Margarita Navickaitė

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Margarita Navickaitė Vilniaus universitetas TARPTAUTINIŲ SANTYKIŲ IR POLITIKOS MOKSLŲ INSTITUTAS TARPTAUTINIŲ SANTYKIŲ IR DIPLOMATIJOS MAGISTRO PROGRAMA MARGARITA NAVICKAITĖ II kurso studentė V. ADAMKAUS IR D. GRYBAUSKAITĖS UŽSIENIO POLITIKA: AGENTO IR STRUKTŪROS ĮTAKOS DILEMA MAGISTRO DARBAS Darbo vadovas: prof. T. Janeliūnas Vilnius, 2016 PATVIRTINIMAS APIE ATLIKTO DARBO SAVARANKIŠKUMĄ Patvirtinu, kad įteikiamas magistro darbas „V. Adamkaus ir D. Grybauskaitės užsienio politika: agento ir struktūros įtakos dilema“ yra: 1. Atliktas mano paties ir nėra pateiktas kitam kursui šiame ar ankstesniuose semestruose; 2. Nebuvo naudotas kitame Institute/Universitete Lietuvoje ir užsienyje; 3. Nenaudoja šaltinių, kurie nėra nurodyti darbe, ir pateikia visą panaudotos literatūros sąrašą. Margarita Navickaitė (parašas) 2 BIBLIOGRAFINIO APRAŠO LAPAS Navickaitė, M. V. Adamkaus ir D. Grybauskaitės užsienio politika: agento ir struktūros įtakos dilema: Tarptautinių santykių ir diplomatijos specialybės , magistro darbas / VU Tarptautinių santykių ir politikos mokslų institutas; darbo vadovas T. Janeliūnas. – V., 2016. – 130 p. Reikšminiai žodžiai: užsienio politika, agento-struktūros teorija, mažoji valstybė, lyderis, struktūriniai apribojimai, užsienio politikos kaita. Šiame darbe nagrinėjama Lietuvos užsienio politika (2004 – 2015 m.) per dviejų Lietuvos prezidentų V. Adamkaus ir D. Grybauskaitės, kaip politinių lyderių, veikimo galimybes ir ribotumus. Pritaikant W. Carlsnaes pasiūlytą užsienio politikos aiškinimo modelį, prezidentų užsienio politika analizuojama siekiant išsiaiškinti, kiek lyderis yra pajėgus vesti savo asmenybinių, vertybinių ir suvokimo faktorių nulemtą užsienio politiką, ir kiek užsienio politikos sprendimai yra ribojama vidinių ir išorinių struktūrinių veiksnių. 3 Turinys ĮVADAS ....................................................................................................................................................5 1. Mažosios valstybės tarptautiniuose santykiuose: agento ir struktūros dilema . užsienio politikoje 11 1.1. Agento ir struktūros koncepcijos politikos moksluose .............................................................11 1.2. Agento ir struktūros veikimo galimybės...................................................................................15 1.3. Mažosios valstybės tarptautiniuose santykiuose.......................................................................21 2. Valdo Adamkaus antrosios kadencijos ir Dalios Grybauskaitės (2009-2015) užsienio politika: kiek lemia lyderis?...........................................................................................................................................26 2.1. V. Adamkaus užsienio politika: prioritetinės kryptys ..............................................................26 2.1.1. Valdo Adamkaus užsienio politika 2004 – 2008 m...........................................................28 2.1.2. Valdo Adamkaus užsienio politika 2008 – 2009 m...........................................................33 2.2. Dalios Grybauskaitės užsienio politika 2009 – 2015 m. ..........................................................36 2.2.1. Dalios Grybauskaitės naujoji užsienio politika......................................................................36 2.2.2. Dalios Grybauskaitės užsienio politika 2009 – 2013 m. ...................................................39 2.2.3. D. Grybauskaitės užsienio politika 2013 – 2015 m...........................................................47 2.3. Agento ir struktūros įtaka V. Adamkaus ir D. Grybauskaitės užsienio politikai......................52 IŠVADOS................................................................................................................................................57 Literatūros sąrašas ...................................................................................................................................61 PRIEDAI .................................................................................................................................................69 SUMMARY ..........................................................................................................................................128 4 ĮVADAS Užsienio politikos formavimo ir įgyvendinimo procesai yra analizuojami įvairiais metodais ir lygmenimis. Lietuvos užsienio politikos analizė moksliniame diskurse taip pat atsiskleidžia per Lietuvos santykį su skirtingomis valstybėmis, skirtingais laikotarpiais, nagrinėjant užsienio politikos strategijas ir prioritetus, santykį tarp užsienio politikos ir ekonomikos, užsienio politikos ir valstybės saugumo ir tarp kitų sričių. Lietuvos konstitucinė sąranga pagrindinių užsienio politikos klausimų sprendimo prerogatyvą suteikia prezidentui. 1 Kalbant apie Lietuvos užsienio politiką nuo Nepriklausomybės atkūrimo (1990 m.), pateikiama skirtingų jos požiūrių ir traktavimų. Viena vertus, galima teigti, kad užsienio politikos prioritetai ir strateginės kryptys visada išliko tos pačios – t. y. nacionalinio saugumo užtikrinimas, ekonomikos vystymas, integracija į ES ir NATO bei gerų santykių su kaimynais plėtojimas. Kita vertus, Lietuvos užsienio politika gali būti skirstoma į laikotarpius, pabrėžiant tam tikrus skirtingumus laiko atžvilgiu, išskiriant įgyvendintus tikslus, kurie vėliau sąlygojo kokybiškai naują užsienio politikos periodą. 2 Tarptautinis kontekstas ir nacionalinių interesų įgyvendinimas neabejotinai sąlygoja užsienio politikos gairių persvarstymo būtinybę. Šioje vietoje kyla klausimas, kiek įtakos užsienio politikos kitimui turi valstybės lyderis, kaip asmuo, su savo įsitikinimais, suvokimu ir vertybėmis, su sava užsienio politikos vizija ir jos vykdymo metodais? 2009 m. Lietuvos Respublikos Prezidente tapusios Dalios Grybauskaitės viešoje retorikoje ėmė ryškėti tam tikras kitokių, nei prieš tai, Valdo Adamkaus vadovavimo metu buvusių, užsienio politikos gairių identifikavimas, kuris tam tikra dimensija atsispindėjo ir teorijoje, ir praktikoje. Visgi, „<...> pasižiūrėjus į V. Adamkų jo kadencijos pabaigoje ir D. Grybauskaitę 2014 m. (taip pat ir 2015 m. – aut. past.), galima padaryti išvadą, kad galų gale abiejų prezidentų užsienio politika taip jau smarkiai nesiskiria: santykiai su JAV yra prioritetiniai, kaip ir partnerystė su Rytų Europos valstybėmis“.3 Toks užsienio politikos kitimas kelia klausimą, kiek politinis lyderis turi galimybių keisti užsienio politiką pagal savo įsitikinimus ir vertybes, ir kiek, visgi, šios galimybės yra apribotos vidinių ir išorinių faktorių – institucijų (Vyriausybės, Užsienio reikalų ministerijos) ir tarptautinio konteksto. Buvęs Lenkijos Prezidentas Aleksandras Kwasnewkis rašė: 1Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucija, 84 straipnis, Naujas leidimas, 2009, 23 2Pavyzdžiui, 1994 – 1995 m. buvo pateiktos paraiškos stojimui į ES ir NATO, todėl užsienio politika buvo nukreipta šių tikslų įgyvendinimui kuo greičiau pasiekti; 2004 m. Lietuvos įstojimas į NATO ir ES kuomet aiškiai pasikeitė vienas dalykas – tarptautinė institucinė Lietuvos aplinka, kuri sąlygojo naujų tikslų poreikį. Dovilė Jakniūnaitė, „Kaip kalbėsime apie 2004 – 2014 m. Lietuvos užsienio politiką?“ Kn. Dovilė Jakniūnaitė (sud.), Ambicingas Dešimtmetis. Lietuvos Užsienio Politika 2004 – 2014.Vilnius: Vilniausuniversiteto leidykla, 2015, 12-13. 3 Agnė Grinevičiūtė, “Lietuvos užsienio politika po 2004 metų: sėkmės ir nesėkmės” 2015. <http://www.bernardinai.lt/straipsnis/2015-11-24-lietuvos-uzsienio-politika-po-2004-metu-sekmes-ir-nesekmes/137620> [Žiūrėta 2016 04 01]. 5 „Ieškoti atsakymo į klausimą, kiek politikai <...> prisideda prie savo šalies sėkmės, - nelengva užduotis. Viena vertus, vyksta tam tikri istoriniai procesai, veikia galingos tarptautinės jėgos ir įtakos, <...>, savo funkcijas atlieka institucijos, žiniasklaida, mokslininkai ir ekspertai. Kita vertus, turime politiką, konkretų asmenį, kuris, nors ir nepaprastai talentingas, dažnai yra varžomas savo pareigų ir kovoje iš tikrųjų nedaug ką gali ir reiškia. Bet ar iš tiesų jis reiškia nedaug? <...> Lyderiai sugeba mobilizuoti, skatinti iniciatyvą, <...>, įkvėpti veiksmams, <...>, o palaikydami asmeninius santykius užsienyje su įtakingais žmonėmis, neabejotinai vaisingai prisideda prie savo šalies siekių įgyvendinimo“.4 Ši citata puikiai iliustruoja agento – struktūros problemos esmę – t. y. iš vienos pusės, lyderis gali turėti didelės įtakos užsienio politikos gairių nustatymui ir įgyvendinimui, tačiau iš kitos pusės, lyderis gali būti daugiau ar mažiau ribojamas struktūrinių faktorių – tiek išorinių, tiek vidinių. Svarbu atkreipti dėmesį, kad demokratinė valstybė veikia pagal jos principus, kurie ir yra tie saugikliai užkertantys kelią autoritarizmo apraiškoms. Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijos 84 straipsnio 1 punktas teigia, kad Respublikos Prezidentas sprendžia pagrindinius užsienio politikos klausimus ir kartu su Vyriausybe vykdo užsienio politiką.5 Tai reiškia, kad Lietuvos Respublikos Prezidentui suteikiamos pakankamai plačios konstitucinės teisės užsienio politikos kontekste, tačiau čia pat identifikuojamas jos vykdymo kartu su Vyriausybe būtinumas. Apsktritai, kaip teigia Tarptautinių santykių ir politikos mokslų instituto docentė Dovilė Jakniūnaitė, užsienio politikoje veikia keturi žaidėjai: Prezidentūra, Vyriausybė, Užsienio reikalų ministerija ir Parlamentas. 6 Taigi klausimų derinimas ir pozicijų koordinavimas, yra neišvengiama sėkmingos užsienio politikos dalis. Referuojant į aukščiau paminėtą citatą galima teigti, kad nors konstitucinės galios visiems vienodos, užsienio politikos sėkmę ar
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