View the Thesis

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

View the Thesis Decentralizing the Gender-blind Meritocracy: A technofeminist discourse analysis of women’s work in blockchain by Julie Frizzo-Barker B.A., Trinity Western University, 2002 M.A., Goldsmiths University of London, 2005 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Communication Faculty of Communication, Arts, and Technology © Julie Frizzo-Barker 2021 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2021 Copyright in this work is held by the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Declaration of Committee Name: Julie Frizzo-Barker Degree: Doctor of Philosophy (Communication) Title: Decentralizing the Gender-Blind Meritocracy: A Technofeminist Discourse Analysis of Women’s Work in Blockchain Committee: Chair: Ellen Balka Professor, School of Communication Peter Chow-White Senior Supervisor Associate Professor, School of Communication Richard Smith Committee Member Professor, School of Communication Alison Beale Committee Member Professor, School of Communication Edana Beauvais Internal Examiner Assistant Professor, Political Science Lana Swartz External Examiner Assistant Professor, Media Studies University of Virginia ii Ethics Statement iii Abstract Blockchain is the emerging, decentralized technology best known for powering cryptocurrencies. It connotes powerful narratives about socio-economic progress, democracy, transparency, and inclusion. Yet like many technology spaces, blockchain has a gender problem. According to a recent study of 100 blockchain startups, 14% of employees were women, and among those 7% were in leadership roles. Stakeholders have highlighted how gender-diverse tech teams are more innovative, profitable, and just. Yet proactive inclusion efforts are often dismissed as irrelevant in dominant tech cultures built on assumptions of postfeminist meritocracy. This dissertation cross- fertilizes macro-level discourses of the network society, meso-level discourses of the social shaping of technology, and micro-level discourses of technofeminism to offer new insights on how gender and technology shape one another. How do discourses about gender and technology enable or constrain women who work in blockchain? This study is based on a technofeminist discourse analysis of 30 interviews with women who work in the space, as well as 17 participant observations at blockchain meetups and conferences. It develops three discursive frames about gender and technology in blockchain into an analytical framework inspired by Hall's encoding/decoding model of communication. They include: (1) the dominant “gender-blind meritocracy,” (2) the negotiated, gender-conscious “lean into blockchain” frame and (3) the oppositional “intersectional inclusion” frame. Women perform the additional labour of ‘toggling’ between frames to navigate the material conditions of blockchain work. This study demonstrates how words do more than reflect reality. Words make worlds. Participants were both enabled and constrained by each of the discourses, depending on social context. The data suggests that both top-down organizational initiatives and bottom-up grassroots initiatives are necessary, but insufficient on their own, to create meaningful improvements for women in the space. Gender equity in tech spaces can not accurately be measured by the politics of representation, but by the politics of inclusion. This study offers new insights about broader sociotechnical shifts occurring at present with the rise of the equitable tech movement. Keywords: communication; technology; gender; blockchain; discourse; technofeminism iv Dedication For Lily and Sage. Acknowledgements It takes a village to complete a PhD - especially when you take two parental leaves and write a dissertation during a global pandemic. I have been incredibly fortunate to have outstanding scholarly, emotional, and practical support over the past decade from friends, family, and colleagues. Despite the many challenges a PhD inevitably brings, I can honestly say that I have enjoyed the experience of achieving this personal and professional goal because of the outstanding people around me. In the spirit of feminist research, I'd first like to acknowledge the people who invested the time, care, and labour to create the conditions that made this research possible. Thanks to all the members of the Frizzo and Barker sides of my Frizzo-Barker family for your support and encouragement. A heartfelt thanks especially to my husband Kyle Barker and my mother Susan Frizzo for encouraging me to apply to the program and ensuring they would support me through the journey, with no idea how long this arduous journey would actually be. As fellow lifelong learners they both supported me in this pursuit from start to finish. My deepest thanks to both of them and my mother-in-law Dot Barker for the countless hours spent holding down the fort and caring for the girls while I escaped to the cabin to write. Thanks also to those girls, Lily and Sage, for cheering me on even when it meant time apart, and for inspiring me to achieve this milestone. I will always think of my 30s as the decade I birthed two humans and a PhD - things I would never wish to repeat but will forever be grateful for. Next I must thank my supervisor Dr. Peter Chow-White for his support and mentorship over the years, from coaching me on how to transform a course paper on women and smartphone apps into my first journal article, through to many successful publication collaborations in the GeNA Lab at SFU's School of Communication. I was fortunate to be a member of this productive, supportive space on campus, where I enjoyed teamwork, friendship, and co-learning with fellow scholars including Pippa Adams, Dung Ha, Alberto Lusoli, Anh PhanVu, Jen Mentanko, and Betty Ackah. Proud to have been on the PhD journey with each of you, and cheering each of you on to the finish line. To the recently-minted Dr. Ackah, I'm so glad we defended in the same month after our journey v as doctoral moms, and I look forward to collaborating on publishing our global perspectives on women in blockchain. I also want to thank some of the kind, creative scholars I met during the PhD who have become good friends and given me solid advice in my work, including Dr. Maggie MacAulay, Dr. Nawal Musleh Motut, and Dr. Rebecca Yoshizawa. Thank you, Dr. Kate Miltner, for your generous support that went from Twitter right to phone calls and emails. Insights from all of your work have inspired and supported my own. Thank you, Madison Trusolino, for your friendship and support, and to Ann Brody for our chats about blockchain, academia, and life. You are both next to cross the finish line with your important research. I also want to acknowledge my sister, and some of my oldest friends who have known me for decades, who constantly cheered me on via text, email, and social media. They joined me at the cabin to work, hike, and cook meals as I wrote ‘til all hours - thank you so much Dr. Christina Frizzo, Nina Pak Lui, Bethanne Kinmonth, Annie Brandner, and Sara Vander Woude. I'm also grateful that my longtime friend Annie invited a new friend, Jenn Cusick, along on one of our writing retreats - she became a great support as a fellow late-night writer who frequently checked in as we pulled long hours on ambitious projects and juggled family life. Thank you also to my dear friend Dana Kraft, who has supported me in so many phases of life since our MA days in London. This dissertation discusses infrastructures of support for women's work. Some of the infrastructures that benefited me most were digital networks of like-minded scholars, including the many brilliant communication scholars who share their thoughts and work via social media. For example, some of the conference highlights I was able to observe through Twitter helped to shape some of my interview protocol. In addition, the 'I Should Be Writing' Facebook group and its corresponding podcast 'Academic Womxn Amplified' were useful for helping me to develop a more balanced, sustainable mindset toward lifelong academic writing and publishing as a radical act. The 'Doctoral Moms' Facebook group provided constant encouragement with members sharing their struggles and successful defence photos, as well as practical resources for how to approach various aspects of the dissertation. And Tara Brabazon's video blogs were the perfect instructional PhD pep talks I turned to when I couldn't write another line but wanted to vi keep working out my ideas late at night. These supplementary supports were invaluable in the day-to-day flow of my work. I am also indebted to my incredible interviewees, without whom this project would not have existed. I am grateful for their time and generosity in sharing their experiences in this new space, as just one aspect of their full and meaningful lives. Thanks to the many experts in the space I continue to keep in touch with, especially Jamie Moy for your inspiring advocacy and friendship. I hope this work will eventually make a difference for others like you. Finally, a big thank you to my dissertation committee for engaging with my work in a supportive, productive way: Dr. Peter Chow-White for being a weekly sounding board as I sought to make sense of my thoughts and observations - "that's a finding." I missed our weekly team gatherings in the lab during the pandemic, which shows how important they were. Dr. Richard Smith, for your enthusiasm about my work and even the platforms and processes I used, including NVivo and Zotero. Dr. Alison Beale, for bringing your expertise on feminism and public interest to my work. My external examiner, Dr. Lana Swartz - I can not think of a more ideally qualified scholar to examine my work and envision how to effectively develop it further. We presented at the same ICA pre- conference many moons ago, and your research was perfectly poised to make a meaningful contribution on blockchain and digital money as communication.
Recommended publications
  • Respect's Special Women's Rights Issue
    SPECIAL WOMEN’S RIGHTS ISSUE Celebrating 100 Years of the 19th Amendment A DIVERSITY NEWSLETTER PUBLISHED BY NEW JERSEY STATE BAR FOUNDATION Women’s Suffrage, 100 Years and Counting by Jodi L. Miller On August 18, 1920, the 19th Amendment, which granted suffrage to women, was ratified by the states. It was a stunning achievement, representing the single largest influx of voters to the electorate in American history. The Women’s Suffrage Movement had a long and difficult journey beginning suffrage. Ultimately, 68 women and 32 men, including Frederick Douglass, an in 1848 with the first women’s rights convention held in Seneca Falls, NY, led abolitionist and ardent supporter of women’s suffrage, would sign the by well-known suffragists Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott. Like all declaration. The notion that women would seek any type of equality to men, movements, it met with resistance, and it took many people from all walks of life especially the vote, was met with ridicule. and different backgrounds to achieve its ultimate goal. “All women made this happen—working women, immigrant Why the resistance? women, African American women,” says Dr. Betty Livingston “From the beginning the country has been a patriarchal Adams, a historian and former university professor. “Elite white society,” notes Dr. Livingston Adams. “In an all male electorate women could not have done this alone.” with wealthy men in power, why would they want to expand At that first women’s rights convention, the Declaration the franchise?” of Sentiments was introduced. It was based on the Declaration Men definitely made their displeasure about women’s of Independence and included 12 resolutions related to desire for the vote known.
    [Show full text]
  • Addressing and Preventing Sexist Advertising
    — Addressing and preventing sexist advertising An analysis of local and global promising practice Abstract This research paper explores the efficacy of interventions that aim to address sexism or promote progressive gender representations in advertising, highlighting examples of local and global promising practice. Interventions to prevent or address sexist advertising may occur through several distinct mechanisms: legislative frameworks; self-regulatory and co-regulatory systems; the provision of educational resources to the broader community; industry initiatives to re-shape advertising culture and promote diverse, inclusive and ethical practice; and the exertion of influence on advertisers and regulators through consumer activism. The paper explores the strengths and limitations of each mechanism and illustrates interventions in practice through a variety of case studies. Critical to addressing sexist advertising is a whole of system approach with mutually reinforcing interventions that capitalise on different opportunities for influence. Concluding summations are offered throughout with a range of recommendations drawn from these at the end of the paper. Authors and researchers This research paper has been written and researched by: Dr Lauren Gurrieri, Senior Lecturer in Marketing, RMIT University Dr Rob Hoffman, Research Assistant, RMIT University This research is funded by Women’s Health Victoria as part of the Advertising (in)equality project and supported by the Victorian Government through its Free from Violence Innovation Fund.
    [Show full text]
  • Pink Is the New Tax
    Humboldt State University Digital Commons @ Humboldt State University Communication Senior Capstones Senior Projects Fall 2020 Pink Is The New Tax Eliana Burns Humboldt State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.humboldt.edu/senior_comm Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Burns, Eliana, "Pink Is The New Tax" (2020). Communication Senior Capstones. 1. https://digitalcommons.humboldt.edu/senior_comm/1 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Senior Projects at Digital Commons @ Humboldt State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Senior Capstones by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Humboldt State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Eliana Burns Humboldt State University 2020 Department of Communications Pink Is The New Tax 1 Historically women in America have made colossal advances that have proven they are just as capable as men. Women had fought and continued to challenge the system since 1919 with the 19th Amendment giving them a right to vote. However, even with this crucial progression, womens’ oppression can be found all around us only in much more subtle ways such as “ the pink tax”. As of 2020 there are currently no federal laws to outlaw companies from charging different prices depending on which gender they are meant to be marketed to. This rhetorical analysis will first address the concept of gendered products, how the tax benefits from these products, and why gendering of products reinforce gender discrimination and stereotypes. A brief explanation as to why the tax is nicknamed “the tampon tax” is included.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women's
    Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women’s Campaigns for Executive Office: The 2009 Campaign of Dora Bakoyannis for the Leadership of Nea Dimokratia in Greece by Stefanos Oikonomou B.A. in Communications and Media Studies, February 2010, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens A Thesis submitted to The Faculty of College of Professional Studies of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Professional Studies August 31, 2014 Thesis directed by Michael Cornfield Associate Professor of Political Management Acknowledgments I would like to thank my parents, Stella Triantafullopoulou and Kostas Oikonomou, to whom this work is dedicated, for their continuous love, support, and encouragement and for helping me realize my dreams. I would also like to thank Chrysanthi Hatzimasoura and Philip Soucacos, for their unyielding friendship, without whom this work would have never been completed. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Michael Cornfield for his insights and for helping me cross the finish line; Professor David Ettinger for his guidance during the first stage of this research and for helping me adjust its scope; and the Director of Academic Administration at The Graduate School of Political Management, Suzanne Farrand, for her tremendous generosity and understanding throughout this process. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..ii List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………….vi List of Tables…………………………………………………………………………….vii
    [Show full text]
  • The “Invisible Government” and Conservative Tax Lobbying 1935–1936
    KORNHAUSER_PAGINATED (DO NOT DELETE) 5/3/2018 3:02 PM THE “INVISIBLE GOVERNMENT” AND CONSERVATIVE TAX LOBBYING 1935–1936 MARJORIE E. KORNHAUSER* “[M]ost legislation is fathered not by parties but by minority groups, and these groups maintain their pressure without ceasing.”1 I INTRODUCTION: LOBBYING AND TAXATION IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY Tax-collecting and lobbying may not be the oldest professions in the world, but both surely are strong competitors for next oldest. This universality—in both time and geography—attests to the essential roles taxation and lobbying play in all types of societies. Taxation’s ubiquity occurs because, in the long run, it provides governments the surest stream of necessary revenues. Lobbying’s universality derives from the human desire to obtain benefits from those in a position to bestow such favors. When the benefit directly affects a person’s wallet—as taxation surely does—the incentive to lobby is immense. In the United States, tax lobbying is nearly irresistible because both taxation and lobbying hold special places in American democracy and the American psyche. Anti-tax sentiment has deep-seated historic and mythic ties to American conceptions of democracy, liberty and patriotism.2 The link began with cries of “No Taxation without Representation” at the nation’s birth and remains strong today. Further strengthening the anti-tax and patriotism bond is the belief that taxes destroy federalism. Lowering taxes, in this view, starves the twin-headed beast of centralization and bureaucracy and prevents the federal government from stepping into unconstitutional state functions. Another link is a common belief that low taxation spurs that most American of traits and goals—individual enterprise and economic growth.
    [Show full text]
  • The F-Word: Feminism Today World
    CHAPTER TWO THE MURDER “Men are afraid that women will laugh at them. Women are afraid that men will kill them” - Margaret Atwood69 The day I decided my project would be on Feminism was the day I read about Elliot Rogers who killed six people and injured fourteen as retribution against all women for withholding his “right” to sex70. Naturally this maddened me; however I was moreso appalled upon realising my peers had generally accepted this as the inherent nature of society. “We’re the breeders for men”71 is our succinct role according to one Baby Boomer. Discovering this gender-based devaluation spoilt my idealistic perception of our ‘egalitarian’ society, thus now reading Feminism has ‘died’,72 I am baffled. For if ‘equality’ is the aphorismic definition that marks this movement, well then surely Feminism’s end should be brought about by some level of it? Through empirical research alone, I have observed patriarchal behaviour at every level of society - consciously and unconsciously. My tale is ubiquitous:73 at fifteen I feared being catcalled, at sixteen I feared wearing ‘revealing’ clothes and now at seventeen I fear to walk home alone without keys tucked tightly between my fingers - a strategy generally accepted as a female ‘life hack’ more than an indication of the emotional subjugation of women, corroborated by Mia Morgan, “to eliminate misogynist stereotypes, we must unlearn to understand them… refuse to accept ‘It’s just how it is’ as an answer, until we forget what ‘it’ stands for.” 74 The ‘Everyday Sexism Project’ is a manifestation of the quotidian debasement and gender-based persecution of women keeping us collectively quelled, “two men approached me…complimented my legs and asked who was getting 69 Anonymous.
    [Show full text]
  • The Era Campaign and Menstrual Equity
    THE ERA CAMPAIGN AND MENSTRUAL EQUITY Jennifer Weiss-Wolf¥ A robust national campaign for the Equal Rights Amendment conceded defeat in 1982 when ratification fell short by three of the 38 states needed to prevail. But in 2017, the Nevada legislature cast its vote to ratify the ERA, followed by Illinois in 2018, marking a revival. Now national movement leaders and legislators in several states—notably, Arizona, Florida, North Carolina, and Virginia—are rallying to achieve the 38-state threshold.1 Over the nearly four decades in between, of course, much has changed in American life and law. The fight for gender equality under the law has made significant headway—from the evolution of Fourteenth Amendment jurisprudence in sex discrimination cases, to advances in employment and economic policies, to the now vibrant and potent era of activism defined by campaigns like #MeToo and #TIMESUP. Well beyond the symbolic significance of enshrining gender equality in the Constitution, there are lingering legal and policy inequities the ERA would help rectify—among these, workplace discrimination, including on account of pregnancy; paid family leave; and increased protection from violence and harassment. Other benefits include the ability of Congress to enforce gender equality through legislation and, more generally, creation of a social framework to formally acknowledge systemic biases that permeate and often limit women’s daily experiences. There is one issue, in particular—an emerging area of U.S. policymaking— that falls squarely at the intersection of these goals and outcomes, but is largely absent from ERA discourse thus far: menstruation and the emerging movement for “menstrual equity.” This essay describes the progress of that agenda through policy advocacy, litigation, and social activism, and explains why menstrual equity belongs in discourse about—and will be an invaluable asset for—the campaign to ratify the ERA.
    [Show full text]
  • 22. Gender and the 2013 Election: the Abbott 'Mandate'
    22. Gender and the 2013 Election: The Abbott ‘mandate’ Kirsty McLaren and Marian Sawer In the 2013 federal election, Tony Abbott was again wooing women voters with his relatively generous paid parental leave scheme and the constant sight of his wife and daughters on the campaign trail. Like Julia Gillard in 2010, Kevin Rudd was assuring voters that he was not someone to make an issue of gender and he failed to produce a women’s policy. Despite these attempts to neutralise gender it continued to be an undercurrent in the election, in part because of the preceding replacement of Australia’s first woman prime minister and in part because of campaigning around the gender implications of an Abbott victory. To evaluate the role of gender in the 2013 election, we draw together evidence on the campaign, campaign policies, the participation of women, the discursive positioning of male leaders and unofficial gender-based campaigning. We also apply a new international model of the dimensions of male dominance in the old democracies and the stages through which such dominance is overcome. We argue that, though feminist campaigning was a feature of the campaign, traditional views on gender remain powerful. Raising issues of gender equality, as Julia Gillard did in the latter part of her prime ministership, is perceived as electorally damaging, particularly among blue-collar voters. The prelude to the election Gender received most attention in the run-up to the election in 2012–13 rather than during the campaign itself. Prime Minister Julia Gillard’s famous misogyny speech of 2012 was prompted in immediate terms by the Leader of the Opposition drawing attention to sexism in what she perceived as a hypocritical way.
    [Show full text]
  • Rolling Back the “Pink Tax”: Dim Prospects for Eliminating Gender-Based Price Discrimination in the Sale of Consumer Goods and Services
    California Western Law Review Volume 54 Number 2 Article 2 7-30-2018 Rolling Back the “Pink Tax”: Dim Prospects for Eliminating Gender-Based Price Discrimination in the Sale of Consumer Goods and Services Kenneth A. Jacobsen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.cwsl.edu/cwlr Recommended Citation Jacobsen, Kenneth A. (2018) "Rolling Back the “Pink Tax”: Dim Prospects for Eliminating Gender-Based Price Discrimination in the Sale of Consumer Goods and Services," California Western Law Review: Vol. 54 : No. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.cwsl.edu/cwlr/vol54/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by CWSL Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in California Western Law Review by an authorized editor of CWSL Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Jacobsen: Rolling Back the “Pink Tax”: Dim Prospects for Eliminating Gender Jacobsen camera ready (Do Not Delete) 7/16/2018 11:36 AM CALIFORNIA WESTERN LAW REVIEW VOLUME 54 SPRING 2018 NUMBER 2 ROLLING BACK THE “PINK TAX”: DIM PROSPECTS FOR ELIMINATING GENDER-BASED PRICE DISCRIMINATION IN THE SALE OF CONSUMER GOODS AND SERVICES KENNETH A. JACOBSEN* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 241 II. STUDIES, SURVEYS, AND REPORTS ON THE “PINK TAX” ................ 243 III. FEDERAL, STATE, AND LOCAL LEGISLATION ................................ 251 A. Problems with Existing Consumer Protection Laws ........ 255
    [Show full text]
  • Learning from Women's Movements to Develop Intersectional Policy
    Policy Briefs 2019 Moana Genevey Learning from women’s movements to develop intersectional policy-making and inclusive policies: the Belgian Women’s Strike Supported by Table Of Contents 3 Executive summary 4 Introduction 5 Case study: the Belgian Women’s Strike 5 A movement promoting intersectional claims 6 A movement based on an intersectional functioning 7 Problem description 9 Conclusion and policy recommendations 10 References Learning from women’s movements to develop intersectional policy-making and inclusive policies: the Belgian Women’s Strike Moana Genevey EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This policy brief aims to explore ways to operationalise the concept of intersectionality in poli- cy-making in Europe. It takes into consideration the lessons brought by women’s movements in the world, and in particular in Belgium. The Belgian Women’s Strike drafted a set of policy claims which focuses on the needs and experience of the most vulnerable and marginalised women in Belgium. This recent movement also developed an intersectional approach to organise the strike, with dedicated mecha- nisms tasked to ensure the operationalisation of intersectionality in all its activities. While there is an increased attention given by policy-makers to the concept of intersectionality, they still face structural barriers to put it into practice. The scarcity of disaggregated data, insufficient participation of marginalised people in policy-making and the absence of effective mechanisms to operationalise intersectionality are strong obstacles to achieve intersectionality in policy-making. The recommendation for policy-makers are centered first on increasing the visibility of margin- alised people, through data collection and the use of inclusive language.
    [Show full text]
  • A TAX CODE for the REST of US: a Framework & Recommendations for Advancing Gender & Racial Equity Through Tax Credits
    A TAX CODE FOR THE REST OF US: A Framework & Recommendations for Advancing Gender & Racial Equity Through Tax Credits AUTHORS NOVEMBER 2019 Melissa Boteach, Amy K. Matsui, Indivar Dutta-Gupta, Kali Grant, Funke Aderonmu, Rachel Black ABSTRACT While the U.S. income tax system is progressive overall, many aspects of the tax code reward wealth-building by the already wealthy and exclude low- and moderate-income families. Given the historical discrimination and ongoing structural barriers that have locked women and people of color out of economic opportunity, such tax provisions not only exacerbate economic inequality, but also amplify gender and racial disparities. Notable exceptions include the Earned Income Tax tax subsidies due to insufficient revenues to invest in Credit (EITC) and the refundable portion of the Child programs supporting economic opportunity, as well as Tax Credit (CTC), which boost low- and moderate- the design of many tax provisions that do not reflect income families’ economic security and increase the needs and preferences of families struggling to gender and racial equity. This prompts the question: make ends meet. It then discusses some limitations how can our tax code build on this success to better and benefits of refundable tax credits to help fill dismantle structural barriers that impede economic the resulting gap and argues that the tax code can security and wealth-building for women and people and should do more to advance equity, economic of color? This report examines our system of existing mobility, and opportunity for all. It ultimately proposes individual income tax subsidies and complementary a framework to help policymakers, advocates, and the direct spending programs that seek to advance policy public evaluate when and how refundable tax credits goals across several categories, including housing, can be in service of that goal.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 2 Practical Gender in Critical Pedagogy Analyzing Everyday Objects
    Intersectional Pedagogy Creative Education Practices for Gender and Peace Work Gal Harmat First published 2020 ISBN: 978-0-367-33380-5 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-31951-8 (ebk) Chapter 2 Practical gender in critical pedagogy Analyzing everyday objects (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) 2 Practical gender in critical pedagogy Analyzing everyday objects This chapter offers a theoretical and methodological framework for implementing feminist critical pedagogy in compulsory courses in gender studies. The method examined presents a gender analysis of daily objects by students as a means of dealing with resistance to gender studies and feminist theory, as well as creating a consciousness-chan- ging experience for the participants. The study is based on the doc- umentation of courses I taught in three higher education institutions between 2012 and 2019: The Kibbutzim College of Education, Technology and the Arts and the Academic College of Society and the Arts, both in Israel, and the UN’s University for Peace in Costa Rica. In addition, the educational practice was used in international trainings for peace and development workers from various international devel- opment agencies. Throughout the chapter, I will discuss examples of the objects presented by the students and the discourses generated by these presentations. These examples will form the basis for my analysis of how the objects were analyzed, regarding the material, social, and symbolic qualities they hold. Deconstructing and restructuring them allows for the implementation of wide critical gender observation skills and can bring about a significant change in consciousness among the learning community. I will argue that using a gender-oriented analysis of everyday objects promotes understanding from a gender perspective of real-life situations and their influence on men, women, and people who do not identify by binary gender while focusing maximal attention on cultural differences and intersectionality.
    [Show full text]