Perceptions of Women's Political Activity in The

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Perceptions of Women's Political Activity in The “Et nous aussi nous sommes Citoyennes”: Perceptions of Women’s Political Activity in the French Revolution, 1789-1793. by Chandler Freeman-Orr Bachelor of Arts, Honours, Queen’s University, 2016 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History ã Chandler Freeman-Orr, 2018 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author ii Supervisory Committee “Et nous aussi nous sommes Citoyennes”: Perceptions of Women’s Political Activity in the French Revolution, 1789-1793 by Chandler Freeman-Orr Bachelor of Arts, Honours, Queen’s University, 2016 Supervisory Committee Dr. Jill Walshaw, Department of History Supervisor Dr. Rob Alexander, Department of History Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Jill Walshaw, Department of History Supervisor Dr. Rob Alexander, Department of History Departmental Member This thesis explores the multiple ways women’s capacity for political action was perceived, both by themselves as well as by others, in the early years of the French Revolution. By beginning with women’s journey to Versailles in the October Days of 1789 and concluding with the National Convention’s closure of all women’s political clubs in October 1793, this thesis will suggest that women perceived themselves politically and as viable revolutionary participants, but that these identifications were grounded in and shaped by hegemonic eighteenth-century gender norms, and often demonstrated continuity with their pre-revolutionary identities. In many cases, both men’s and women’s perceptions of women’s appropriate political roles were influenced by idealized standards and gender norms, as exemplified by the fictitious character, Sophie, from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s 1762 treatise, Emile, or On Education. The ways women rationalized their political inclusion and situated themselves within the developing revolution demonstrate a sense of compromise with the same norms and ideals which were increasingly used to justify their complete exclusion from political life. Through stressing revolutionary ideals such as equality and unity and by underscoring the importance of their complementary revolutionary contributions, women presented a view of themselves as necessary and viable participants in revolutionary politics in a way that, by late October 1793, increasingly seemed to threaten established societal views on the appropriate boundaries of female political life. iv Table of Contents Supervisory Committee .................................................................................................................. ii Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iii Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................... iv List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. v Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi Introduction & Literature Review ................................................................................................... 1 Chapter One: Women and the Politics of the Everyday ............................................................... 31 The Politics of Subsistence ....................................................................................................... 33 Traditional Roles ....................................................................................................................... 38 Instigating the March ................................................................................................................ 43 Perceptions of Authority, Efficacy & Legitimacy .................................................................... 49 Chapter Two: Women and the Nation .......................................................................................... 59 Societal Ideals ........................................................................................................................... 62 Citizenship ................................................................................................................................ 69 Women’s Perceptions of Citizenship ........................................................................................ 77 Chapter Three: Women and Political Institutions ......................................................................... 86 Lobby Groups, Petitions & Demonstrations of Support ........................................................... 90 Political Clubs & Societies ..................................................................................................... 101 Resistance & Restriction: October 30th, 1793 ........................................................................ 114 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 119 Bibliography ............................................................................................................................... 124 v List of Tables Table One: Trends in Châtelet Commission Testimonies ............................................................ 48 vi Acknowledgements While it seems somewhat redundant to say, writing this thesis has been a difficult and stressful endeavour, and this work would not have been possible without the support and contributions of numerous people who provided their help in various forms. While I cannot possibly thank everyone within the narrow confines of a page, there are a few people in particular who deserve recognition for their aid. First, thank you to my family for providing their support in every possible way. Thank you to my siblings, grandparents, aunts and uncles, and to every family member who endlessly prodded me to explain my thesis topic to them until they at least somewhat understood what I was spending all this time writing about. In particular, thank you to my parents, Tammy, Peter, John, and Lynnette, for their endless confidence in my ability to finish what I started and to do it well. I could not have done this without your encouragement. Second, thank you to all the friends who kept me sane at every stage of this journey. Thank you for watching Friends and Harry Potter on repeat, for always being game to grab coffee, for trading bad jokes and laughing at my often-atrocious puns, and for always being there. I could not have done this without any of you. Finally, thank you to my committee, but especially to my supervisor, Dr. Jill Walshaw at the University of Victoria, for reading an endless number of horrific first drafts, and for helping me shape them into the project contained in these pages. There is truly no way I could have done this without your guidance, and the words ‘thank you’ do not do justice to the extent of your contributions. Introduction & Literature Review In a 16 Messidor Year II (July 1794) statement, written upon her arrest in a Luxembourg prison, founding member of the Société des républicaines révolutionnaires Anne Pauline Léon expresses her profound commitment to the French Revolution. In her statement, Léon details multiple examples of her political engagement, including inciting crowds at the Bastille in July 1789, throwing a bust of Lafayette out of an apartment window, and witnessing the massacre at the Champs de Mars in July 1791.1 She describes how she welcomed the political establishment of the Montagnards in 1793, and “…expressed, on behalf of the citoyennes of my Section, their joy and satisfaction over the completion of the constitution.” 2 Throughout her statement, Léon not only makes evident her own extensive stake in the political outcome of the revolution, but she also indicates multiple examples of the ways other women actively participated in the revolution and engaged with its political aspects, including their encouragement of crowds at riots, women’s signatures on patriotic petitions, and their participation in revolutionary societies.3 Léon describes herself and the women of her section as citoyennes, establishing a space for women within revolutionary politics, and identifying herself 1 Anne Pauline Léon, “Anne Pauline Léon, Femme Leclerc, Reconciles Her Political Behavior with Radical Revolutionary Principles and Policies,” in Women in Revolutionary Paris 1789-1795, ed. Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1979): 158-160. 2 Léon, “Anne Pauline Léon… Reconciles her Political Behavior with Radical Revolutionary Principles and Policies,” 159-60. 3 Léon describes her own participation throughout the revolution, from the storming of the Bastille in July 1789 until her arrest on 14 Germinal Year II (April 1794) throughout her statement. Although Léon’s statement details her own participation, she frequently refers to other women who were also present at these junctures, including her mother, friends, and fellow members of the Société des républicaines révolutionnaires. Léon’s own participation is extensive, but also gestures to multiple different points of entry for the participation of women in the revolution more broadly. 2
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