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Repository. Research Institute University UR P 20 European Institute. Cadmus, % European University Institute, Florence on University Access European EUI Working Paper SPS No. 94/16 Open Another Revolution The PDS inItaly’s Transition SOCIALSCIENCES WORKING IN POLITICALIN AND PAPERS EUI Author(s). Available M artin 1989-1994 The 2020. © in J. B ull Manqué Library EUI ? ? the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. Cadmus, on University Access European Open Author(s). Available The 2020. © in Library EUI the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE Cadmus, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND AND DEPARTMENTSOCIAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCES on BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO (FI) University Access EUI EUI Working Paper SPS No. 94/16 The PDS in Italy’s Transition Departmentof Politics A Contemporary History Another Revolution European Open Department ofPolitical and Social Sciences European University Institute (1992-93) rodEuropean Studies Research Institute M Universityof Salford Author(s). Available artin 1989-1994 The and 2020. © J. J. in bull M anquil Library EUI the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. Cadmus, on University Access No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form European Open Printed in Italy in December 1994 without permission of the author. I I - 50016 San Domenico (FI) European University Institute Author(s). Available The All rights reserved. 2020. © © Martin J. Bull Badia Fiesolana in Italy Library EUI the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European paper will appear in a book edited by Stephen Gundle and Simon Parker, published by Routledge, and which will focus on the changes which Italianpolitics underwent in the period during the author’s period as a Visiting Fellow in the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the European University Institute, Florence. -
Absolute Power?
Nick Sitter, BI & CEU, 12 May 2011, p.1 Forthcoming as Nick Sitter “Absolute Power? Hungary Twenty Years after the Fall of Communism” in Elisabeth Bakke (ed.) Twenty Years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall (Berlin: Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, 2011) Absolute Power? Hungary Twenty Years after the Fall of Communism In April 2010 Viktor Orbán acquired absolute power. The prime minister-elect spoke of an electoral revolution, and compared 2010 to 1956 and 1989. Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, he announced that the time had come to complete Hungary’s regime change. His party – the Fidesz Hungarian Civic Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (Fidesz-KDNP), commonly known simply as Fidesz – had just secured more than two-thirds of the seats in parliament. With this he acquired the power to re- write the constitution. Within weeks the government announced that it would do precisely this. Large-scale personnel changes in the public sector followed over the summer, as ministries, independent regulators and the state-owned media had their senior management replaced by new government appointees. A parliamentary committee began to investigate violations of law by the state apparatus in the previous eight years. Changes to economic policy and Central Bank independence drew threats of legal action from the EU. When the Constitutional Court ruled a retroactive tax law unconstitutional, a constitutional amendment was passed to limit Court’s power of review. A new constitution was adopted on 18 April 2011. Never, in the history of the European Union, has an election in a member state resulted in political, legal, economic and administrative changes of this magnitude over such a short period of time. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Direct Parliamentarianism: an Analysis of the Political Values Embedded in Rousseau, the ‘Operating System’ of the Five Star Movement
JeDEM 9(2): 47-67, 2017 ISSN 2075-9517 http://www.jedem.org Direct Parliamentarianism: An Analysis of the Political Values Embedded in Rousseau, the ‘Operating System’ of the Five Star Movement Marco Deseriis Marie Curie Fellow, Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences, Scuola Normale Superiore, Firenze, Italy, [email protected] Abstract: This article focuses on the technological affordances and use of Rousseau, the decision-making platform of the second largest Italian political party, the Five Star Movement. Crossing an empirical observation of the platform’s functionalities with data regarding its use and qualitative data collected during the 2016 and 2017 national meetings of the Five Star Movement, the essay argues that Rousseau supports an emerging “direct parliamentarianism,” which allows party members to entertain an ostensibly direct relationship with the party in public office, at the expense, however, of deliberative processes that may allow them to influence the party agenda. Thus Rousseau leaves the deliberative, and strictly parliamentary moment in the hands of elected representatives and party leaders, leaving to the party base the task of choosing between options that have been defined elsewhere. Keywords: Five Star Movement; Rousseau; decision-making platform; direct democracy; direct parliamentarianism; crowdsourced lawmaking. Acknowledgment: Research for this article was funded by a Marie Curie Individual Fellowship grant under the Horizon 2020 program of the European Commission (H2020-MSCA-IF-2015 grant agreement no. 7101513). The author would like to thank Lorenzo Mosca for his useful comments. 1. Introduction With over 140,000 registered users as of August 2017 (Casaleggio 2017), Rousseau is one of the world’s largest online platforms for political participation and collaborative law-making.1 Owned 1Rousseau can be accessed at https://rousseau.movimento5stelle.it. -
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TRANS-ATLANTIC-2019/02/07 1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION FALK AUDITORIUM ITALY, EUROPE, AND THE FUTURE OF TRANS-ATLANTIC RELATIONS Washington, D.C. Thursday, February 7, 2019 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction: JOHN R. ALLEN President The Brookings Institution Keynote Remarks: PAOLO GENTILONI Distinguished Fellow, Foreign Policy The Brookings Institution Moderator: THOMAS WRIGHT Senior Fellow and Director, Center on the United States and Europe The Brookings Institution * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 1800 Diagonal Road, Suite 600 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 TRANS-ATLANTIC-2019/02/07 2 P R O C E E D I N G S GENERAL ALLEN: Ladies and gentlemen, welcome, and good morning. Wonderful to have you at the Brookings Institution this morning. My name is John Allen, I'm the president of the Institution and I have the honor today of introducing an event, which is sponsored by the Alan and Jane Batkin International Leaders Forum and the Robert Bosch Foundation, and we are deeply grateful for their continued support of the work that we do here today. We have the pleasure of being joined by a number of distinguished guests who will be joining for the entire event. But in particular we're very honored to have the former prime minister of Italy, Paolo Gentiloni, joining us this morning. And seated in the front row with him, and a very warm welcome to the Italian Ambassador Armando Varricchio and his wife, Micaela, and also the wife of Prime Minister Gentiloni, Emanuela. As well, Ambassador Schuwer is here this morning from the Netherlands. -
Italian Politics in an Era of Recession : the End of Bipolarism? Bull, MJ and Pasquino, G
Italian politics in an era of recession : the end of bipolarism? Bull, MJ and Pasquino, G http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2018.1436493 Title Italian politics in an era of recession : the end of bipolarism? Authors Bull, MJ and Pasquino, G Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/46758/ Published Date 2018 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Italian Politics in an Era of Recession: the end of Bipolarism? Martin Bull and Gianfranco Pasquino Italian politics have undergone momentous change in the 2007-2017 decade under the impact of the eurozone crisis, whose peak in 2011-2013 could be equated to the earlier watershed years of 1992-1994. The lasting impact of the upheaval in Italian politics in the early 1990s could still be felt in the decade of economic recession, but there were also new challenges prompted by a crisis that had its roots in international financial contagion and unravelling under the shadow of both recession and austerity. The changes were of an economic, social, cultural, institutional, policy-oriented and political nature. If one central quintessentially political theme stands out by the end of this decade it is the apparent exhaustion of the quest for bipolarisation that was initiated in the early 1990s. -
The Centre for European and Asian Studies
The Centre for European and Asian Studies REPORT 6/2011 ISSN 1500-2683 The Hungarian Party System in 2010 Nick Sitter BI Norwegian Business School, Oslo Central European University, Budapest A publication from: Centre for European and Asian Studies at BI Norwegian Business School 0442, Oslo Norway Prepared for Z. Enyedi, A. Szabó and T. Tardos, Ùj képlet: A 2010-es választások Magyarországon, DKMKA, 2011 Supported by the Norway Grant Nick Sitter, CEU and BI, 31 January 2011, p1 ENGLISH DRAFT VERSION, forthcoming in “A magyar pártszerkezet 2010-ban: polarizáltabb, kevésbé plurális” [The Hungarian Party System in 2010], in Z. Enyedi, A. Szabó and T. Tardos, Ùj képlet: A 2010-es választások Magyarországon, DKMKA, 2011. The Hungarian Party System in 2010: More Polarized, less Plural Looking at the 2010 election from a comparative perspective it is tempting to invoke Giovanni Sartori’s (1976) use of the term ‘polarized pluralism’ to describe the Italian party system in the 1970s and suggest that the Hungarian party politics is best described as polarized, but not-so-plural. The central puzzle is that the combination of a party system dominated by two large parties and an electoral system with a strong majoritarian component has resulted in centrifugal, rather than centripetal, competition. Sartori linked polarized pluralism in Italy to the country’s proportional electoral system. Most comparative politics scholars associate majoritarian electoral systems with Downsian convergence on the median voters (Downs 1957). However, Hungary’s 2010 election seemed to confirm the trend over the last decade: toward polarization in a two-party (or at least two-bloc) system. -
The Original Documents Are Located in Box 16, Folder “6/3/75 - Rome” of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 16, folder “6/3/75 - Rome” of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 16 of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library 792 F TO C TATE WA HOC 1233 1 °"'I:::: N ,, I 0 II N ' I . ... ROME 7 480 PA S Ml TE HOUSE l'O, MS • · !? ENFELD E. • lt6~2: AO • E ~4SSIFY 11111~ TA, : ~ IP CFO D, GERALD R~) SJ 1 C I P E 10 NTIA~ VISIT REF& BRU SE 4532 UI INAl.E PAL.ACE U I A PA' ACE, TME FFtCIA~ RESIDENCE OF THE PR!S%D~NT !TA y, T ND 0 1 TH HIGHEST OF THE SEVEN HtL.~S OF ~OME, A CTENT OMA TtM , TH TEMPLES OF QUIRl US AND TME s E E ~oc T 0 ON THIS SITE. I THE CE TER OF THE PR!SENT QU?RINA~ IAZZA OR QUARE A~E ROMAN STATUES OF C~STOR .... -
From Protest to Reform a Study of Social Movements’ Success Contents
From protest to reform A study of social movements’ success Contents Introduction 4 About this report 7 At a glance: selected features of social movements 8 Setting the context: what triggers 9 protest movements? Armenia’s Velvet Revolution (2018) 9 Pro-impeachment protests in Brazil (2015-2016) 10 The October Revolution in Lebanon (2019) 11 End SARS protests in Nigeria (2020) 12 There’s no success like failure: 13 debunking spontaneity The risks and pitfalls of leaderlessness 17 and over-reliance on strong leadership Measuring success and failure 24 Conclusions 30 2 Foreword From the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia to military coup in Myanmar, undermining civil the Taksim protests in Turkey and the Maidan disobedience and nonviolent resistance. protests in Ukraine, social upheavals can gain strength seemingly suddenly, often around Sometimes, the threat to a protest movement’s a single event, and then go on to challenge success comes from within. When movement deeply entrenched power structures. leadership is weak, or overly rigid and centralised, movements have a hard time What makes these protests so powerful is realising their goals. Equally, when movement activists’ and movement members’ willingness structures are not built for the long haul, it to risk life and liberty in their urgent desire to becomes hard to build and sustain momentum work against— against an oppressive regime, for lasting political change. discriminatory legislation, or a systemic lack of justice. But after these early chaotic moments, Importantly, even when protests “succeed”, disruptive movements too often fade away long-term reforms are not a given. Activists can without creating the long-term changes that lack a long-term vision for change which goes they sought. -
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections Foreword This study on the political party mapping in Lebanon ahead of the 2018 elections includes a survey of most Lebanese political parties; especially those that currently have or previously had parliamentary or government representation, with the exception of Lebanese Communist Party, Islamic Unification Movement, Union of Working People’s Forces, since they either have candidates for elections or had previously had candidates for elections before the final list was out from the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities. The first part includes a systematic presentation of 27 political parties, organizations or movements, showing their official name, logo, establishment, leader, leading committee, regional and local alliances and relations, their stance on the electoral law and their most prominent candidates for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The second part provides the distribution of partisan and political powers over the 15 electoral districts set in the law governing the elections of May 6, 2018. It also offers basic information related to each district: the number of voters, the expected participation rate, the electoral quotient, the candidate’s ceiling on election expenditure, in addition to an analytical overview of the 2005 and 2009 elections, their results and alliances. The distribution of parties for 2018 is based on the research team’s analysis and estimates from different sources. 2 Table of Contents Page Introduction ....................................................................................................... -
European Union Election Observation Mission to the Republic of Lebanon 2018 EU Election Observation Mission – Lebanon 2018 FINAL REPORT
Parliamentary Elections 2018 European Union Election Observation Mission to the Republic of Lebanon 2018 EU Election Observation Mission – Lebanon 2018 FINAL REPORT LEBANON FINAL REPORT Parliamentary elections 2018 EUROPEAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION www.eueom-lebanon2018.eu This report has been produced by the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) to Lebanon 2018 and contains the conclusions of its observation of the parliamentary elections on 6 May. The contents of this report do not necessarily reflect the official position of the European Union. 1 EU Election Observation Mission – Lebanon 2018 FINAL REPORT Table of Contents I. Executive summary ................................................................................................. 3 II. Introduction ........................................................................................................... 8 III. Political background ............................................................................................... 9 IV. Implementation of previous EOM recommendations ............................................ 10 V. Legal framework ................................................................................................... 11 VI. Election Administration ........................................................................................ 14 VII. Voter registration ................................................................................................. 17 VIII. Registration of candidates and political parties .................................................... -
Populism and Institutional Design: Methods of Selecting Candidates for Chief Executive
40675-nyu_93-4 Sheet No. 34 Side A 10/16/2018 09:18:32 \\jciprod01\productn\N\NYU\93-4\NYU403.txt unknown Seq: 1 16-OCT-18 8:59 POPULISM AND INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN: METHODS OF SELECTING CANDIDATES FOR CHIEF EXECUTIVE STEPHEN GARDBAUM† & RICHARD H. PILDES‡ The institutional design through which democracies choose nominees who compete to become a nation’s chief executive is among the most consequential features in the design of democratic elections. Yet there is surprisingly little scholarship that explores this issue in detail. This Article provides both historical perspective on the evolution over time of the nomination process in the United States and comparative perspective on how other major democracies structure this process. The central organizing theme of this piece is the contrast between nomination processes that entail a central role for “peer review”—in which party leaders have a central voice in the selection of their parties’ nominees—and purely populist selection methods, in which ordinary voters completely control the selection of nominees and party figures have no special role. The first half of the Article is historical and focuses on the United States. In the 1970s, the United States shifted almost overnight from the methods that had been used for nearly 200 years to select party nominees, in which official representatives of the political parties played the major role in deciding the parties’ candidates for President, to a purely populist mode (primaries and caucuses) for selecting presi- dential nominees. The consequences of this dramatic transformation have mani- fested themselves in recent presidential nomination contests.