Sechaba, Vol. 24, No. 1

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Page 1 of 38 Alternative title Sechaba Author/Creator African National Congress (Lusaka, Zambia) Publisher African National Congress (Lusaka, Zambia) Date 1990-01 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1990 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Rights By kind permission of the African National Congress (ANC). Format extent 36 page(s) (length/size)

Page 2 of 38 SECHABAJANUARY 1990official organ of the african national congress south africaANDREW MLANGENI LAUNCHES THE CAMPAIGN TO DEFEND NEW NATION

Page 3 of 38 Sechaba and other ANC publications are obtainable from the following ANC addresses:ALGERIA FRANCE SENEGAL5 Rue Ben M'hidi Larbi 28 Rue des Petites Ecuries 26 Avenue Albert SarrautAlgiers 75010 Paris PO Box 3420ANGOLA GERMAN DEMOCRATIC DakarPO Box 3523 REPUBLIC SPAINLuanda Angerweg 2 Hermanus Garcia Nobeljas 41AUSTRALIA Wilhelmsruh 8th FloorBerlin 1106 280 37 MADRIDBox 49 Trades Hall INDIA Spain4 Goulburn StreetSydney NSW 2000 50KP Thacker Block SWEDENBELGIUM Asian Games Village Box 6183PO Box 137 Sid Fort Road S-102 331040 Brussels Khel Gaon Marg StockholmNew Delhi-110049CANADA TANZANIAPO Box 302 ITALY PO Box 2239Adelaide Postal Station Via S. Prisca 15a Dar es SalaamToronto ik115; R ~~~~, PO Box 680Ontario M5C-2J4 JAPAN MorogoroSOHYO Building 6F USSRCUBA 3-2-11 Kanda-Surugadai Konyushkovskaya Street 28Calle 21A Chiyoda-Ku Moscow 123242NR 20617 Tokyo 101 UNITED KINGDOMEsquina 214 AtabeyHavana KENYA PO Box 38DENMARK PO Box 40432 28 Penton StreetLandgreven 7/3 t.h. Nairobi London NI 9PR1301 Kbh Copenhagen K MADAGASCAR UNITED STATESEGYPT PO Box 80 801 Second Avenue5 Ahmad Hismat Street Antananarivo Apt 405Zamalek NETHERLANDS New York NYC 10017Cairo PO Box 16657 ZAMBIAETHIOPIA 1001 RD Amsterdam PO Box 31791PO Box 7483 NIGERIA LusakaAddis AbabaFINLAND Federal GovernmentSpecial Guest HousePO Box 336 Victoria Island(X)531 Hekinki Lagos.FEDERAL REPUBLIC NORWAYOF GERMANY PO Box 6765Postfach 19()140 St Olavs Plass53(X) Bonn I N-0130 Oslo IAnnual Subscriptions:USA and Canada (air mail only): $30All other countries: 12Please make cheques payable to:S~haba Publications c/o ANC PO Box 38 London N1 9PRPublished by the African National Congress of tiouth Africa, PO &ix 31971, Lusaka,Zambia

Page 4 of 38 Page 5 of 38 JANUARY 1990ISSN:0037-0509 SECHABA Volume 24 No 1CONTENTS:EDITORIAL...... 1STATEMENTANC on Namibian elections ...... 2OBSERVATIONS ON CDF ...... 4PARIS CONFERENCE ...... 6SOUTH AFRICAN STATE TERRORISMBy Sizwe Msibi...... 8ANC INTERNATIONALUnited States-United Kingdom-Japan-Netherlands ...... 13POLITICAL TRIALS STILL CONTINUEBy Mark Guthrie...... 18OUR APPROACH TO CAPITAL PUNISHMENTBy Mervyn Bennun...... 20HINTSA THE GREATBy Ralph Mzamo ...... 23LETTER TO THE EDITOR ...... 26BOOK REVIEWSThe Southern Africa Holocaust ...... 28Disinformation in Europe ...... 30Financial Links Report ...... 31Graphic design by Hylton Alcock and Khwezi KadalieLISTEN TO RADIO FREEDOMVoice of the African National CongressAnd Umkhonto We Sizwe, the People's ArmyRadio Lusaka Radio MadagascarDaily 7.00 pm: Monday-Saturday 7.00-9.00 pm:Wednesday 10.15-10.45 pm: Sunday 7.00-8.00 pm:Thursday 9.30-10.00 pm: Short wave 49mb 6135 KHzFriday 10.15-1045 pm:Short wave 31mb 9505 KHzRadio EthiopiaDaily, 9.30-10.00 pm:Short wave 31mb 9595 KHzSunday 8.00-8.45 am:Short wave 25mb 11880 KHzRadio LuandaMonday-Saturday 7.30 pm:Sunday 8.30 pm:Short wave 31mb 9535 KHzand 25 mbRadio TanzaniaMonday Wednesday Friday 8.15Tuesday Thursday Saturday 6.15Short wave 31mb 9750 KHzThe above are South African times

Page 6 of 38 EDITORIALDE KLERK BRUISEDBUT NOT INJUREDDe Klerk and his regime have been making some"cosmetic changes" which have led some peo-ple to think De Klerk is the most "radicalreformer" that has ruled South Africa since 1948.All this would not have worried us had it not beenfor the fact that even some of our genuine friendsand allies have started to believe that De Klerkis sincere about these "reforms."What is happening in South Africa today is aresult of our sacrifices and our blood which -as our hero and martyr Solomon Mahlangu said- nourishes the tree of freedom. This was dur-ing the Soweto Uprising. Commenting about themilitancy and courage of our youth in the faceof police and army brutality, Comrade AlfredNzo, ANC Secretary-General said that SouthAfrica could never be the same again after theevents of June 16th 1976. These were propheticwords. Indeed since then South Africa has neverbeen the same again. The eighties - despite theNkomati Accord and as a reaction to thetricameral elections - saw an escalation of thestruggle.Since then - despite the State of Emergency- the people have been organising, mobilising,attacking and re-grouping.They have been re-grouping because of repres-sion - repression provoked violence andviolence provoked more repression. This stateof affairs led to a stalemate - Botha had to goand De Klerk began to make superficial changes.What we are saying is that De Klerk's"reforms" are no sign of a change of heart buta reaction to a changing mood of the people. Thepeople are determining the pace of changes. Itshould be stated that the people are not interestedin swimming from the same beaches as theWhites - they want a vote and the dismantlingof apartheid.The White community in our country has itsrole to play in this process. It has become clearfrom the last elections and the rumblings fromevery sector of the White community - businesspeople, academics, sports people and so on -that they are not in agreement with the regimeon a host of issues. Yet they take no visible ac-tion against it. There is undeniable proof that theregime has been involved in a lot of misuse ofpublic funds and yet it continues to feel safe fromthe White community that voted it into power.The comfort that De Klerk enjoys because ofhis public posture as a "reformer" is enhancedby his knowledge that he need not fear a massivemovement from the White electorate demandingdemocratic change in South Africa. There is afear of democracy among a large section of theWhite population. This fear of democratic ma-jority rule blinds them even on issues whichdirectly affect them.What we need to do now is to expose De Klerkfor what he is. He is a man who has been forcedout of a particular line of defence into another,and in this position of retreat, he has to postureas a man of strength and resolution. He is bruis-ed but we must really injure him.Prospects for peace in our country and theregion are nil as long as the De Klerk regimecontinues to be in power in our country. Whiteyouth who may rejoice at the reduction of theterm of conscription are still stuck with com-pulsory conscription. The military and policebudgets are higher than ever before which meansthat De Klerk still plans to wage war on the SouthAfrican people and our neighbours as hispredecessors did.The way forward is one - STRUGGLE. Themajority of South Africans are already forcingchanges in South Africa. What is needed fromthe White community is the fore-sight to realisethat apartheid has no place in this changingworld. It must go!

Page 7 of 38 ANC STATEMENTMESSAGE TO SWAPO ON THEOCCASION OF THE ELECTIONSAfter more than one hundred years of colonialmisrule, the people of Namibia stand poised onthe threshold of freedom. Colonial domination,imposed upon Namibia by the decision of the im-perialist powers at Berlin in 1884, survived thislong because of the policies of a handful of states,who did all in their power to delay the arrivalof this day.The dawn of Namibian independence is owed,in the first instance, to the selfless struggles ofthe Namibian people themselves. Indeed it wastheir undaunted courage that earned them thesolidarity and support of the internationalcommunity.Virtually from the day of its initial session, theUnited Nations Organisation has been seizedwith the Namibian question. For years, until themid-1960s, the leading Western powers delib-erately stood in the way of serious discussion ofthis issue, of vital importance to the peoples ofAfrica in general and those of Namibia in par-ticular. It was the intransigence of the racistregime, supported as it was by the leadingWestern powers, that reluctantly compelled theNamibian people to take up arms - to take theComrade President Sam Nujomasolemn decision that they must return to thebattlefield, where they had originally lost theirfreedom, in order to reclaim it.As we cast our minds back, we recount andrecall the names of the great men and womenwho stood firm, often against terrifying odds, indefence of their country and its people in orderto build the Namibian nation. In centuries tocome, long after the names of the colonialist ad-ministrators have been swallowed up by the mistsof infamy, the names of these great fighters willlive on in the annals of humankind. The namesof Hendrik Witbooi, Hosea Kutako and otherNamibian patriots are inscribed for eternity inthat roll of honour. So too will be the names ofthe heroes of this hour - the leadership andcadres of SWAPO.In 1966, when the Namibian people, under theleadership of SWAPO, resolved to wage armedstruggle, there were those who said it was theaction of desperate persons who would soonregret their 'rash' decision. There were yetothers who counselled patience and moderation.A small minority thought it wiser to accom-modate the aggressor and collaborate with him.There could be no clearer vindication of thewisdom of the decision to take up arms than thisday.After 23 years, during which the cream ofNamibian humanity suffered the deprivations ofimprisonment, banishment and exile, SWAPO,under the able leadership of Comrade PresidentSam Nui.oma, has stood firm on principle andrefused to trade the people's birthright for ahandful of silver and the plums of public officeunder the colonial regime.Namibian independence, so eagerly awaited byall, has been obtained at the price of greatsacrifices. It is fitting on this day that weremember the hundreds who perished in the wars

Page 8 of 38 of resistance against German colonialism, thescores massacred in every quarter of Namibiaduring the decades of South African occupation,the thousands who have been imprisoned, tor-tured, maimed and executed, the hundredsmercilessly butchered at Kassinga, and thefighters of the People's Liberation Army ofNamibia -- PLAN - who gave their lives onthe battlefield to make this day a reality.A special word of tribute is owed also to thepeoples and governments of Southern Africa,who, despite every blandishment and intensemilitary pressure, have stood shoulder toshoulder with the Namibian people through thebitter years of armed conflict. We salute in par-ticular the people of Angola, whose blood hasbeen shed in defence of their own country, andto secure the freedom of a sister nation.Especially on this day, as we celebrate a vic-tory, we dip our revolutionary banners in silenthomage to their memory, firm in the knowledgethat their sacrifice was not in vain. We remainunshakable in our belief that the new Namibiathat shall rise from the ashes of ra;.ist occupa-tion will be a monument worthy of their courageand dedication.Our joy is, however, tempered by the over-whelming need for vigilance. The provocationstaged only this past week by Roelof 'Pik' Bothais a clear warning that the enemies of ourfreedom still harbour hopes of turning back thetide of African progress. Unity must remain thewatchword until the gains you will score todayhave been consolidated in a democratic constitu-tion for Namibia -- unity of all the forces of na-tional independence and freedom, unity of allpatriots under the banner of SWAPO, the move-ment created by the Namibian people to wrestfreedom from the clutches of the racists and theirallies.On this propitious day, the National ExecutiveCommittee of the African National Congress,speaking on behalf of the hundreds of thousandsof militants of our movement, on behalf of ourleaders and cadres in the prisons of apartheid,in the name of the fighting ranks of our people'sarmy and underground, indeed, on behalf of allSouth African democrats and patriots, expressesour fraternal solidarity with the Namibian peo-ple and their National Liberation Movement,SWAPO.As you embark on this final leg of your longand arduous march down the high road offreedom, we reiterate that you may rely on thebedrock of friendship and solidarity that hasbound our two peoples during these decades ofstruggle. The historic reverse suffered by ourcommon enemy in Namibia is a portent of thedefeats that await him in South Africa itself.Namibia's victory today heralds the victory ofour people tomorrow.Long live the unity of the Namibian people!Long live SWAPO of Namibia!Long live the fighting spirit of PLAN!The struggle continues! Victory is certain!ANC National Executive CommitteeLusaka, ZambiaNovember 7th 1989

Page 9 of 38 IMMEDIATE REFLECTIONS ANDOBSERVATIONS ON THE CDFFrom a SECHABA correspondentThe excitement and sense of achievement thatgrips all committed patriots and democrats whenthey view the results of the Conference for aDemocratic Future (CDF) must be the same thatcoursed through the veins of those who par-ticipated in the Congress of the People and laterin the All-in Africa Convention in 1961.The very act of convening a conference of suchimportance and challenge to the apartheid systemconstitutes a victory in itself. It testifies to theimmense organisational skills the oppressed peo-ple of South Africa have developed under asystem that has never allowed them to organisefreely and, in this case, under the conditions ofa State of Emergency. Again, the very fact thatthe organisers did not move rashly on to con-vene it when conditions did not allow it last yearand in October this year, reflects on the politicalmaturity they have attained in the last few yearsof intense struggles.December 9 will go down in the history of ourstruggle as one of its greatest moments. It canonly adequately be described as a day of unity,a day of action in unity and unity in action. Theattendance - 4 600 delegates representing about2140 organisations - about 15 million people- attests to the popularity of the conference. Butit was the amount of co-operation from organisa-tions which in the past have sometimes, if notoften, taken opposing positions, that underpinsthe unity that the convening and the conferenceitself achieved. It went a long way to show thatthe democratic forces of our struggle have it inthem to unite for the single purpose of fightingthe apartheid monster that devours our country.For months, organisations and leaders ofpolitical groupings had been canvassed on a ten-point unifying perspective. These points were:* one person, one vote in a democratic, non-racial and united South Africa* the lifting of the State of Emergency* a living wage for allqtr freedom of association and expressionit the unconditional release of all politicalprisoners,k the scrapping of repressive laws,k the ending of political trials and executionsthe withdrawal of troops from the townships* the unbanning of the ANC and other organi-sationsPerhaps it might not have been necessary to men-tion these points in the manner that they havebeen mentioned because the publicity given tothem, prior to the CDF, means that they becameknown to millions of people, let alone the leadersand organisers of various organisations. But oneof the few set-backs of this conference ofdemocratic-minded South Africans was therefusal by some organisations to take part in theconference because of the participation of otherorganisations and an unfounded fear that the con-ference was a prelude to negotiations. It wouldnot do justice to the successful conference if wedid not look into the validity of these reasons forwithdrawal and, as a body that has emerged inthe past, and in the CDF as central in the strug-gle, urge these organisations to reconsider theirstand and work towards participation in the pro-cess that has been triggered off by the CDF.These organisations specifically objected to theparticipation of those who are regarded as work-ing within the apartheid system. This is in a wayunderstandable. For a long time this was everypatriot's position but in the new conditions,demanding the broadest coalition of democraticforces to confront the apartheid system, is itnecessary to maintain the same position againstthese forces `working within the system' evenif these adhere, in principle, to points such aswere put forward for participation in this con-ference? Certainly not. The focus at this timeshould be on the removal of the apartheit scourge

Page 10 of 38 from our country. In this process, all forces, eventhose with a modicum of anti-apartheid feeling,should be harnessed on to our side and not leftfor the enemy to use. Obviously, this excludesthose organisations that stand directly opposedto the advance of our struggle.The conference certainly proved to be an im-portant arena of struggle as had been envisagedby its organisers. Important victories were scoredin terms of committing almost all the forces pre-sent to the actions decided upon in the variousareas of struggle. This could not have been doneby closing out these organisations. By involvingthem, the Mass Democratic Movement and otherprincipal organisers such as the Black Con-sciousness Movement and the Churches, haveensured that the regime's support base is furtherdiminished.At the end of the conference no formal struc-ture of a broad anti-apartheid coalition emerg-ed. This might be construed as a failure in somequarters prejudiced towards the conference andits aims, but to those to whom the theme of theconference had meaning, there is a great victoryin that no one tried to force this coalition onanother. The conference was a beginning. Its ma-jor success lies in the envisaged actions and theunited action that will see to their realisation.Therefore there is an opportunity even for theseorganisations that did not take part in the con-ference to engage in the actions that have as theirobject the destruction of the apartheid system.The CDF's decisions must certainly allay thefears of those who thought it might compromisethe perspectives of our struggle. It endorsed theHarare Declaration of the OAU and stated in nouncertain terms that the climate in which negotia-tions can take place with the De Klerk regime,has not been created. It emphasised that the op-pressed people of South Africa shall be themasters of their own history and not De Klerk;that nothing that De Klerk has done convincesus that he is genuine; that the question of politicalpower is still on top of the agenda and that thereshould be no rest until all the people of SouthAfrica - Black and White - govern in a non-racial, democratic and united South Africa. Inshort, the declaration and all the resolutions wereabout nothing else but the intensification of thestruggle on all fronts.As with the mass defiance actions that haverocked the country since June, the friends of theregime, in South Africa and abroad, have soughtto credit it with the sensibility and benevolenceof allowing the conference to take place. Nothingis further from the truth. De Merk neither wantedthe conference to be organised nor have his,offer' of negotiations tested. The number oforganisations that this conference would unitearound a single perspective would expose onceand for all the unacceptability of his lame offers.Similarly, he would not want to allow the ANC,his sworn enemy, a platform on which its time-tested and widely-supported positions would beadopted by even more organisations and people.There can be only one conclusion for this ac-ceptance of the holding of the conference. It isthe inevitability of that conference being held.

Page 11 of 38 PARIS MEETING -A STEP FORWARD FROM DAKARTwo years after the history-making journey to Dakar by the African NationalCongress and over 50 White South Africans seeking political change in South Africa,another chapter has been written in the journey to Paris by over 100 South Africans.For five days, November 27th to December 2nd, the area of Marly Le Roi, onthe outskirts of Paris, was alive to intense and often heated debates under the theme"Towards a non-racial, democratic South Africa. "If the Dakar meeting was historic in that it brought such a large number of WhiteSouth Africans face to face with the ANC, the Paris meeting went a step further.Not only was White business, academic, media and so on represented, but therewas also Black business, the alternative media and the mass democratic movementin full force. The scope of participation had been widened and so were the areasof discussion. It also opened wider the possibilities of such meetings taking placeinside South Africa between the mass democratic movement and the various forcesthat were represented in Paris.The ANC was represented by a delegation of 22 which included five NationalExecutive members, heads of departments, lawyers, journalists, academics, diplo-mats and others. Below, Sechaba publishes the text of the statement which wasadopted by all the participants at the end of the conference on December 2nd 1989.STATEMENTPARIS CONFERENCE ON SOUTH AFRICANovember 27th to December 2nd 1989At the invitation of the Fondation Danielle Mit-terrand, a large group of South Africans met formore than five days to discuss together the tran-sition towards a non-racial, democratic SouthAfrica.Delegates to the conference were drawn frommany walks of life, and included an ANC delega-tion, the Mass Democratic Movement, anddelegates from business, the legal profession, thechurch, the press, the trade unions and academia.Deliberations, which were wide-ranging, includ-ed the following topics:1. Recent developments in Southern Africa.2. The current situation in South Africa.3. Towards a new constitution for South Africa(which included a focus on the Law Commissionreport, the ANC Constitutional Guidelines, theHarare Declaration and a consideration of theconstitutional proposals of the presentgovernment).4. Present and future economic policies in andfor South Africa.The discussions, whilst often intense, werecharacterised by a spirit of enquiry and underly-ing unity, which transcended the varying view-points of the delegates. (This was especially trueof the economic debate, which revealed con-siderable common ground, despite clear differ-

Page 12 of 38 ences.) In particular, there was common causethat the apartheid system was untenable andindefensible. Further, it was stressed that, inorder to safeguard the future, a new post-apartheid South Africa was imperative. Such asociety should be based on fundamental humanliberties and equal political and economic choicesand opportunities for all South Africans irrespec-tive of race, creed or gender. There was con-sensus that a non-racial democracy would requirehonest thinking, hard work, commitment and,wherever possible, unity of purpose and action.In particular, negotiation politics can only suc-ceed if a climate of negotiation was developedin South Africa.Such a climate would be encouraged by actionagainst apartheid and towards a non-racialdemocracy in every sphere of life. Delegateswere agreed that the journey towards such a newsociety is greatly facilitated by conferences andmeetings such as the one held at Marly Le Roi.The conference places on record its deepappreciation to France Libertes and, in part-icular, to Madame Danielle Mitterand.Members of the ANC delegation at the Paris Meeting Thabo Mbeki and Aziz Pahad (othersFrom left to right: Alex Baraine (Idasa), Willie Breytenbach (academic), Trever Manuel NO and Thabo Mbeki (ANC)

Page 13 of 38 SOUTH AFRICANSTATE TERRORISMAND INTERNATIONAL LAWBy Sizwe MsibiDuring the last ten years, at least 46 attempts have been made on the livesof ANC members outside South Africa. They were attacked with letterbombs, parcel bombs, car bombs and bullets. Some were killed, someseriously maimed. Late in 1989, Almond Nofomela, a prisoner on deathrow, and Dirk Coetzee, formerly a captain in the police force, both madestatements about having been members of an assassination unit within theSouth African Police, which was specially set up to make such attacks.Coetzee also stated that the South African embassy had been involved insmuggling explosives for the bombing of the ANC office in London in 1982.These revelations confirmed that the racist regime of Pretoria is engag-ed in a campaign of exporting terrorism to the capitals of states where thereare missions of the African National Congress. The atrocities perpetratedby the apartheid regime (as well as those perpetrated at home) prove thecorrectness of the judgment passed by the international community thatapartheid is a threat to world peace.The murder in cold blood ofchief representatives and otheractivists of the ANC by Pretoriadeath squads and othermercenaries at the service of theapartheid regime calls for con-certed action on the part of allthose states that are opposed toracial discrimination and stateterrorism. The history of inter-national relations abounds withnotable lawsuits, whendisregard of the basic principlesof international law and, in par-ticular, the flouting of thenorms of diplomatic and con-sular law by one state, resultedin the severance of diplomaticties between states.Other states accusedof 'terrorism'The USA and its allies, self-appointed champions of thestruggle against 'terrorism,' areknown for their timely and or-chestrated action against thosestates and liberation movementsthat are supporting, or areengaged in, 'terrorism.' For ex-ample, the USA, after havingaccused Libya of involvementin 'terrorism,' bombed Tripoli,targeting civilian settlements.The British Government gaveits blessing and approval to thisraid by making Britain availableas a launching pad.Furthermore, the UnitedStates Administration embark-ed on a campaign lobbying forthe total isolation of Libya. Itshould be noted that, asregulated in Article 51 of theUnited Nations Charter, self-defence justifies resort to theuse of force; otherwise a threatto use force, or the actual useof force, is a violation of a basicprinciple of international law.When the United States link-ed the Palestine LiberationOrganisation with 'terrorism'and also violated the Head-quarters Agreement betweenthe United States and the UnitedNations, it seriously impeded

Page 14 of 38 the normal functioning of theobserver mission of the PLO atthe United Nations.How long will the Pretoriaregime continue to transgressthe norms of law, ostensiblytracking down the 'terrorists,'without taking theconsequences?On February 5th 1988, theday after an attempt had beenmade on the life of ComradeGodfrey Motsepe, then theANC Chief Representative inthe Benelux countries, the ANCissued a statement signed by theSecretary-General, Alfred Nzo.The statement said:"The permissive attitudeadopted by certain statestowards the apartheidregime's acts of aggressionhas given Pretoria the con-fidence to extend its activitiesso far afield. "Comrade Dulcie September,Chief Representative in Paris,was murdered the followingmonth.Dirk CoetzeeAre the assassinations, the at-tempted murders, the con-spiracy to kidnap chiefrepresentatives and othermembers of the ANC, and thedestruction of its property bythe agents of the Pretoriaregime in the territories of statesviolations of sovereignty ofthese states and interference intheir domestic affairs byPretoria`? If so, then crimeshave been committed againstthe United Kingdom, Franceand so on, and equally againstthe people of South Africa asrepresented by the ANC.Therefore, the law should takeits course against racist SouthAfrica, the culprit.Sanctions againstcriminal statesThe governments of the westerncountries must not allow historyto register their complicity inthe crime of apartheid. It is hightime these states had recourse tothe instruments of internationallaw. For example, the Declara-tion on the Principles of Inter-national Law ConcerningFriendly Relations and Co-operation among States, en-trenches the right of states toprotect their legal personality aswell as to apply sanctions toviolators of international legalnorms.It is common knowledge thatthe diplomatic support renderedto apartheid by the westerncountries props up the mori-bund racist regime. The op-pressed and struggling people ofSouth Af. iLa are calling for thetotal isolation of the Pretoriaregime, and they pooh-pooh theallegation that they will be theworst hit by the effects ofsanctions.When it suits the interests ofmonopoly capital, the authenticliberation movements are labell-ed 'terrorist' organisations, andconsequently ranked with gangsof counter-revolutionaries andbandits. But time has provedthat the ANC has always wag-ed the liberation struggle withinthe ambit set by the principlesand the other norms of interna-tional law. The ANC is asignatory to such important in-struments as the 1977 Protocolsadditional to the Geneva Con-ventions 1949, and adheres totheir terms.Theatres ofapartheid warJust as the ANC is not engagedin imitating the dastardly tacticsof the Pretoria regime, thewestern powers must not, tacit-

Page 15 of 38 HALVING AN ARMY BUT LEAVINGITS FUNCTIONS INTACTThe De Klerk regime is certainly out of step with the demands of theSouth African people. It acts too late and gives away nothing. Its muchpublicised act of halving the period ofnational service Ior young Whitesand the dismantling of its National Security Management System havebeen rejected by one of the most representative and well-attended meetingsin the history of the South African political struggle. The resolution fromthe Conference for a Democratic Future reflects the position of over 15million people on the apartheid army and the whole system it defends.ADOPTED RESOLUTION ON APARTHEID ARMYThis ConferenceNoting:1. The system of military con-scription whereby all Whitemales are legally obliged to fightin defence of apartheid;2. The growth of objection toservice in the SADF as shown bythe recent stand of 771 objectorsand the thousands of conscriptswho leave South Africa annual-ly to escape military service;3. The imprisonment of thosemen who have refused to servein the SADF - some of whomare currently serving 6 yearsentences;4. The allegations that membersof the SADF, including con-scripts, have been involved indeath squad activities;5. The increasing recruitment ofpoor and unemployed BlackSouth Africans into the securityforces;And believing:1. That conscripts should havethe right to refuse to serve in theSADF;2. That the current system ofcompulsory conscription shouldbe ended;3. That the question of whethera system of conscription shouldexist at all is an issue to be decid-ed by all citizens of a non-racialdemocratic and united SouthAfrica.Therefore resolves:101. To call on all peace-lovingWhite conscripts not to serve inthe SADF and to work with themass of our people in buildinga non-racial and democraticSouth Africa;2. To demand an independentopen judicial enquiry intoSADF/SAP and other securityforce involvement in deathsquads;3. In the context of the need tocreate a climate for negotiationsas laid down in the OAUdeclaration, to campaign for:3.1 an end to conscription intothe SADF;3.2 a moratorium on all objec-tor trials;3.3 the unconditional release ofjailed objectors;3.4 the unconditional return ofexiled objectors:4. To call on foreign govern-ments to provide asylum for con-scientious objectors and otherSouth African political refugees:5. To campaign for local and in-ternational companies andorganisations to end material,spiritual and financial support tothe security forces eg. Armscor,Barlow Rand and Atlas AirCorporation:6. To initiate awareness cam-paigns directed at both con-scripts and Black security forcemembers in order to educatethem about the role of the SADFin upholding apartheid.ly or by implication, givePretoria the green light totransform their territories intotheatres of apartheid war. Thebattlefield should remain em-braced by the borders of SouthAfrica.The question of recognition,representation and protection ofthe chief representatives, themembers and property of thenational liberation movements,demands a dialectical approachto the whole problem of modernand dynamic international law.In modern international law,peoples struggling for nationalliberation are a sovereign sub-ject of international law,Griffiths Wenge, stabbed 21 times, Durban 1982

Page 16 of 38 possessing a specific politico-legal property, namely nationalsovereignty, which serves as apolitico-juridical source of theinternational legal personalityof such peoples and nations.Therefore, the fighting peopleof South Africa, represented bytheir vanguard movement, theANC, enjoy this status.Thus the ANC is empoweredactively to participate in thedetermination and engineeringof the international relationsthat are affecting the peoples ofSouth Africa, or will be of in-terest to them even in the post-liberation era. This thereforenecessitates representation,hence the accreditation of theambassadors and chiefrepresentatives of the nationalliberation movements.Status of ourexternal missionsThe external missions of the na-tional liberation movementsdeserve the respect and protec-tion of the host country, as thisguarantees favourable condi-tions conducive to the normalfunctioning of these missions.This obligation emanates fromthe agreements entered into bythe host countries and theliberation movements, grantingthe latter a right to establisha mission of representation.Furthermore, as elaborated inthe Declaration of Principles ofInternational Law 1970, thesubstance of the principle ofequal rights and self-determination of nations andpeoples (which is not a moralprinciple but a norm of jusJoe Ggabi, shot in Harare 1981cogens, a peremptory norm) in-cludes a right to apply forceagainst racist or colonialregimes and receive interna-tional legal protection or anyother necessary assistance fromthe other subjects of inter-national law. In turn, states areobliged to promote jointly or in-dividually the realisation of thisprinciple by the strugglingpeoples and nations, accordingto the United Nations Charter,Articles 55 and 56.Many other instruments, suchas the Elimination of All Formsof Racial Discrimination of1955, and the Convention onthe Suppression and Punish-Dulcie September, shot dead in Paris 1981Ruth First, killed by parcel bomb, Maputo 1982ment of the Crime of Apartheidof 1973, expressly call on allstates to offer support to thestruggling peoples.Therefore, diplomatic sup-port rendered to the liberationmovements, such as permissionto open an external mission,should not be treated as afavour; nor is it supposed to begiven solely or mainly for thepropaganda purposes of the hostcountry. Should this be thecase, then the purpose or objectof the basic principle, thattreaties must be observed, isfrustrated, especially because itdemands that the obligationsmust be fulfilled bona fide.

Page 17 of 38 Gen. Lothar Neething, Graig Williamson and Gen. Johan Coetzee implicated in the hit squad allegationsFW de Klerk is expecting a report from Minister of Law and order Adriaan VIA on Police hit squadsNeed for aco-ordinated approachIf analogy or reference cannotbe made to the operating in-struments of diplomatic andconsular law regulating externalrepresentation (for example, theConvention on the Preventionand Punishment of CrimesAgainst International ProtectedPersons of 1973) then there isa need of a universal agreementdefining and regulating the legalposition of the external missionsof the liberation movements -the sovereign subjects of inter-national law. But then, in myopinion, the strict observationand implementation of the cur-rently operating norms of inter-national law can remedy thelawlessness prevailing in theworld, fanned by such states asSouth Africa and Israel with thecollusion of the imperialistpowers.Similarly, though the ques-tion of racial discrimination istackled in many documents ofinternational law, neverthelessa specific convention (citedabove) was adopted, and wasmeant to co-ordinate the effortsof states in the fight against thecrime of apartheid. Therefore,on the question of externalmissions of the national libe-ration movements also, theinternational community mustadopt a co-ordinated, positiveapproach. Recognition goesto those states that haveappreciated the necessity ofgranting diplomatic status to theexternal mission of the nationalliberation movements.

Page 18 of 38 ANC INTERNATIONALUNITED STATESAWARD FORALBERTINA SISULUIn November 1989, AlbertinaSisulu was honoured by theAfrican-American Institute inNew York for "front linedefence of African freedom."She shared the award withformer US President, JimmyCarter, and General OlusegunObasanjo of Nigeria. We printhere a slightly shortened ver-sion of her speech ofacceptance."We view this award as atribute to the people of SouthAfrica, the millions whose in-volvement in the struggleagainst apartheid guarantees itssuccess.The conviction among thesemillions is that our victory is inAlbertina Sisulusight. As we watch the electionsin Namibia, we know that ourcontinent has entered the finalstages of the process of endingcenturies of colonial and Whiteminority domination. Thehistoric process whereby thepeople of Namibia are takingpower back into their hands willnot stop on the banks of theOrange River. It is sweepingover South Africa. The at-mosphere in the country is oneof expectation that the longnight of racial tyranny will, inthe not too distant future, yieldto the new dawn of freedom andjustice for all the people ofSouth Africa and peace for thepeoples of our region.We have no illusionsThis conviction does not derivefrom any illusion that F W deKlerk and the Nationalist Partyhave had a change of heart.They continue to emphasisetheir commitment to the apart-heid concepts of racial andethnic groups, group rights andso-called power-sharing amongthese groups. Our certaintythat change is in sight is born ofour knowledge that the strugglefor a united, democratic andnon-racial South Africa willescalate and intensify until vic-tory is achieved.The award we are happy andhonoured to receive tonightsymbolises the commitment ofthe American people and therest of the international com-munity to help us abolish thesystem of White minority rulein South Africa. When the daycomes when we shall elect thegovernment of our choice, weshall surely say thank you toyou all for standing with us inthe common struggle for liber-ty, human rights, justice andpeace.But that day has not yetdawned. Ahead of us is a con-tinuing struggle in which youmust continue to be involved.The apartheid system remainsin place. Despite the great peo-ple's victory represented by therecent release of some of themost senior leaders of theANC, thousands of otherpatriots, including NelsonMandela, remain in prison, ondeath row, in detention andunder banning orders. The stateof emergency continues.

Page 19 of 38 Freedom has not yet beenachieved.As we intensify the strugglewithin the country, we expectthat you will continue the cam-paign for the isolation of apar-theid South Africa.Campaign for sanctionsThat campaign for isolation, forthe imposition of sanctions, ispart of the struggle to end theapartheid system. It is thereforeonly logical that it must con-tinue until this system has beenabolished. We urge you not tolisten to any voices which sug-gest that De Klerk should begiven a chance. To give himsuch a chance would only givehim time to look for ways offurther entrenching the apart-heid system.Tomorrow we return to SouthAfrica, to the thick of struggle.We shall convey to ourorganisations, our leaders andpeople your good wishes. Weshall tell them that, as we leftthese shores, we felt even moreconvinced that the day whenyou join us in South Africa tocelebrate a victory that willbelong to all humanity is not faraway. "WOMEN'S SECTIONMESSAGE SALUTESBRITISH SISTERThe struggling people of SouthAfrica have good friends amongthe people of Britain, andBarbara Castle, the distinguish-ed British Labour Party politi-cian, has been notable amongthem for a long time. On the oc-casion of her retirement, theANC Women's Section inLusaka wrote a letter to her,part of which we quote here:Our dear sisterWe write to you having heardthat you have decided to retirefrom active public life, duringwhich you represented largesections of the British people asa member of the British andEuropean Parliaments...We remember with undimmedfeeling your lone and historicjourney to South Africa in 1957,when you came to the smallrural town of Zeerust to holdhands and express solidaritywith the Black women who haddecided to stand up and defendthemselves against the tyran-nical actions of the apartheidregime of the day...We feel all the more privileg-ed that we came to know youand, through you, came tounderstand that a new relation-ship between the women andpeople of South Africa and theirBritish counterparts could bebuilt, to replace a relationshipof previous centuries which haddefined the Black as underlingand the White as the natural-born superior...We look forward, dear Bar-bara, to the day when you makea second visit to Zeerust as aguest of our women and people,to enjoy the fruits of your effortsin a free and peaceful SouthAfrica and to meet those whoremember you and the purposeof your visit to their region.Gertrude ShopeHead of ANC Women's SectionLETTERSTO THELONDON OFFICEThousands of letters from ANCsupporters come into the Lon-don ANC office from all cor-ners of England, Scotland,Ireland and Wales (writesAnna-Zohra Tildy). It is worthletting Sechaba readers knowabout these letters. Only a fewpeople ever see them, but theyare really meant for all of usworking for liberation in SouthAfrica.The letters are not only fromanti-apartheid activists or tradeunionists, but also from a wholerange of individuals - an old-age pensioner from the Isle ofSkye, a prisoner in DurhamGaol, a child from a housingestate in Birmingham. Manyletter-writers are eager toreassure us that Margaret That-cher does not speak for them,that they are horrified at whatthey see on the television newsabout South Africa, and thatthey want to help the ANC.This letter is from a couple inSwansea in Wales, who hadreceived an ANC mailing on theplight of migrant workers:"Please accept our deepestsympathy and compassion.My wife and I are oc-togenarians, and aremembers of the workingclass, receiving an inade-quate pension, but afterreading your letter we near-ly cried with shame that

Page 20 of 38 human beings were treatedin this fashion. We decidedto send you a donation tohelp alleviate the suffering ofyour people. May the daysoon dawn for the release ofNelson Mandela, to lead andrelieve his people from thebondage of apartheid. "They enclosed a poem they hadwritten about Mandela. Wereceive many poems, and alsopictures and cards. People arekeen to send original ideas theyhave had for campaigningagainst apartheid, and crafts-men or business people offerus their services, or prizes forthe annual ANC raffle.Often people are upset thatthey cannot afford to donate,and go to lengths to explainwhy. Mostly this is becausethey are old age pensioners, orunemployed, like this youngman in Edinburgh:L-r- /MO, l~~ - a~, tLQ bf ~tJ.C wt -B6_,r~~tiC~'v1aM ~ o. lol i,~ciKM"I also live in a countrywhere the government is alsoin the minority, and whileI'm not saying it is anywaynear as bad as South Africa,the English Torys useScotland as a testing groundand a waste ground ... 1 sup-port everything the ANC do,and would like to help, butas a disabled andunemployed person I do nothave enough money to paymy bills, so I can't sendfinancial support, but pleaselet me help in any other wayyou can. "Much interesting and movingmail is received from the aged.This is from an old age pen-sioner in Southend-on-Sea:"I think your people shouldbe allowed a vote. What doesthe colour of one's skin mat-ter? I am afraid this countrywill not do a thing to helpyou all while we have thatevil Mrs Thatcher in power.My late father saw 25 yearsin the army, so he was ableto tell his children how youwere all treated by usWhites. So that is why I havealways been a rebel for theunderdog of human nature. "This letter from a 74-year-oldwoman in Nottingham wasanother response to the migrantworker mailing:"1 read your letter throughcarefully, and my heartaches. I am sending you thiswith my love, and only wishit could be more. We live ona pension. We have broughtup four children on very lit-tle money, but I know wehave never known povertyand sheer misery as ourBlack brothers and sisters.Bless you all, and may theday of liberation dawn verysoon."From the old to the young, whoare freshly infuriated by whatthey have seen on the television,or learned at school, about apar-theid. This 14-year-old alsowrites from Nottingham:"Please find a chequeenclosed. This is my pocketmoney, and I wish it to bedonated to NelsonMandela's birthday fund. Heis a very courageous man.Would you also forward thisbirthday card, so that it willreach Mandela in time forhis birthday?"Her letter was signed, "Withmy loyal support. " A young15

Page 21 of 38 man from Wembley in Londonexplained that he would like tosend a donation, but:"1 am only 12 and a bit shortof cash. Please don't take of-fence. I still support yourcause very strongly. "Teachers write asking forteaching materials about apar-theid; some from inner-citymulti-racial schools, some fromvillage schools in remote ruralareas. One primary school classmade its own petition, stating,"We think Nelson Mandelashould be released fromprison," and all signed it in theirsprawling, childish hand-writing. They also wrote letterslike this one:"I wish you get out of gaolyou did not do anything youjust want the Black people tohave a vote I wish that yourbirthday present is to get outof prison. "We receive requests from short-and long-term prisoners formaterial about the ANC, andsometimes they write letters.This prisoner in Durham askedto be put in touch with a SouthAfrican political prisoner:"Send me details on whatsupport a prisoner will beneeding. I'm sure 1 can ar-range some support throughmy family and even myself,especially books, if they areallowed, as 1 know how theregime prevents any kind ofworth-while education ... ifit's a long-term prisoner Iam put in touch with, the bet-ter, as I am released in 1516months and will go on sup-porting him/her after myrelease. "Many religious people write let-ters, including a nun from aconvent in Wales. She wrote:"Alas, I have little or nomoney of my own to hand out- but here is I a friendgave me recently. "Often, individual supportersraise support in their workplaces for the ANC, then writeto tell us how they have pinnedour information on the noticeboard, or sold our raffle tickets.Again, they are from all typesof places including fire stationsand building societies.This recent letter from ayoung Welsh woman perhapssums up the commitment andencouragement we receive fromour supporters:"1 would like to say I amgrateful for the informationI receive from yourorganisation, and hope youwill continue to keep me intouch. I greatly admire andcongratulate you on all yourwork and efforts to help theadvance of freedom in SouthAfrica, and will always sup-port your cause in any wayI can. I wish you continuedstrength and success. "BRITISH SIGNATURESAGAINST APARTHEIDAn advertisement placed by theANC and our supporters in TheGuardian and The Independentnewspapers in September wasan opportunity for British peo-ple to express their abhorrenceof apartheid and their opposi-tion to the Whites-only elec-

Page 22 of 38 tions. Nearly 8 000 people res-ponded to a letter from ANCChief Representative MendiMsimang, inviting them to puttheir names to the advertisementand to send a donation to helppay for it. A strict deadlinemeant that there was room foronly 6 500 names, and eventhen the size of the advertise-ment had to be changed fromone full page to a page and ahalf. It was produced with helpvolunteered by British mediaworkers, and generated greatinterest among the public andthe media.The text of the advertisementread:"I wish to express my op-position to the 'elections'and what is happening inSouth Africa today. Pleaseadd my name to your list ofsupporters, and campaignon my behalf for the aboli-tion of apartheid and the in-stitution of free and fair elec-tions in which all the peopleof South Africa, irrespectiveof race, colour, sex or creed,will be able to participate. "ANTI-APARTHEIDNETHERLANDS 1649The first anti-apartheid move-ment could be said to date backto 1649 (writes Karel Roskam,a journalist in the Netherlands).Of course, they did not know itat the time, but there was thena protest by two Dutch officersof the Dutch East India Com-pany against the treatmentmeted out to the Khoi-Khoi peo-ple living at the Cape.Aggression in returnfor hospitalityIt all started with the sinking ofthe Dutch ship, the Haarlem, onMarch 25th 1647. The ship-wrecked sailors, led byLeendert Janszoon, werehospitably taken up by the resi-dent Khoi-Khoi, with whomthey stayed for almost a year.They were picked up again inApril 1648 by the Dutch returnfleet coming from what wasthen called the Dutch East In-dies, with Jan van Riebeeck onboard.Sailors from this fleet shotand stole cattle belonging to theKhoi-Khoi, who, in retaliation,shot and killed some Dutchsailors.On their return to theNetherlands, Leendert Janszoonand his fellow-officer, NicolasProot, wrote in their report tothe Council of Seventeen, thesupreme directorate of theDutch East India Company:"Others will say that thenatives are brutal and can-nibals, from whom no goodcan be expected ... this is avulgar error ... We are con-vinced that the (Dutch)peasants of Holland, weretheir cattle shot down ortaken away without payment,would not be a hair betterthan these natives, if theywere not obliged to respectthe law ... The killing of ourpeople is undoubtedly caus-ed out of revenge by thenatives when their cattle isseized ... The uncivil andungrateful conduct of ourpeople is therefore thecause. "They went on to warn, that ifthis behaviour of the Whiteswere not stopped, it:"May cost the lives of someof ours, if the natives find anopportunity, and YourHonours may considerwhether the latter wouldhave cause for such a pro-ceeding.'The Dutch East India Companydid not react to this; Jan vanRiebeeck was ordered to go andsettle at the Cape in order toproduce fresh vegetables andmeat for the Dutch ships ontheir way to and from the Dutchcolonies in the East Indies.Van Riebeeck called theKhoi-Khoi:"... the Black, stinking dogs... dull, stupid, lazy andstinking. "He went to war with the Khoi-Khoi in 1659. The Khoi-Khoileaders, Harry, Doman, Oedet-sa and Aukaisoa, accused VanRiebeeck at the peace negotia-tions a year later of waging warin order to deprive them of theland which had belonged tothem from all the ages.Van Riebeeck did not evenbother to deny this. He said thatthe Khoi-Khoi had:... now lost that land in war,and therefore could only ex-pect to be henceforth entire-ly deprived of it ... Theircountry has thus fallen to ourlot, being justly won indefensive warfare, and ... itis our intention to retain it. "It was a long time before thenext anti-apartheid protestwas heard from any Europeancountry.

Page 23 of 38 POLITICAL TRIALS STILL CONTINUEBy Mark GuthrieThe writer of this article is a member of Lawyers Against Apartheid, anorganisation formed in London to examine political trials in South Africa andexpose the illegality of the South African judicial system.The release of our leaders on October 15th 1989is a victory for democratic forces both inside andoutside South Africa. The reception given to themby 85 000 people at Soccer City, and the opensupport for the ANC confirms that our organisa-tion leads the struggle of the South African peo-ple. Our victory, and the unceasing talk ofnegotiations, might tempt us into believing thatthe apartheid regime is about to concede powerto us and that national liberation is just aroundthe corner.However, the reality is that De Klerk continuesto talk of apartheid under the guise of 'grouprights.' The ANC has demanded that the regimeshows its willingness to enter into meaningfulnegotiations by - among other things - releas-ing all political prisoners and detainees and en-ding all political executions.A review of current trials, and of those awaitingexecution on death row, shows that, for the apar-theid regime, it is business as usual.In August 1989, 35 political trials, involving135 people, were in progress in South Africa. Ofthese people, 25 were were convicted, 28 acquit-ted and 82 had the charges against themwithdrawn. In the preceding ten months, therewere 248 such trials, involving 861 people, andof these 300 were convicted, 172 acquitted andcharges were withdrawn against 341.Refusal to recognise illegal courtsExamining some of the trials which have recent-ly concluded or which are at present in progress,one can see that the armed struggle is very muchone of the pillars of our struggle. It is also clearthat our combatants of Umkhonto we Sizwe havebeen increasingly engaging the apartheid regimemilitarily.The demand of our combatants to be accordedPOW status has continued to be made this year.* The four Delmas combatants powerfully statedtheir claim to be recognised as soldiers, and theirrefusal to recognise the court. The fact that threeof the four received the death sentence has donenothing to deter other combatants from taking thesame stance.* In August, Vukabe Mhlongo and NkonsinathiMazibuko demanded to be treated as soldiers, andrefused to participate in their trial for alleged ac-tivities in Umkhonto we Sizwe. Legallyunrepresented because of this, the two were foundguilty and sentenced to 10 and seven years' im-prisonment respectively.* In November, the Potchefstroom Three -Putswe Litlhakanyane (aged 19), LawrenceSelekoe (19) and Thembisile Batyi (23) - eachreceived a total of 12 years' imprisonment for'terrorism,' undergoing military training andbelonging to a banned organisation. From thebeginning of their trial, the three played no partin it, and this included refusing to give evidencein their own defence.* Just before the Potchefstroom Three weresentenced, two young combatants - ObedMadonsela (19) and Christopher Khumalo -refused to plead to charges of terrorism. Com-rade Madonsela told the court on their behalf thatit was "against the dictates of (their) conscience"to take part in a judicial system where they hadno say in drawing up the legislation:"We believe a trial in an apartheid court can-not and will not be fair. "

Page 24 of 38 The young generation of militants continue in thefootsteps of their predecessors. This point wasmade in November, when the three Broeder-stroom trialists, Damian de Lange, Ian Robert-son and Susan Westcott were visited at their trialby the recently released leaders, Comrades Sisulu,Kathrada, Mlangeni and Motsoaledi. TheBroederstroom case is also significant in that itis another example of White patriots respondingto the call of the ANC to take up arms.MK is everywhere!The fact that the armed struggle waged byUmkhonto we Sizwe takes place throughout thecountry is confirmed by the various locations inwhich MK trials are taking place. The Pot-chefstroom and Durban trials have been mention-ed above.* Meanwhile, in the Transvaal there are the twoseparate 'terrorism' trials of Petros Vantyn andHelen Mogale* Delmas, also in the Transvaal continues tobe the scene of yet another important trial, thatof the 12 charged with treason, murder and at-tempted murder, arising out of alleged ANCactivities.,k In the Cape, the Wynberg Three, DanisileMkhatywa, Buyiswa Jack and Agnes Yoyo, facecharges of treason.Our demand for an end to political executionsshould remind us that at the time this is being writ-ten there are 67 people awaiting execution forpolitical activities. Neither should we forget thatthe release of our leaders still leaves an estimated3 500 political prisoners still serving sentences,including Anthony Mfane Xaba, who is at pre-sent on Robben Island and who has spent a totalof 25 years in imprisonment. In addition, thereare about 266 people detained under the state ofemergency.Undaunted spirit of our peopleDe Klerk's apparent eagerness to enter intonegotiations is an attempt to seize the initiative~y -and rescue the apartheid regime from the impassewhich confronts it. While De Klerk would wantto negotiate on a basis and in a context which isunacceptable to us, he would not be even speak-ing of negotiations were it not for the manner andspirit in which the peoples of South Africa havechallenged and engaged his regime. Currentpolitical trials show that people have maintainedtheir military engagement at a high level and inan undaunted spirit. Despite the prospect of thedeath penalty, combatants have been steadfast inproclaiming the justice of their cause. The en-thusiastic and jubilant reception that defendantshave received from the public attending their trialsindicates the popularity of their actions.The large number of political trials and execu-tions has not stopped recruitment to the ANC andto MK. Rather, the heroic stand of our cadres inrecent trials has been an inspiration to others toemulate them and to take our struggle to newheights.The nature of trials in progress at present bearsout the contention that the apartheid regime needsto negotiate because it is cracking under thepressure of the people's struggle.If that intensity of struggle and the determina-tion of the people is maintained, which it un-doubtedly will be, it will not be long before DeKlerk finds himself forced to concede the princi-ple of one person, one vote in a non-racialdemocratic and unitary state.

Page 25 of 38 OUR APPROACHTO CAPITAL PUNISHMENTBy Mervyn BennunThis writer takes up a point in Mphunki's article, Capital Punishment -Towards a New Approach, which appeared in the September 1989 issueof Sechaba.Mphunki's article was an im-portant contribution to the ques-tion of capital punishment inour country, both now and inthe future.I would like to comment ona statement he makes in theopening lines. He refers to thecase of the Sharpeville Six, andstates that the world-wide sup-port for these people was bas-ed on "the availability of in-disputable facts proving theirinnocence." I feel that thearguments against the deathsentence imposed by the regimeare already so powerful that wedo not need to resort tostatements which are certainlynot relevant and which may notbe true.Assuming that the SharpevilleSix really were involved in thekilling of the councillor, SamDlamini, in 1985, doesMphunki mean that the AfricanNational Congress would not -or should not - rally to theirside? Further, the whole worldis aware of the barbaritieswhich go on behind the sceneswhen a trial takes place in SouthAfrica; can we believe theevidence of any of the witnessesin such trials? We must alsotake care how we regard thosemembers of the communitywho were dragged in to giveevidence for the prosecution -people who might have beenterrorised, detained and tor-tured no less than those put ontrial, and thus forced to makefalse statements and to givefalse evidence incriminatingothers. Their tragedy and plightmay be almost as terrible asthose they give evidence against- their own friends, family andcomrades.Making South AfricaungovernableWe demand the release of theSharpeville Six and others in asimilar situation because ourmovement called for total op-position to the institutions of theapartheid state and for the peo-ple to render South Africaungovernable. President Tam-bo said in the message of theNational Executive Committeeon January 8th 1985:"... we shall need to pursue,with even greater vigour, thetask of reducing the capaci-ty of the colonial apartheidregime to continue its illegalrule of our country. Thedestruction of the organs ofgovernment weakens theregime and is a necessarypart of our continuing massoffensive. "By our demand for the releaseof everyone brought to trial bythe regime for their actions inresponse to this leadership fromour movement, we make it clearthat we stand with the people,and that we refuse to accept thejudgment of the regime on whatis and what is not right in theirstruggle against it. It is thus ir-relevant whether theSharpeville Six were involvedin the death of Dlamini or not.Mphunki's statement thatthere is "indisputable evidence"that the Sharpeville Six werenot guilty leads to problems wemust avoid. There are othercases where the people whowere convicted were moreclearly involved, but we do notdiscriminate among them. Wedemand the release of all suchpeople, regardless of whetheror not they took part in the ac-tivities concerned. I suggest thatthis is the correct and principl-ed position we should hold.20

Page 26 of 38 The regime has noright to pass judgmentThis is consistent, for example,with our stated policy on'necklacing.' This hideouspractice was never the policy ofthe ANC, and it has been end-ed by the self-discipline of thepeople under the leadership ofour movement. However, whenthe people who made suchmistakes are condemned by theregime, we stand by them, foronly the people united in therevolutionary struggle, and notthe apartheid regime, has theright to pass judgment on thosewithin the ranks.But the matter goes even fur-ther than this. Once weacknowledge that in one casethere may be evidence thatthose convicted committed whatthe regime regards as a crime,or deny in another case thatthere is such evidence, then wewould accord legitimacy to thecourts of the regime; we wouldbe saying that some convictionsare correct and just, and com-paring them with others whichwe claim are miscarriages ofjustice.The truth of the matter is thatthe South African courts haveno legitimacy whatever. Theydo not represent the people,their procedures are barbarictravesties of justice, and whatthey regard as 'crimes' are theacts of men and women in adesperate struggle to freethemselves. We expect nojustice from South Africa'scourts, because they are the in-stitutions of the enemy. Thus,when Mphunki claims that theSharpeville Six are innocent,we must be clear what is meantby this statement. It means thatwe place no value on what theSouth African courts thinkabout the Six, or about any ofthe others involved in similartrials.Mphunki observes that theSouth African courts rely onevidence obtained by torture.This makes it all the more im-portant that we should take careto attack the South African legalsystem from a correct startingpoint. For Mphunki to make hisstatement that there are"indisputable facts proving theirinnocence," one has to rely onthe defence evidence in thatcase and to regard it as morecredible than the evidence givenfor the prosecution. I think thisleads us into a trap, for it im-plies that it is possible to put ona fair and full defence before aSouth African court. In fact, acriminal trial in South Africa isrotten and unjust in all itsaspects.Forced confessionsConsider just some of what weknow about criminal trials,especially in political cases. Theprosecution evidence isprepared and presented with theuse of detention, torture andlies, and who becomes a pro-secution witness and who theaccused person is decidedagainst this background. Theprocedure of taking an accusedperson before a magistrate tomake a statement is supposed tobe a protection; in fact, it is us-ed by the prosecution and policeas a weapon against the accus-ed. How this is done is simpleand well-known.The accused person is sub-jected to torture, terror andinducements, isolated andwithout legal advice, until astatement is made which thepolice regard as satisfactory tothemselves, and which the per-son agrees to repeat before amagistrate. The person makingthe statement must go back tothe custody of the very peoplewho have used torture, terror,and threatened with more of thesame - unless the statementmade is a confession of guiltwhich matches up neatly withwhat others, who will be pro-secution witnesses, will say incourt.And who are these others?They are frequently the friendsand family of the accused per-son and who have themselvesbeen battered into saying whatthe prosecution wants. A state-ment made to the police isusually taken under oath; and ifthat person subsequently givesevidence in court and sayssomething different then aserious crime is committed.Further, it is no defence for theperson to refuse to giveevidence in court, on thegrounds that the statement to thepolice was false and it would belying to repeat it. This is treatedas yet another crime, and theperson involved is likely to beprosecuted alongside the personon trial. Frequently, the witnessin this situation and the personon trial are close friends orfamily.

Page 27 of 38 Judges show maliceand hatredIn court, the case is conductedin what is simply a foreignlanguage, and the case of theSharpeville Six illustrates timeand again the misunderstan-dings and confusions causedduring interpretation. The trialjudge in the case deliberatelyused these problems to demon-strate that the Sharpeville Sixand their witnesses were un-truthful. This is yet another pro-blem which must not be forgot-ten - not only are the judgesnot drawn from the ranks of thepeople, but they do not hesitateto show their malice and hatredfor those who are fightingagainst apartheid. In the case ofthe Six, Judge Human could notwait to convict them andsentence them to death. Whenone reads how he conductedhimself, his statements on thelaw, and what he said in thecourse of the trial, it is clear thathe did not care whether or notthe people on trial had anythingto do with the killing ofDlamini; he was simply deter-mined that because they wereon trial they should thereforehang.Against this background,therefore, we should not bewilling to say that we trust evendefence witnesses - not eventhe statements of the accusedthemselves. This is not to saythat we think that they aredeliberately and maliciouslyuntruthful; it is simply becauseagainst such a background weshould not give a criminal trialeven a cracked veneer oflegitimacy by relying onanything any witness says.Let us frankly face anotherproblem. By their ownevidence, some of theSharpeville Six were present inthe crowd or near the scenewhen Dlamini was killed, andsought to explain why they werethere, in ways which relievedthem of responsibility. They didnot adopt a political basis fortheir defence - some said, forexample, that they were in-timidated into joining thedemonstration which ended inDlamini's death. In view ofwhat they had been through atthe hands of the police and whatthey well knew would be the at-titude of the court, and in viewof the horror of apartheid andthe desperate struggle of thepeople, we do no favours if wepass judgment on thetruthfulness of what people sayin their own defence whencharged before apartheidcourts.No faithin a corrupt systemIf any were being truthful whenthey said they were intimidatedinto taking part, then this isclearly a serious matter for thedevelopment of the struggle;and if they were lying, then howdo we help anyone by sayingthat we believe them? Weshould not encourage peopleunder such circumstances to lie,nor should we take on ourshoulders the task of advisingthem how to conduct theirdefences; it is for the people in-volved in each case to decidewhat to do in the light of whatthey know, their strength, andwhat they can hope for. Thecorrect attitude for us to adoptis to make it clear that we haveno faith in the system, becausethe entire procedure of the courtis rotten and corrupt.Especially where accusedpeople do not present theirdefences in clear political terms- and in the case of theSharpeville Six they did not -we must not pass judgment onthem by claiming that they areinnocent. Because the trials aremockeries of justice, we cannotknow that that is true, and theaccused persons may well knowthat it is false. Such a situationdoes not help them, and it doesnot advance our struggle.The correct and politicallysound response is to make itknown to all that, as our move-ment has called for the peopleto destroy the institutions ofapartheid, no court of the apar-theid regime has any legitimacyto pass judgment on the conductof those who respond. We mustbeware of manoeuvringourselves into the position ofsaying that those who are pro-secuted for acts committed insupport of our struggle are notguilty because others committedthem instead. If the acts aresuch as are wrong and harmfulto our struggle - as, for exam-ple, necklacing - then we mustrespond by ensuring that ourstruggle is conducted withdignity and discipline. We pro-mote our struggle best by ensur-ing that all involved identifycorrectly with the cause of na-tional liberation, and act withthat dignity and self-discipline.

Page 28 of 38 IHNTSA THE GREATBy Ralph MzamoAhi Zanzolo, Hintsa ka Khawuta, ka Gcaleka, ka Phalo, is probably themost venerated of the Xhosa kings who had contact with, and fought, thecolonialists. A number of factors contributed to that reverence; and thatHintsa was martyred under nefarious circumstances in a war of resistanceagainst foreign marauders has greatly added to his esteem in the mindsof the nations of South Africa as a whole. He was the immediate linkbetween the fighters of modern times and their forefathers who fought thecolonialists. He died only 150 years ago, but at the height of the wars ofdispossession.Hintsa was a direct descendant of Phalo, thefather of Gcaleka and Rarabe, whose names areused respectively for the Transkei and Ciskeiprovinces (Kwa-Gcaleka and Kwa-Rarabe all be-ing umzi Ka-Phalo). As Phalo himself was adescendant of Tshawe, the father of the entireXhosa nation, it follows therefore that any Xhosawould pay allegiance to his descendants in turn.He was born in about 1785, and ascended tothe throne at a very early age in 1804, duringturbulent times, as his subjects in the west, ama-Gqunukhwebe, were locked in a relentless strug-gle at Ngqantosi under Chungwa ka Tshaka. Thecolonialists were advancing eastwards, but thewar of 1799-1802 had ended in a stalemate.Hintsa's authority over all Xhosa can be il-lustrated by Ndlambe's retort to Ngqika.Ndlambe (Rarabe's right-hand son and thereforeNgqika's uncle) ruled over the principality ofE-Mnyameni, where he gave asylum to Nxeleka Makhanda (The War General). Ngqikademanded of Ndlambe to hand over Makhanda,but Ndlambe pointedly retorted that only Hintsawas King, with authority to issue orders, butNgqika was just a chief with no more power thanNdlambe himself, and therefore could not orderhim about. At the Battle of Ama-Linde theNgqikas were scattered about by a combinedpower of the Ndlambes and ama-Gcaleka, andNgqika fled to exile kwa-Nojoh, from where hemade tentative attempts to mobilise the help ofthe colonialists.A judicious kingThe most graceful, noble-minded and judiciousking, Hintsa exhorted his son, Sarili, (at Sarili'sinitiation ceremony after his circumcision) to rulewisely and take counsel even from the weak asfrom the strong, the coward as from the intrepid.The fundamental principles of his outlook earn-ed him respect and popularity among his subjectsin his time, and the everlasting reverence of theirdescendants. He was benevolent towards thepoor, and realised the importance of cattle-wealthbecause: "if you have cattle, poor men will notpass by your house. No, they will stop with you.When a councillor asks you for cattle, give himsome, though your cattle are pretty, because thatway will your people love you."When the Mfengus applied for asylum theyfirst did not reveal their chief, but hedged. Heperceived their fear, and remarked, "I am notin the habit of killing people who seek refuge inmy country." Later on, he showed them clearlythat now they had been accepted they would betreated on an equal footing and, as the processof assimilation takes various ways, some entail-ing physical pain, the King did not wish to betroubled by petty litigations. He told the Mfenguto fend for themselves, and asked of them, "wereyou not men in your country? Were there noforests with sticks on Luthukela? These Xhosashave bodies just the same as you. When they hityou, hit them back."

Page 29 of 38 .r wIllustrations of British treachery in arresting and killing of Chief HintsaDefence against the invadersThe war of 1834-1835 had initially been a Rarabewar, with ama-Ndlambe, ama-Nggika and ama-Gqunukhwebe embroiled in bitter struggleagainst the colonists. When Hintsa gave his ap-proval it took on a new and wider dimension,encompassing all the Xhosa nation. The King,gracious as ever, did not wish to visit the per-sonal misdemeanours of Ngqika on the heads ofhis sons. He listened attentively to their reporton the worsening situation in kwa-Rarabe andto the appeal to declare war. He concurred, andin this way the war of 1834-1835 became Hint-sa's war. He gave his royal seal for the nationto rise up and defend itself against the invaders.Even before he had officially declared war,traders had misrepresented him to BenjaminD'Urban, the colonialist governor, as "the chiefinstigator of all the mischief," and D'Urban hadswallowed the falsehoods hook, line and sinker.But an unbiased spectator, a Mr Read, wrote toFairbairn on April 12th 1834: "it is a wonderthat under all the provocation during the last eightmonths the Kaffirs have not attempted toretaliate." When D'Urban sailed fromSimonstown on March 8th 1835, he is said tohave been "horrified" at the ruin he found inAlbany (at Mnyameni). But the actual war hadonly lasted about five months. The whole areaeast of Cacadu, except at Rini, was abandonedby the colonists. They were killed, their housesburned, cattle repossessed, and the remainderhad been chased away, those who had speed.Formal declaration of warBenjamin D'Urban declared the whole area westof Nciba River as the Province of QueenAdelaide (what insolence!) but failed to subduethe inhabitants. They clung and fought on

Page 30 of 38 relentlessly, sweeping all before them, and Riniwas expected to fall any minute. Maqoma andTyali had co-ordinated with other chiefs, and alsoexpected reinforcements from the Khoi and theSan.Tyali, after he and Maqoma had obtained Hint-sa's approval, had dictated a letter of declara-tion of war, which contained specific points onwhich the war was declared and would be ceas-ed. The patriots wanted the return of the landeast of the Nxuba River, full compensation forthe wounding of Xhoxho (Tyali's youngerbrother who had been wounded in the head ashe was defiantly grazing the chiefs cattle in theusurped territory) and that any cattle capturedin the Colony would be regarded as legitimatepayment for the wrongs they had suffered. Tyalireiterated that the war would stop as soon asnegotiations began.Hintsa was kept fully informed of the develop-ments, receiving regular intelligence. The chiefswere shot, their cattle seized and their lands ap-propriated, but U'Urban failed to rout the Ngqikain the Mathole Mountains, and decided to crossthe Nciba to the King's capital.Colonel Harry Smith had by this time formedthe "Grahamstown Committee of Safety," andhe then proceeded to perform his theatricals forthe benefit of some chiefs, in an attempt tooverawe them by firing charges of gunpowderand announcing himself to be 'inkos'enkulu' (theoverlord, the superior chief). Maqoma and Tyaliwere, however, firmly secure in the fortress ofNgqika, which provided them with unbreathableprotection but allowed them to attack theirpursuers easily.Disgrace of broken promisesThe colonialists then marched to the easier target,the Gcalekas, who had not had much experiencein fighting the invaders as the Rarabes had had.D'Urban invited the King to his camp, andHintsa responded, after D'Urban had given himassurances of personal safety.Hintsa entered the British camp on April 29th1835, and is said to have shown no fear. D'Ur-ban and Smith demanded that he order the sur-render of the Rarabe chiefs, and compensate the'bereaved' settlers in cattle and horses. The Kingrealised his true position when his retinue wasforcibly disarmed and his guard strengthened. Hewas actually a prisoner.D'Urban insisted that the King order Maqomaand Tyali to surrender and raise a ransom of2 5000 cattle and 500 horses for his personalrelease. He had miscalculated. He had not realis-ed that he was dealing with a man of honour,a man of integrity. He had thought he was deal-ing with a simpleton.Hintsa was above personal considerationswhen the very existence of his people was beingthreatened. He sent messages to the Rarabe thathe was a prisoner, and instructed his people todrive the cattle farther afield. Many of these cat-tle had been brought from the war zone after theyhad been repossessed from the colonists.He asked Smith, "What have the cattle donethat you want them? Why must I see my sub-jects deprived of them?"Hintsa died honourablyAs the colonists marched along the NqabaraRiver valley, Hintsa made a dash for freedom.He was pulled from his horse, shot through theback and through the legs. Desperately, hescrambled down the river bank and collapsed intothe watercourse. A scout named GeorgeSouthey, coming from behind him, blew off thetop of his head. Then some soldiers cut off hisears as 1 eepsakes to show around the militarycamps. Others tried to dig his teeth out withbayonets.Thus died the King of the Xhosa, for trustingto the honour of a British governor. He dieddefending his people by refusing to comply withthe order to instruct his subordinate chiefs to laydown arms and collect ransom to release himself.He died honourably. British colonialist historiansand their surrogates are wont to shout from roof-tops about the atrocities committed in war byothers such as the Portuguese, the French, theGermans, and so on, but if the heinous murderof Hintsa does not rank the most vile, nothingelse can.

Page 31 of 38 LETTER TO THE EDITORANOTHER LOOK AT 1VIAPANTSULADear Comrade EditorThe increasing number of political films about South Africa isa welcome development. Film has a very powerful impact onthe viewer, and this proliferation of films about South Africa mustbe encouraged. This is the time to throw a challenge to our ar-tists to rise to the occasion. There is a revolution going on inSouth Africa and artists cannot afford to sleep through it.The review of Mapantsula in the July 1989 issue of Sechabamust be welcomed, albeit grudgingly. Comrade Mzamo hasregrettably misunderstood the film to the extent of being negativeand destructive. His fundamental problem is the question of formand content.It is true that the film portrays Panic, the main character, asa gangster, a typical South African township lipantsula. Hisgeneral behaviour towards most people is in line with thecharacter. He is a tsotsi, a product of objective and subjectivecircumstances. The life of a tsotsi is definitely not glorifiable.But that is not the point being made in the film.Panic is in prison. He has been arrested in a demonstrationagainst high rents in Soweto. Watch how he is arrested. Thepolice, in typical South African fashion, give instructions for thedemonstrators to disperse, and, when they fail to do so, fireteargas at them. Sam's mother (beautifully acted by DollyRathebe) is overcome by the teargas, and is carried away by Panicand Duma (an ANC underground cadre active in organisingpeople). The police advance. Panic and Duma don't know thatthe police will have a video recording of the demonstration(acquired either from the press or from their own sources) show-ing Panic next to Duma.fessions or turn people againsttheir own folks. He is first en-ticed to tell them what they wantto hear about Duma, but herefuses. He is beaten up, men-tally tortured, stripped naked.The police want him to sign astatement implicating Duma.His last "No" is a powerfulpolitical statement. This iscrucial; if it is not understood,the whole content of Mapant-sula will be lost. When Panicrefuses to sign the preparedstatement, there is defeat on thefaces of the interrogators.While he is in police custodyhe reflects on the life outside.That is how his lumpen lifestylecomes in, that infuriates Com-rade Mzamo. Panic is thinkingabout how he robbed people,stabbed others, stole fromdepartment stores, about his lifewith his girl friend, who by thistime has left him, and so on.The film does not in any way"project the lumpen element asa viable and legitimate compo-nent of the struggle." Ifanything, it shows that not eventhe lumpen element can escapethe all-pervasive political, econ-omic and social relations of theapartheid system.Panic makes a political statementSituation ofdomestic workersPanic and Duma run away. They do not get very far. The policecorner them. Duma has a South African Domestic WorkersT-shirt which draws the attention of the police. Duma managesto escape, but Panic is arrested and brought to the police station,defiant. He is put in a cell packed with political activists. In typicaltsotsi style, he says to the activists, "Bandiet, wie is julle? Mybras call me Panic."Once in the hands of the interrogators, Panic is subjected tothe familiar methods of the police in attempting to extract con-Take the example of domesticworkers (called 'servants' inSouth Africa). Panic's girlfriend, Pat (Themba Mtshali),is a domestic worker. She livesin the servants' quarters at theback of the house. Panic has totiptoe in order to visit her atnight. She is too tired after a

Page 32 of 38 hard day's work. The madam isa lazy White woman whospends her day shopping,floating on the swimming poolor bragging about her weekendexploits. And no matter howloyal and hard-working a ser-vant may be, she can be easilydismissed, and another hired, ashappened to Pat. That is SouthAfrica.So, when Panic is expelledfrom his girl friend's workplaceby the madam holding a seem-ingly vicious dog, he is natural-ly angry and frustrated. That iswhy he throws a brick at thewindow. The audience is "ex-pected neither to sympathisewith him" nor to be "overjoyedand encouraged," as ComradeMzamo suggests. But an au-dience will naturally be appall-ed at the whole situation ofdomestic workers and Whiteemployers in South Africa, andwill, I think, find itself insolidarity with Pat. Most peo-ple would also agree with Panicwhen he says to Pat in connec-tion with her job: "this is notwork, but shit."A truly South AfricanproductionI think a word of appreciationand congratulation should beextended to all those behind thisfilm. The fact that it was film-ed in the real South Africa is adevelopment to be appreciated.The actors in particular havegiven us a truly South Africanproduction. The accents, man-nerisms and various behaviourpatterns are authentically SouthAfrican. There can be nodisagreement that ThomasMogotlane is a brilliant actor,but Themba Mtshali, DollyRathebe, Peter Siphuma andMarcel van Heerden give bril-liant performances, too.Van Heerden as an inter-rogator succeeds in evoking asense of anger in the audience.Brilliant! The fact that the mainactor is also the co-director isa good sign that things are mov-ing in South Africa. It is impor-tant that Black artists get involv-ed at that level, as well.The music by The Ouens isdeeply touching and suberblyfused with the content of thefilm. The theme song is in aclass of its own. The revolu-tionary songs sung by thetownship folk are ANC songs,and, coming in a popular film,are a welcome experience. Andseeing young and old joiningdemonstrations together in thefilm was good. It showed some-thing crucial in the ideologicalcontestations of the 1980s, theso-called divide between thegenerations, with the oldergeneration said to be conser-vative and anti-radical. Thereare also contemporary slogans,like "Apartheid Divides, UDFUnites."Most of the translations intoEnglish from African languagesare misleading, and those whodepend on them may lose someof the humour and content. Butthat should not be a major con-straint. Of course, the SouthAfrican audience will naturallylove the conversations in tsotsi-taal. It has a homely feel aboutit.Political mood of our timesThere are many forces at playin a revolution, and they do notapproach the revolutionary pro-cess from the same angles.Some come from the lumpenproletariat, some as a result ofpersonal grudges, still othersthrough friendships of varioustypes. Apartheid relations pushall these forces towards therevolutionary movement. Mostof these forces come very rawpolitically, but it is the task ofthe revolutionary movement toinstil in them revolutionary dis-cipline and political depththrough a rigorous process oftraining.People like Panic do becomegood political soldiers. See howPanic angrily goes out lookingfor Sam. Eventually gets ar-rested. Such a combination ofcircumstances has pushed manytsotsis into the revolutionarymovement. They are tough anddaring.Mapantsula is probably morepowerful than Cry Freedom. Itdoes not romanticise the role ofWhite liberals. It does not ex-aggerate political confronta-tions. It is a contemporary pro-duction; it captures the politicalmood of the 1980s through theexploits of Panic, and the songs,T-shirts, teargas, cells, policeand so on all say something ofthe 1980s. It is a film about thepeople, a film of depth andusefulness.Thando ZumaLusaka

Page 33 of 38 BOOK REVIEWSTHE SOUTHERN AFRICA HOLOCAUSTApartheid Terrorism: The Destabilisation Report, prepared by Phyllis Johnson andDavid Martin, Commonwealth Secretariat, London, 1989.At a time when the regime of FW de Klerk is promoting itselfas reformist and as seeking apeaceful solution, this report onPretoria's regional destabilisa-tion makes sobering reading.The extent of the suffering apar-theid has inflicted on the in-dependent countries of SouthernAfrica is seldom realised. In hisintroduction to the book,prepared for the Common-wealth Committee of ForeignMinisters on Southern Africa,President Kaunda of Zambiacompares South African aggres-sion in the region to the Naziholocaust.Drawing on primary sources,the authors catalogue the crimesthe apartheid regime has com-mitted against humanity. Theyconservatively calculate that thewar-related death toll in the sixFront Line States since 1980stands at 1.5 million people.They cite a recent Children'sFund (UNICEF) report show-ing that 825 000 Angolan andMozambican children havedied, mainly because of thedestruction wrought by theSouth African regime and itssurrogates. They state that fourmillion people have beendisplaced from their houses,and 1.5 million have becomerefugees. They calculate, on thebasis of official statistics, thatapartheid destabilisation hadcost the Front Line StatesUS$45 million by the end of1988, in terms of the cost ofdefence, damage and lostdevelopment.Apart from an historicaloverview, detailing the phasesof Pretoria's destabilisation,each of the Front Line States isexamined in detail. Pretoria'sduplicity in Mozambique and itsbacking of the wanton terrorismof the MNR - which continuesunder De Klerk - is examinedin detail. So, too, is the waragainst Angola, the occupationand destabilisation of Cuneneprovince, and the ravages caus-ed by the surrogate, UNITA.There are strong chapters onZimbabwe and Zambia andBotswana, documenting everyrecent incident of direct aggres-sion, as well as assessing theoverall effects of economicdestabilisation and the use ofsurrogate bandit groups.Although Tanzania has sufferedfar less than the other countries,the authors point out that it wasthe first target of destabilisationand that it, too, has paid a heavyprice for its support for theliberation of Namibia and SouthAfrica.Perhaps with current sen-timents in the West in mind, theauthors also document the ap-palling destruction of the en-vironment. In particular, theylist the destruction of forests inSouthern Angola, and the an-nihilation of up to 200 000elephants by UNITA, which isobliged to pay in teak and ivoryfor the weapons it receives fromits South African masters.President Kaunda, in his in-troduction, calls on his col-leagues in the Commonwealth,and the international communi-ty as a whole, to "tighten thescrew" on Pretoria, and says:War-Related Deathsf Infants and YoungChildren in Angola,1981 to 1988Year Dead1981 100001982 200001983 310001984 42 0001985 55 0001986 56 0001987 58 0001988 59 000Total 331 000Source: UNICEF

Page 34 of 38 Wounded and Dead on Mozambique Railways, 1982 to 19881982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988Railway WorkersWounded 30 42 88 50 150 68 59Dead 11 20 16 20 18 33 16PassengersWounded 82 66 108 93 142 153 284Dead 22 43 20 39 11 71 112TotalsWounded 112 108 196 143 292 221 343Dead 33 63 36 59 29 104 128Source: Mozambique Ports and Railways, April 1989"If we do not speak out andact now; or if we hedgeabout with meaningless sen-timents; or push our headsdeep into the sand for anyconvenient reason, then weshall be as guilty as thedirect perpetrators of thisheinous crime againsthumanity."But, almost unbelievably in theface of this and other evidencepresented at the CommonwealthSummit at Kuala Lumpur inOctober 1989, the Common-wealth adopted only limited fur-ther sanctions against the racistregime, and Thatcher opposedany tightening of the screw.There has not been sufficientpressure on the De Klerk re-gime to persuade it to end thewar against independent Africa.Indeed, the regime has just em-barked on a new drive. This in-cludes the joint developmentwith Israel of an intermediate-range missile which will enableit to mount a nuclear attack asfar north as Angola and Tanza-nia. Far more decisive actionneeds to be taken by the inter-national community to stopapartheid aggression andterrorism.Recorded MNR Cross-border attacks into ZambiaMarch 1987 to May 1989Huts Cattle ShopsYear Incidents Dead Wounded Abducted Burnt Rustled Looted1987 24 1 1 122 - 419 71988 88 30 28 36 9 298 121989 21 44 12 13 152 121 9Total 133 75 41 171 161 838 28Source: Ministry of Defence(The figures for 1989 are for the first five months only)

Page 35 of 38 BOOK REVIEWDISINFORMATION IN EUROPEWerner Puschra: Schwarze Gewerkschaften inSudafrika (Black Trade Unions in South Africa) VerlagNeue Gesellschaft, Bonn, 1988.Few books on trade unionism in South Africa are originallypublished in German, so this one is likely to have much influenceon academic and public opinion in the Federal Republic ofGermany.Apart from providing no new insights into the developmentof South African unions, the book turns out to be a book fortransnational companies in South Africa, as its main thesis is thatmultinational companies have promoted the process of errmancipa-tion of African unions in a decisive way.Puschra praises the multinationals for paying wages in lowerwage categories that are higher than those paid by nationalcompanies. He claims to observe tendencies towards a rise ofAfrican workers through the wage categories, though a table onthe same page shows that only 17% of workers in the highercategories are Africans, and although he says there are no signi-ficant differences between multinationals and nationals in oppor-tunities of advancement.'Improvements' like these tempt Puschra into his most strik-ing declaration: that multinationals were willing to annul therestrictions imposed by apartheid on a larger scale than nationalcompanies; and that the policy of the multinationals strengthenedthe position of the African labour force on the labour market andhelped create conditions for the emergence and development ofAfrican trade unions. He cites the greater willingness of multina-tionals to recognise independent trade unions, but a look atanother table shows us that not even 2 % of multinational work-places had recognised independent trade unions in 1978, the timehe is discussing.So, although Puschra's statistical material proves that theconditions in multinational companies are hardly better than innational companies, if at all, hestubbornly tells us they arebetter, that the policy of themultinationals secured the sur-vival of independent Africanunions.In this way, he conceals thefact that the unions had to fighthard for any rise in wages; thatmultinationals cannot annulapartheid, and don't want to;that they profit by apartheid;and that whatever limited ad-vantages their policies offer toa few, the many still live in thesame misery as before.One has to cope with manymore shortcomings in Puschra'sbook. He generally refuses todiscuss the importance of cheapAfrican labour for the system ofapartheid, or the importance ofthe system of apartheid for thecapitalist economy. In spite ofits title, the book concentrateson unions in manufacturing in-dustry, leaving aside those inthe mining sector. Thus he ig-nores the problem of labourmigration. SACTU is discuss-ed in two paragraphs, thepolitical dimension of labourunions in two pages, and limitedto the 1980s. After the fashionof reformist propaganda, hestresses wage rises.Finally, Puschra shows ushow he wants a good union tobe: moderate and reserved; andhe shows us how surprised heis at the "political maturity" ofAfricans:". .. they (the African unions)proved to have a politicalmaturity no one believedthem to be capable of. "(p.198)- Walter Ehmeir

Page 36 of 38 BROOK REVIEWFINANCIAL LINKS REPORTBanking on Apartheid, The FinancialLinks Report, prepared for the Com-monwealth Committee of ForeignMinisters on Southern Africa, JamesCurrey, London, 1989.The publication of this report follows on themeeting of the Commonwealth Heads of Govern-ments in Vancouver in 1987. All countries at thismeeting, with the exception of Britain, agreedto initiate an expert study of the relationship bet-ween South Africa and the international finan-cial system, in view of the importance of theSouth African economy in this respect. The deci-sion was made with the conviction that economicand other sanctions against South Africa alreadyadopted by the Commonwealth and the inter-national community had had a significant effecton South Africa, and therefore it was imperativethat wider and tighter application of sanctionsbecome an essential part of any action againstapartheid.This interesting and penetrating study showsthe South African economy in a state of constantdeterioration, in which it cannot maintain areasonable rate of growth without an injectionof new sources of foreign exchange. Such injec-tions are needed to expand the economic base,increase and sustain growth, improve the balanceof payments on current and capital account, andkeep the economic motor at full throttle. Suchinjections are not very much in prospect.Capital-exporting countries have banned newinvestment in the South African market; newloans from prospective creditors are at an all-timelow; the world community is disgusted by theinequalities and gross economic disparities ofapartheid, and prospective foreign investors arereluctant to provide new loans in such a high-risk market, rife with disruptions and uncertain-ties emanating from apartheid. The result is apoor economic outlook, and disinvestmentpressure is packaged with financial and tradesanctions.Gold, the major foreign currency earner andkey mineral export, is faced with increasing com-petition and fluctuating price prospects; the on-ly short-term relief comes from foreign tradecredits. International financial institutions are notkeen to intervene in the crisis.The Financial Mail of August 12th 1988 com-mented that investors the world over continue tosee the only solution to the problem as beingpolitical rather than economic. The FinancialWeek of August 18th-24th 1988, said, "The priceof apartheid is growing ever more horrendous."On the other hand, the Commonwealth Emi-nent Persons' Group acknowledged that changein South Africa is unlikely to take place for aslong as the regime believes, or assumes, that itis immune from economic pressure from theworld community.The report goes on to consider other aspectsof the South African economy, and to suggestvarious strategic considerations about areas ofthe economy in which it is most vulnerable: thecapital account and the financial rand system,relations between South Africa and foreignbanks, disinvestment, international financial in-stitutions, and gold. Gold has its ownpeculiarities; nevertheless, strategy is to be keptunder review. The gold market should becomesensitive to source, especially in countries thathave decided on a boycott, and it should be possi-ble to find ways of exposing any circumventionsof any boycott.Throughout, it is made very clear that in allthese respects the crisis originates from politicalfactors, such as the South African financial crisisof 1985, which was not due to over-borrowingor severe economic difficulties, but to the re-actions to civil disturbance and repression. Themarket response to political instability, and thelack of creditworthiness of the country, triggeredthe financial crisis.All these recommendations need to be con-sidered closely, as it is essential for the activisteconomist, and other campaigners, to be awareof the economic intricacies involved in maximis-ing pressure on South Africa, as well as in sus-taining the pressure, in order to be able to devise

Page 37 of 38 and achieve an effective strategy. The study con-cludes that while South Africa is not at presentstretched to its financial limits, its room formanoeuvre is very small. On financial sanctionsthe following recommendations are made:it Refusal of bank lending is the most signifi-cant sanction.,t Trade sanctions and disinvestment pressureshave played a supporting role.* Disinvestment has contributed to the pooroutlook for direct investment.it There should be no relief for South Africain its relations with the Bank of International Set-tlements and the International Monetary Fund.* If financial sanctions were maintained and ex-tended, it would hobble the economic growth ofthe apartheid regime and maintain the economicpressure on it to abandon apartheid.The report is concise, lucid and up to the markon the subject. It is expertly written throughout,and its treatment of the issue is equally accessi-ble to the practitioner, the activist and thenon-specialist.- Mathe Diseko

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