roman reply to Aristotle" (2013). College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations. 143. https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd/143 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE STOICS AND THE PRACTICAL: A ROMAN REPLY TO ARISTOTLE A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August, 2013 BY Robin Weiss Department of Philosophy College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences DePaul University Chicago, IL - TABLE OF CONTENTS - Introduction……………………..............................................................................................................p.i Chapter One: Practical Knowledge and its Others Technê and Natural Philosophy…………………………….....……..……………………………….....p. 1 Virtue and technical expertise conflated – subsequently distinguished in Plato – ethical knowledge contrasted with that of nature in -
Augustine's Criticisms of the Stoic Theory of Passions
Faith and Philosophy: Journal of the Society of Christian Philosophers Volume 20 Issue 4 Article 3 10-1-2003 Augustine's Criticisms of the Stoic Theory of Passions T.H. Irwin Follow this and additional works at: https://place.asburyseminary.edu/faithandphilosophy Recommended Citation Irwin, T.H. (2003) "Augustine's Criticisms of the Stoic Theory of Passions," Faith and Philosophy: Journal of the Society of Christian Philosophers: Vol. 20 : Iss. 4 , Article 3. DOI: 10.5840/faithphil20032043 Available at: https://place.asburyseminary.edu/faithandphilosophy/vol20/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at ePLACE: preserving, learning, and creative exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faith and Philosophy: Journal of the Society of Christian Philosophers by an authorized editor of ePLACE: preserving, learning, and creative exchange. AUGUSTINE'S CRITICISMS OF THE STOIC THEORY OF PASSIONS T.H.Irwin Augustine defends three claims about the passions: (1) The Stoic position dif fers only verbally from the Platonic-Aristotelian position. (2) The Stoic position is wrong and the Platonic-Aristotelian position is right. (3) The will is engaged in the different passions; indeed the different passions are different expressions of the will. The first two claims, properly understood, are defensible. But the most plausible versions of them give us good reason to doubt the third claim. 1. A full exploration of Augustine's reflexions on the nature of the passions would introduce us to some of his central moral and theological concems. I do not intend to undertake this full exploration. I want to discuss his claim about the proper interpretation of the Stoic conception of the passions in relation to the Platonic and Aristotelian view. -
Seneca's Concept of a Supreme Being in His Philosophical Essays and Letters Robert James Koehn Loyola University Chicago
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Master's Theses Theses and Dissertations 1947 Seneca's Concept of a Supreme Being in His Philosophical Essays and Letters Robert James Koehn Loyola University Chicago Recommended Citation Koehn, Robert James, "Seneca's Concept of a Supreme Being in His Philosophical Essays and Letters" (1947). Master's Theses. Paper 641. http://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/641 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1947 Robert James Koehn SENECA'S CONCEPT OF A SUPRE.'ME BEING IN HIS PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS AND LETTERS BY ROBERT J. KOEHN, S.J. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF ~qE REQUIREMENTS FOR A MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN THE CLASSICS AUGUST 1947 VITA AUCTORIS Robert James Koehn was born in Toledo, Ohio, on September 2, 1917. After attending St. James parochial school, he entered st. John's High School in September 1931. Upon his graduation in 1935 he attended St. John's and DeSales Colleges before entering the So ciety of Jesus on September 1, 1937. He matriculated at Xavier University, Cincinnati, and received a Bachelor of Li terature degree in June 1941. Following his transfer to West Baden College, West Baden Springs, Indiana, in the summer of 1941, he entered the graduate school of Loyola Uni versity, Chicago, in the Classics. -
Epictetus, Stoicism, and Slavery
Epictetus, Stoicism, and Slavery Defense Date: March 29, 2011 By: Angela Marie Funk Classics Department Advisor: Dr. Peter Hunt (Classics) Committee: Dr. Jacqueline Elliott (Classics) and Dr. Claudia Mills (Philosophy) Funk 1 Abstract: Epictetus was an ex-slave and a leading Stoic philosopher in the Roman Empire during the second-century. His devoted student, Arrian, recorded Epictetus’ lectures and conversations in eight books titled Discourses, of which only four are extant. As an ex- slave and teacher, one expects to see him deal with the topic of slavery and freedom in great detail. However, few scholars have researched the relationship of Epictetus’ personal life and his views on slavery. In order to understand Epictetus’ perspective, it is essential to understand the political culture of his day and the social views on slavery. During his early years, Epictetus lived in Rome and was Epaphroditus’ slave. Epaphroditus was an abusive master, who served Nero as an administrative secretary. Around the same period, Seneca was a tutor and advisor to Nero. He was a Stoic philosopher, who counseled Nero on political issues and advocated the practice of clemency. In the mid to late first-century, Seneca spoke for a fair and kind treatment of slaves. He held a powerful position not only as an advisor to Nero, but also as a senator. While he promoted the humane treatment of slaves, he did not actively work to abolish slavery. Epaphroditus and Seneca both had profound influences in the way Epictetus viewed slaves and ex-slaves, relationships of former slaves and masters, and the meaning of freedom. -
The Pseudo-Senecan Seneca on the Good Old Days: the Motif of the Golden Age in the Octavia
The Pseudo-Senecan Seneca on the Good Old Days: The Motif of the Golden Age in the Octavia Oliver Schwazer I. Introduction In his fabula praetexta entitled Octavia, the playwright stages the historical events that occurred during the reign of the last Julio-Claudian emperor in 62 CE.1 Following the divorce from his wife Octavia and re-marriage to another woman, Poppaea Sabina, the emperor gives the order for the former to be exiled. Neither a thorough dispute with his advisor Seneca2 nor the interventions of the pro-Octavia Chorus of Romans can deter Nero from his decision to put down the riots amongst the populace by using the sentence of Octavia as a warning.3 For a number of reasons, the Octavia has always been one of the most intriguing and in many ways most controversial pieces of Latin literature. While the fact that this play has been almost fully preserved can be regarded as extremely gratifying, not least because it stands in contrast to the number of praetextae known to us from no more than a few fragments, or even just one, it is particularly its textual transmission that has overshadowed scholarly dispute. Due to its sharp opposition to the eight mythological plays — excluding the Hercules Oetaeus of doubtful authorship — doubts have been raised about the assumption that the Octavia has been transmitted in manuscripts along with the tragedies now unanimously assigned to Seneca the Younger. To many researchers it seems inconceivable that the earlier advisor and later adversary of Nero would choose to appear as a dramatis persona on stage, particularly in a play where the contemporary emperor was presented in such a disreputable light. -
Platonic and Stoic Passions in Philo of Alexandria Loren Kerns George Fox University, [email protected]
Digital Commons @ George Fox University George Fox Evangelical Seminary 2013 Platonic and Stoic Passions in Philo of Alexandria Loren Kerns George Fox University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/gfes Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Church History Commons Recommended Citation Kerns, Loren, "Platonic and Stoic Passions in Philo of Alexandria" (2013). George Fox Evangelical Seminary. Paper 6. http://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/gfes/6 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in George Fox Evangelical Seminary by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. Kings College London Platonic and Stoic Passions in Philo of Alexandria A Dissertation submitted to The School of Arts and Humanities In Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Theology and Religious Studies By Loren Kerns London, United Kingdom July 2013 Copyright by Loren Kerns, 2013 All rights reserved. Abstract Philo of Alexandria forged his theory of the soul and its passions while expositing the meaning of Torah. Though writing as a Jewish teacher and disciple of Moses, his biblical reflections display a strong orientation toward Middle-Platonic philosophy. On the topic of the soul and its passions, however, Philo also exhibits significant Stoic influence. The introduction notes Philo’s apparent incompatible use of both the complex Platonic and the monistic Stoic psychological models. After assessing the degree to which Philo understood 'passion' to be a type of Stoic impulse or opinion (chapter one), chapter two demonstrates that Philo consistently drew upon the Stoics’ depiction of all passions as irrational, excessive, and unnatural. -
God and Human Knowledge in Seneca's Natural Questions
GOD AND HUMAN KNOWLEDGE IN SENECA'S NATURAL QUESTIONS BRAD INWOOD1 In his Hymn to Zeus, Cleanthes celebrates the supreme deity, whom the whole cosmos obeys (ll. 7-8), so great is the power of the thunderbolt he wields (9-11). The thunderbolt is the means by which Zeus makes straight the JCotvo~ A6yo~ which penetrates and blends with everything (12-13). As a result, the world is a single coordinated whole (18-21). The moral implications of this order are not neglec ted (14-17, 22-31). As convention dictates, the hymn ends with a direct prayer for divine assistance ( 32-38): But Zeus, giver of all, you of the dark clouds, of the blazing thunderbolt, save men from their baneful inexperience and disperse it, Father, far from their souls; grant that they may achieve the insight relying on which you guide everything with justice, so that we may requite you with honour for the honour you give us, praising your works continually, as is fitting for one who is mortal; for there is no greater prize, neither for mortals nor for gods, than to praise with justice the common law for ever. Seneca, of course, knew Cleanthes' work (he alludes to him in the De Otio and De Tranquillitate, cites him in De Beneficiis V and VI, and in eight of the Epistulae Morales). He even followed the example of Cicero who translated Greek philosophical poetry into Latin verse (Ep. 107.10-11), choosing another hymn by Cleanthes to underscore his own argument for the cheerful acceptance of fate. -
Seneca's Didactic Technique in De Beneficiis
Reading as Training: Seneca's Didactic Technique in De Beneficiis Scott Lepisto American Journal of Philology, Volume 141, Number 1 (Whole Number 561), Spring 2020, pp. 27-53 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2020.0002 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/751671 [ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ] READING AS TRAINING: SENECA’S DIDACTIC TECHNIQUE IN DE BENEFICIIS SCOTT LEPISTO u Abstract: This article analyzes Seneca’s didactic technique in De Beneficiis. It argues that Seneca does not merely explain his philosophy of beneficia; the liter- ary design of the text actively trains the reader in the hermeneutic capabilities used in the evaluation of beneficia. Further, it demonstrates that De Beneficiis signals to readers that they ought to apply the skills that the text cultivates to the exchange of beneficiathrough resonant thematic episodes. The article argues that it is inappropriate to reduce Senecan philosophy to its objective propositions in light of the intervening role of literary form in his philosophical instruction. THE DIDACTIC CHAllENGES THAT SENECA FACED in writing De Beneficiis are remarkable. Throughout the work, Seneca repeatedly enjoins the reader to consider all the factors that affect the quality of a beneficium.1 He points out that a factor as subtle as an ill-chosen word, a hesitation, or a facial expression might ruin a gift (Ben. 3.8.4). He enjoins that one should attend to the timing, the place, and the social role of the recipient, because whether or not a gift prompts gratitude depends upon the occasion (Ben. -
La Concepción Fisiológica De La Naturaleza En La Obra De Lucrecio
La concepción fisiológica de la Naturaleza en la obra de Lucrecio ALFONSO JOSÉ MARTÍNEZ RUIZ LA CONCEPCIÓN FISIOLÓGICA DE LA NATURALEZA EN LA OBRA DE LUCRECIO 1 La concepción fisiológica de la Naturaleza en la obra de Lucrecio A Pilar 2 La concepción fisiológica de la Naturaleza en la obra de Lucrecio SUMARIO Prólogo ..................................................................................................................... 4 CAPÍTULO PRIMERO Introducción a Lucrecio. 1.1. Lucrecio en la historia ......................................................................... 8 1.2. El contexto histórico-cultural de su época ........................................... 24 1.3. La obra ................................................................................................ 35 CAPÍTULO SEGUNDO La base de su pensamiento físico: la concepción fisiológica de la naturaleza. 2. El concepto de naturaleza en Lucrecio ............................................................ 48 2.1. La concepción atómica ......................................................................... 59 2.2. Azar y necesidad ................................................................................. 69 2.3. El clinamen ........................................................................................... 75 2.4. Una teoría evolutiva ........................................................................... 78 2.5. Los fenómenos naturales ..................................................................... 86 Epílogo ................................................................................................................... -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/25/2021 07:17:28AM Via Free Access Book Reviews / Th E International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 3 (2009) 154-201 185
184 Book Reviews / Th e International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 3 (2009) 154-201 Greek and Roman Philosophy 100 BC-200 AD, edited by R. Sorabji and R. Sharp- les, 2 Vols. 2007 London. If there is a dark ages in the study of ancient philosophy, it is the period between 100 BCE and 200 CE when Epicureanism, Stoicism, Peripateticism, and other philosophical schools started losing ground to Platonism. Although we possess whole works by philosophers such as Epictetus, Philo, Plutarch, Apuleius, Galen, and Alcinous, most of our knowledge of the period comes from fragments. It is notoriously diffi cult to extract a clear understanding of the various philosophies and of individual variations within the same schools. Nonetheless, the period is crucially important for understanding the Neoplatonic period, whose authors would have known the works of the philosophers lost to us. Th us, this new two- volume anthology fulfi lls a commendable purpose in undertaking to describe and unfold these obscure centuries of philosophy to the modern reader. Th e anthology is a readable and informative collection of articles by some of the best scholars of ancient philosophy. Th e two volumes cover a good deal of territory, subdivided by philosophical schools: eight chapters on Stoics and Cynics, four on Epicureans, thirteen on Platonists, Academics, and Pythagoreans, and ten on Peri- patetics. Th ere are also lists of major philosophers in each of these categories before each section and a better annotated list in an appendix to volume 2, an excellent 41-page bibliography, and a helpful set of indices. -
Justus Lipsius and the Post-Machiavellian Prince
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher C hapter O ne Justus Lipsius and the Post-Machiavellian Prince In his fine 1991 study of Neostoic ideology and the painting of Peter Paul Rubens, the classicist Mark Morford wrote that Justus Lipsius ‘is now little known except to students of Seneca and Tacitus and to intel- lectual historians of the northern Renaissance’.1 Given the growing num- ber of studies devoted to Lipsius and his various legacies since Morford’s book appeared, we might want to add students of early modern political thought and some scholars of literature to his list. Outside these particu- lar corners of the academy, however, levels of Lipsius consciousness re- main fairly low. He returned to the heart of European political life, in a manner of speaking, when the Justus Lipsius Building in Brussels opened in 1995, providing a new home for the European Union’s Council of Ministers. One might have thought it appropriate that such a building be named for a distinguished Belgian political writer who argued against the excesses of patriotism and in support of a European peace based on prin- ciples of mutual toleration, and whose books circulated extensively throughout the greater part of the territory of today’s EU. According to an EU press release, however, the building was in fact named for the Brus- sels street that used to connect rue de la Loi and rue Belliard and had been demolished to make way for its construction.2 Who was Justus Lipsius? He was born in 1547 in Overijse in Brabant.3 He studied at the Jesuit college in Cologne from 1559 and was for a short while, from 1562 to 1564, a novice member of the order.