DOCSLIB.ORG

Report of the Special Committee Against Apartheid, Supplement No

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Report of the Special Committee Against Apartheid, Supplement No Report of the Special Committee Against Apartheid, Supplement No. 22 (A/43/22) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.scaa1988001 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Report of the Special Committee Against Apartheid, Supplement No. 22 (A/43/22) Alternative title Report of the Special Committee Against ApartheidA/43/22 Author/Creator Special Committee against Apartheid Publisher United Nations, General Assembly (New York) Date 1988-10-26 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Description I. INTRODUCTION. II. REVIEW OF DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA: A. General political conditions; B. Repression of the population; C. Resistance to apartheid; D. Aggression, destablilization, and state terrorism. III. EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF SOUTH AFRICA AND INTERNATIONAL ACTION AGAINST APARTHEID: A. General; B. Economic relations; C. Military build-up and collaboration; D. International action against South Africa. IV. REVIEW OF THE WORK OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE: A. Resolutions adopted by the General Assembly at is 42nd session on the item entitled “Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa”; B. Statements made at meetings of the SC; C. Activities of the SC against the policies and practices of the apartheid régime; D. Encouragement of world-wide action against apartheid; E. Co-operation with other UN bodies and organizations. V. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS. ANNEXES: I. Report on recent developments concerning relations between South Africa and Israel; II. Composition of the subsidiary bodies of the SC against apartheid and of the Interngovernmental Group to Monitor the Supply and Shipping of Oil and Pretroleum Products to South Africa; III. Selected excerpts from statements issued by the SC; IV. Conferences and seminars organized or assisted by the SC; V. Observance http://www.aluka.org of the International Days of Solidarity by the SC; VI. List of documents of the SC. Format extent 74 pages (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.scaa1988001 http://www.aluka.org TE TE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL RECORDS: FORTY-THIRD SESSION SUPPLEMENT No. 22 (A/43/22) UNITED NATIONS New York, 1989 REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID NOTE Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 26 October 1988 Sir, I have the honour to send you herewith the annual report of the Special Committee against Apartheid which was adopted unanimously by the Special Committee on 26 October 1988. The report on recent developments concerning relations between South Africa and Israel is annexed to it. This report is submitted to the General Assembly and the Security Council in accordance with the relevant provisions of General Assembly resolution 2671 (XXV) of 8 December 1970 and 42/23 A to H of 20 November 1987 Accept, Sir, the assurances of my highest consideration (Signed) Joseph N- GARBA Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid His Excellency Mr. Javier P~rez de Cu4llar Secretary-General United Nations New York, New York -iii- CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .. II. REVIEW OF DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA A. General political conditions B. Repression of the population . C. Resistance to apartheid . .... D. Aggression, destabilization and state terrorism III EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF SOUTH AFRICA AND INTERNATIONAL ACTION AGAINST APARTHEID ...... A. General . B. Economic relations ...... C. Military build-up and collaboration ......... D. International action against South Africa . IV. REVIEW OF THE WORK OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE . A. Resolutions adopted by the General Assembly at its forty-second session on the item entitled "Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa"........ B. Statements made at meetings of the Security Council C. Activities of the Special Committee against the policies and practices of the apartheid r4gime . D. Encouragement of world-wide action against apartheid E. Co-operation with other United Nations bodies and other organizations . ......... V CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Paragraphs 1 -4 5-605-1516-3637-5253-60 61-12361-6364-7980-8687-123124-182 125 - 126 127 - 129 130 - 168 169 - 179 180 - 182 183 - 194 Annexes I. Report on recent developments concerning relations between South Africa and Israel ..... ... .. II. Composition of the subsidiary bodies of the Special Committee against Apartheid and of the Intergovernmental Group to Monitor the Supply and Shipping of Oil and Petroleum Products to South Africa ........... -iv- Page CONTENTS (continued) Page Ill. Selected excerpts from statements issued by the Special Committee . 53 IV Conferences and seminars organized or assisted by the Special Committee 62 V. Observance of the International Days of Solidarity by the Special Committee . 65 VI. List of documents of the Special Committee ............. 67 I INTRODUCTION 1. The Special Committee against Apartheid, established by the General Assembly by resolution 1761 (XVII) of 6 November 1962, is now composed of the following 18 Member States: Algeria India Somalia German Democratic Indonesia Sudan Republic Malaysia Syrian Arab Republic Ghana Nepal Trinidad and Tobago Guinea Nigeria Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Haiti Peru Republic Hungary Philippines 2. At its 612th meeting, on 7 January 1988, the Special Committee unanimously re-elected Major-General Joseph N Garba (Nigeria) as its Chairman and Mr Guennadi I Oudovenko (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) and Mr Jai Pratap Rana (Nepal) as its Vice-Chairmen. Mr Yves L. Auguste (Haiti) was elected as Vice-Chairman and Mr. Arif Shahid Khan (India) re-elected as Rapporteur 3. The Special Committee also re-elected Mr James Victor Gbeho (Ghana) as Chairman of its Sub-Committee on the Implementation of United Nations Resolutions and Collaboration with South Africa; Mr Tewfik Abada (Algeria) as Chairman of its Sub-Committee on Petitions and Information; Mr Manuel Rodriguez (Peru) as Chairman of the Task Force on Political Prisoners; Mr Nasreldin A. M. Idris (Sudan) as Chairman of the Task Force on Women and Children under Apartheid and Mr Oseloka Obaze (Nigeria) as Chairman of its Task Force on the Legal Aspects of Apartheid. (For the names of the members of the subsidiary bodies of the Special Committee, see annex II to the present report.) 4 The Special Committee decided unanimously to submit the present report to the General Assembly and the Security Council The report on recent developments concerning relations between South Africa and Israel is contained in annex I II REVIEW OF DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA A. General political conditions 5. During the period under review, the South African racist r4gime has escalated its repression of activists and mass-based organizations that have been in the forefront of peaceful opposition to apartheid. In doing so, it has demonstrated its determination to smash any peaceful organized opposition to its rule in order to establish "security" and "normality" in the country In Pretoria's view, these conditions seem to be necessary for the implementation of its programme of "constitutional reform", which is nothing but another manoeuvre to further entrench apartheid. Many of the actions undertaken by the r4gime in the last 12 months suggest a two-track policy involving, on the one hand, coercion and, on the other, attempts to co-opt sectors of the black majority population The Pretoria regime remains intransigently opposed to necessary change 6 Parallel with the internal suppression, Pretoria has stepped up its terrorist activities abroad Assassination and maiming of important members of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), carried out even in Western capitals, aim at weakening the national liberation movements and at undermining their standing within the international community 7 In a sweeping offensive against resistance to its rule, on 24 February 1988 Pretoria imposed severe restrictions on the activities of 17 leading anti-apartheid organizations and 18 individuals committed to peaceful forms of struggle, and on the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) Significantly, these measures were adopted in the context of the prolonged state of emergency, which gives almost unlimited powers to the security forces, allows authorities to criminalize almost any political activity and to impose draconian regulations on the foreign and domestic media. These restrictions, amounting to
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Of Trials, Reparation, and Transformation in Post-Apartheid South Africa: the Making of a Common Purpose
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE NYLS Law Review Vols. 22-63 (1976-2019) Volume 60 Issue 2 Twenty Years of South African Constitutionalism: Constitutional Rights, Article 6 Judicial Independence and the Transition to Democracy January 2016 Of Trials, Reparation, and Transformation in Post-Apartheid South Africa: The Making of A Common Purpose ANDREA DURBACH Professor of Law and Director of the Australian Human Rights Centre, Faculty of Law, University of New South Wales, Australia Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation ANDREA DURBACH, Of Trials, Reparation, and Transformation in Post-Apartheid South Africa: The Making of A Common Purpose, 60 N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. (2015-2016). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Law Review by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 Andrea Durbach Of Trials, Reparation, and Transformation in Post-Apartheid South Africa: The Making of A Common Purpose 60 N.Y.L. Sch. L. Rev. 409 (2015–2016) ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Andrea Durbach is a Professor of Law and Director of the Australian Human Rights Centre, Faculty of Law, University of New South Wales, Australia. Born and educated in South Africa, she practiced as a political trial lawyer, representing victims and opponents of apartheid laws. In 1988 she was appointed solicitor to twenty-five black defendants in a notorious death penalty case in South Africa and later published an account of her experiences in Andrea Durbach, Upington: A Story of Trials and Reconciliation (1999) (for information on the other editions of this book see infra note 42), on which the documentary, A Common Purpose (Looking Glass Pictures 2011) is based.
    [Show full text]
  • Inkululeko * Freedom Newsleher of the Michigan Anti-Apartheid Coordinating Council No.1
    March -April aa Inkululeko * Freedom NewsleHer of the Michigan Anti-Apartheid Coordinating Council No.1 .~ =-===_~- i1 = r 4::a5"I'''' rra-.~ ~ ""'<:t==:=..__~ j Apartheid'Regime J ~ Launches Nevv Attacks! ~ Political Activities cJ I}_Civic ~ Ldx>r Groups Bamed .. On February 24th, the apartheid state This October all race groups will issued orders forbidding 17 anti-racist be able to vote in "their" res­ organizations "from carrying out or pective municipal elections. By performing any activity or acts obstructing political campaigns by whatsoever". Groups affected range the liberation_movement either with­ from the nation's largest anti­ in or in opposition to this round apartheid coalition, the multi-racial of elections the racist state hopes United Democratic Front (UDF) to the to foster an appearance of legiti­ smaller but influential Black Conscious­ macy and fake mass support for the ness Azanian Peoples Organization collaborators and the Botha reqimes' (AZAPO) and its National Forum Committee bogus reform stance. Messages' alliance. The Conqress of South African supporting the freedom movement can Trade Unions (COSATU) was ordered to be sent to: cease all its political activities COSATU and confine itself to narrow collective P.O. Box 1019 bargaining issues. Johannesburg 2000 South Africa Most press reports stressed the ru­ Telex: 486519 linq Nationalist Party took these steps to appear tough on "law and Weekly Mail order" for two whites I only by­ p.0. Box 260425 elections. These elections were Excom 2023 subsequently lost to the even more South. Africa extreme racist Conservative Party. Telex: 486379 The ruling party·s main intent how­ ever is to block resistence to those The New Nation forces in the Black community willing P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • [ 1988 ] Part 2 Chapter 1 Africa
    Africa 133 Chapter I Africa In 1988, the United Nations continued to consider bodies continued their activities aimed at pressuring and act on a number of political issues in Africa, the apartheid regime into dismantling its system of in particular South Africa’s apartheid policy and its racial discrimination, which had been condemned aggression against neighbouring States. It was also as a crime against humanity. In the Assembly’s view, kept informed about other conflicts among Afri- comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter can States. VII of the Charter of the United Nations remained The question of apartheid was debated by the the most peaceful and effective means through which General Assembly, the Security Council and the the international community could exert pressure Special Committee against Apartheid among others. on South Africa. The Assembly adopted a series of resolutions dealing As in previous years, the world community was with South Africa’s apartheid policies, which showed particularly concerned with the escalation of repres- continuing agreement among the majority of Mem- sion and State-induced terror against opponents ber States on apartheid and on the Organization’s of apartheid; the continued intransigence of South role in the struggle to abolish it. Africa demonstrated through the extension of the The Security Council, in June, strongly con- state of emergency, the large number of arbitrary demned South Africa for its latest attacks on Bo- arrests, the increased use of vigilante groups and tswana. Allegations of aggressive acts by South Africa the muzzling of the press; its acts of aggression and were made to the Council by Mozambique, Na- destabilization against neighbouring States; and the mibia and Zambia.
    [Show full text]
  • NEW CONTREE STUDENT STRUGGLES in TERTIARY EDUCATION in SOUTH AFRICA DURING Kiran Odhav (Department of Education, University of N
    110 NEW CONTREE STUDENT STRUGGLES IN TERTIARY EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA DURING THE 19805 Kiran Odhav (Department of Education, University of North West) Introduction This paper looks at the 1980s in terms of student resistance in South Africa. It is not a comprehensive survey of all student activities, merely a summary.' An outline of student campaigns introduces the topic, and we then concentrate on the two types of universities, 'historically White' (HWU's) and 'historically Black' (HBU's). This may appear to be an artificial classification of the university sector. Nevertheless, for convenience, we shall use the classification (HWU/HBU's) to organise our data of resistance during the 1980s. This resistance was obviously much more concentrated at the HBU's. Historically too, there was a wealth of political and other kinds of resistance at the HBU's to aspects of the tertiary system, the social structure, and specifically to apartheid's Bantustan system. Finally, the distinction between 'historically White .u~iversities' and 'historically Black univers!ties' is made in the li~ht of an educational system that was the product of a colomallegacy and apartheid. I wish to categorize resistance data in terms of four specific aspects: .Political resistance. This includes resistance within the university but primarily against the state or Bantustan concerned. .Resistance specifically regarding financial issues including corruption and the abuse of power. This is done for logistical convenience, due to the intensity and pervasiveness of politics in all areas of resistance. .Academic resistance and access related issues. These include all aspects of resistance by students in the academic sphere, whether against graduation ceremonies or such concerns as access to universities or residences.
    [Show full text]
  • Resolutions of the Forty-Ninth Ordinary Session of the Council of Ministers As Adopted by the Council of Ministers
    ORGANIZATION OF ORGANISATION DE L’UNITE AFRICAN UNITY AFRICAINE Secretariat Secretariat P.O. Box 3243 B. P. 3243 Addis Ababa COUNCIL OF MINISTERS CM/Res.1177 – 1205 Forty-ninth Ordinary Session 20 – 25 February, 1989 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia RESOLUTIONS OF THE FORTY-NINTH ORDINARY SESSION OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS AS ADOPTED BY THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS TABLE OF CONTENTS No. TITLE REFERENCE 1. Resolution on Namibia CM/Res.1177 (XLIX) 2. Resolution on South Africa CM/Res.1178 (XLIX) 3. Resolution against Military and Nuclear Collaboration with Apartheid South Africa CM/Res.1179 (XLIX) 4. Resolution on the Candidature of His Excellency Major-General Joseph Hanven Garba for the post of President of the Forty-fourth Session of the United Nations General Assembly CM/Res.1180 (XLIX) 5. International Conference on the Plight of Refugees, Returnees and Displaced Persons in Southern Africa CM/Res.1181 (XLIX) 6. Resolution on the Situation in the Middle East CM/Res.1182 (XLIX) 7. Resolution on the Question of Palestine CM/Res.1183 (XLIX) 8. Resolution on the Western Sahara CM/Res.1184 (XLIX) 9. Resolution on the People’s Republic of Angola CM/Res.1185 (XLIX) 10. Vote of Thanks to the People’s Republic of the Congo CM/Res.1186 (XLIX) 11. Resolution on the Programme and Budget for the Financial Year 1989/90 CM/Res.1187 (XLIX) 12. Resolution on Preparations for the Third General Conference of UNIDO and Ninth Meeting of the Conference of African Ministers of Industry (CAMI) CM/Res.1188 (XLIX) 13. Resolution on the Candidature of Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa and the Korean War, the Politics of Involvement N.M
    224 Scientia Militaria vol 44, no 1, 2016, pp 224-237. doi: 10.5787/44-1-1171 South Africa and the Korean War, the Politics of Involvement N.M. Van der Waag-Cowling Abstract The Union of South Africa’s military involvement in the Korean War was an exercise in political maneuvering as opposed to one of any great military significance.1 South Africa’s new right wing Nationalist Afrikaner government had, from 1948, embarked on a policy of legislating its racial policies, soon to be known as Apartheid. This new government primarily represented a people who were still deeply scarred by the Anglo Boer War. Many Afrikaners consequently wanted no part in any external conflicts that they viewed as Britain’s wars. South Africa’s foreign policy therefore became subject to an obvious and decisive shift away from that of the previous government under Jan Smuts, which had been broadly in line with that of Britain and the other Commonwealth dominions.2 The Korean War therefore presented the Nationalists with something of a dilemma. They did want to actively promote a stronger relationship with the United States but did not want to become involved in any military ventures with the British Commonwealth. Compounding this problem was the fact that the Nationalist government had identified the growing discontent of South Africa’s disenfranchised Black majority as her major security threat. The initial unwillingness of the South African government to commit anything tangible to the United Nations effort in Korea was therefore explicable. Geographically, Korea fell far outside of South Africa’s sphere of influence; furthermore this was a conflict which the Union could ill afford.3 South Africa had made massive financial sacrifices during the Second World War with contributions to the British war machine that were far beyond her actual reach and was very much still in the grip of post war austerity.
    [Show full text]
  • Against Apartheid
    REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID GENERAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL RECORDS: FORTY-FOURTH SESSION SUPPLEMENT No. 22 (A/44/2~) UNITED NATIONS New York, 1990 NOTE Symbols of United Nations documents are composed ofcapital letters combined with figures. Mention of sl!ch a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. The present. report was also submitted to the Security Council under the symbol S/20901. ISSN 0255-1845 1111 iqlllllll l~uqllHh) I!i li'alHlltHy 19~O 1 CONTENTS LBTTER OF TRANSMITTAL •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• l1li •• l1li ••••••••••••••••••••••• PART ONE ~~AL RBPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE •...•....••............... 1 275 2 I • INTRODUCTION ••••••••••.•••.••.••.......•.......•. l1li •••••••• 1 1 3 11. RBVIBW OF DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA .........•.......... [, q4 1 A. General political conditions !l 15 4 B. Repression of the r~pulation .......................... 1.6 4" () 1.. Overview ...•.......•.............................. 1(; fi 2. Political trials, death sentences and executions .. I.., - 7.4 r; 3. Detention without trial ?!l 7.11 IJ 4. Vigilante groups, death squads and covert activities .. ' . 29 35 y 5. Security laws, banning and restriction or(\ers ..... lfi :19 11 6. Forced population removals ..••....••...•.......... 10 .. 45 12 7. Press censorship I ••••••••• 46 - 47 13 C. Resistance to apartheid .•.......•..................... 411 .. 03 13 1. Organizing broader fronts of resistance .....•..... 40 5n 11 2. National liberation movements . !i9 1;1 I. t) 3. Non-racial trade union movement Ij tl 1;9 l" 4. Actions by religious, youth and student gr Il\lllt~ ••.. "10 .,., III 5. Whites in the resistance . "111 1I:cl ),0 1)4 D. Destabilization and State terrorism . " 'I 7.2 Ill. EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF SOUTH AFRICA , .
    [Show full text]
  • Newell M Stultz
    THE UNITED NATIONS AND SOUTHERN AFRICA SERIES No. 1 THE S.A. INSTITUTE CF UT^iATiOUH AFFAIR. NOT TO DE REMOVED Newell M Stultz THE DIE SOUTH AFRICAN SUID AFRIKAANSE INSTITUTE OF INSTITUUT VAN INTERNATIONAL INTERNASIONALE AFFAIRS AANGELEENTHEDE The United Nations and Southern Africa series will be devoted to occasional monographs highlighting issues of particular interest in the relationship - past, present and future. &. SHULTZ is currently Professor of Political Science at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island, USA. Prof. Stultz received his BA from Dartmouth College in international relations and his MA and PhD from Boston University in political science. He was on the faculty at Northwestern University before going to Brown in 1965 and has also been a research fellow at Rhodes University (1971-72), a visiting fellow st Yale University's Southern African Research Program (1977), and a visiting professor of political science at UNISA (1980). He has published many articles papers and books on South African affairs since he first visited the country as a Fullbright fellow in 1955. His books include Afrikaner Politics in South Africa (1974), Who Goes to Parliament1? (1975) and It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this occasional series lit THE UNITED NATIONS AND SOUTHERN AFRICA SERIES 1 No. 1 THE APARTHEID ISSUE AT THE SECURITY COUNCIL Newell M. Stultz ISBN 0-908371-75-6 September 1989 The South African Institute of International Affairs THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTR OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS Jan Smuts House, PO Box 31506, Braarafontam 2017 Contents Pagi Acknowledgments Introduction 01 Some Preliminary Facts 02 S.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Common Purpose’: the Crowd and the Public
    ‘Common Purpose’: The Crowd and the Public Ulrike Kistner* *U. Kistner Department of Philosophy, University of Pretoria, Private Bag X20, Hatfield, Pretoria 2008, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] Abstract The legal doctrine of ‘common purpose’ in South African criminal law considers all parties liable who have been in implicit or explicit agreement to commit an unlawful act, and associated with each other for that purpose, even if the consequential act has been carried out by one of them. It relieves the prosecution of proving the causal link between the conduct of an individual member of a group acting in common purpose, and the ultimate consequence caused by the action of the group as a whole. The National Prosecuting Authority’s controversial and vociferously challenged decision (initially upheld, then withdrawn at the beginning of September 2012) to charge 270 demon- strators at Lonmin Platinum Mine in Marikana with the murders of 34 colleagues under the ‘common purpose’ doctrine, implying liability by association or agreement, raises the question as to the constitution and characteristics of the crowd and of the public, respectively. This article outlines the history of the application of the common purpose rule in South Africa, to then examine ‘common purpose’ within the philosophical parameters of group psychology and collective intentionality. It argues for methodological individualism within a psychoanalytic theorisation of group dynamics, and a non-summative approach to collective intentionality, in addressing some problems in the conceptualisation of group formation. Keywords Collective action Á Common purpose Á Complicity Á Group psychology Á Implied mandate Á Imputation of liability Á Individual psychology Á Intention 1 The decision by South Africa’s National Prosecution Authority (NPA)1 to charge 270 arrested miners who had been demonstrating at Lonmin Platinum Mine in Marikana with the murders of 34 colleagues who had been shot by the police on 16 August 2012, was met with a public outcry at the time.
    [Show full text]
  • The Doctrine of Swart Gevaaar to the Doctrine of Common Purpose: A
    THE DOCTRINE OF SWART GEVAAR TO THE DOCTRINE OF COMMON PURPOSE: A CONSTITUTIONAL AND PRINCIPLED CHALLENGE TO PARTICIPATION IN A CRIME By YUSHA DAVIDSON BCom Economics and Law (UCT); LLB (UCT) A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the degree MASTER OF LAWS BY RESEARCH In the Faculty of Law, University of Cape Town Town Under the supervisionCape of PAMELA JANEof SCHWIKKARD Professor of Law JAMEELAH OMAR Lecturer of Law University University of Cape Town 24 JULY 2017 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town DECLARATION I, the undersigned, YUSHA DAVIDSON, hereby declare that: 1. The research reported in this dissertation, except where otherwise indicated, is my original work. 2. This dissertation has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. 3. This dissertation does not contain other persons’ writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a) their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them has been referenced; b) where their exact words have been used, their writing has been clearly indicated as a quotation and referenced. SIGNED ________________________ Y DAVIDSON i To all those convicted under the doctrine of common purpose A luta continua ii ABSTRACT Swart gevaar was a term used during apartheid to refer to the perceived security threat of the majority black African population to the white South African government and the white minority population.
    [Show full text]
  • SAVE SAVE ROBERT Mcbride NO APARTHEID EXECUTIONS SAVE ROBERT MCBRIDE Contents Preface 2 the TRIAL of ROBERT MCBRIDE Mcbride's Ba
    SAVE SAVE ROBERT McBRIDE NO APARTHEID EXECUTIONS SAVE ROBERT MCBRIDE Contents Preface 2 THETRIALOFROBERTMCBRIDEMcBride'sBackground 3 Family History 6 CollegeBoycott 7 TheCharges 9 State of Emergency 10 McBride'sTrial 12 TheAppeal 15 The Campaign 16 STATEMENTS FROM THE CAMPAIGN 17 LETTERFROMROBERTMCBRIDE 21 Published by SATIS (Southern Africa the Imprisoned Society), July 1988. PREFACE Since 1985 the apartheid regime has sharply increased the number of death sentences passed on its political opponents. By June 1988 there were at least 60 people on Death Row after being convicted in trials arising out of political protest. Those awaiting execution include trade unionists, two women and a school pupil as well as Robert John McBride, a young member of the African National Congress. The case of Robert McBride, who was convicted of murder and sentenced to death in April 1987, graphically illustrates the unfolding tragedy in South Africa. He was charged with setting off a bomb in Durban on 14 June 1986 - just two days after a nationwide State of Emergency was declared in South Africa. This ushered in one of the most severe periods of repression in South Africa's history. During the State of Emergency, which is still in force, hundreds of people have been killed by apartheid's police and army and some 30,000 detained without trial. The root cause of the violence in South Africa is apartheid itself which has been condemned worldwide and defined by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. The international community has challenged the legitimacy of the South African regime and must do everything possible to ensure an end to its use of the ultimate penalty, execution, against its opponents.
    [Show full text]
  • French-South African Arms Trade Relations As a Community of Practice, 1955-1979
    French-South African arms trade relations as a community of practice, 1955-1979 Roel M. (Martin) van der Velde School of Languages and Area Studies Under supervision of Professor Tony Chafer, Dr Natalya Vince, and Mr Emmanuel Godin This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth June 2017 1 Abstract This study reconstructs the French-South African arms trade in French military helicopters between 1955 and 1979, which flourished in defiance of international reprobation of Apartheid. New evidence reveals the shaping influence to policy of inter-state social relations at operational levels, leading to extended trajectories beyond the accepted historical milestones of the 1963 and 1977 UN arms embargoes. By retracing an emerging commercial process of arms trade spanning two decades, the crystallization of elements of the French and South African defence communities is identified, constituting de facto trade policy despite their diplomatic divergence. French promotional brokering in the mid-1950s laid the unseen foundation for the professionalisation of military procurement between unlikely partners. French interdepartmental oversight increasingly problematized propositions for weapons for use in state repression against populations in Southern Africa. Under pressure to gain military autonomy the South African Defence Force procured French aircraft, ironically leading to licensed local aircraft production under French tutelage, andadoption of French technical expertise and defence organisation. The French unilateral arms embargo against Israel in 1967 caused the French-South African relationship to mature. Following greater international and operational pressures that led to counter-revolutionary alliances in Southern Africa, alternative supply arrangements were created between French and South African defence communities, notably through trade of helicopters-in-parts.
    [Show full text]