The F-Word: Feminism Today World
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Making Ripples and Waves Through Feminist Knowledge Production and Activism
INTRODUCTION Making Ripples and Waves through Feminist Knowledge Production and Activism by Lea Skewes, Molly Occhino & Lise Rolandsen Agustín “A feminist movement is a collective political movement. Many feminisms mean many movements. A collective is what does not stand still but creates and is created by movement. I think of feminist action as ripples in water, a small wave, possibly created by agitation from weather; here, there each move- ment making another possible, another ripple, outward, reaching.” (Ahmed, 2007, 3) We took on this special issue “#MeToo, Discrimi- fi ghting for greater inclusion of women, people of nation and Backlash” in order to draw attention to colour, trans or queer people; and that this strug- different feminist researchers’ and activists’ efforts gle typically has been met with backlash. Often to start these ripple effects within their fi eld and the backlash has been especially harsh when within their worlds. We wanted to help them grow people with minority identities have explicitly chal- their ripple effects into larger waves, making the lenged currently privileged people. Therefore, the rings of the ripples reach even farther. But we also explicit challenge to privileges is central to this wanted to draw attention to how feminist knowled- special issue. We hope to strengthen the academ- ge production often comes up against institutiona- ic voices which challenge patriarchal, masculine, lised backlash or brick walls (Ahmed 2017). white, cis-, and heteronormative norms, which for Ahmed’s concept of brick walls captures so long have been the invisible backdrop from that institutionalised habits and norms can be- which everyone else in academia has been cast come cemented to such an extent that challenging as deviant outsiders (Ahmed 2012; Butler, 1990; them feels like banging your head against a brick Crenshaw, 1989). -
Ethics, Politics and Feminist Organizing: Writing Feminist Infrapolitics and Affective Solidarity Into Everyday Sexism
Vachhani, S. J., & Pullen, A. (2019). Ethics, politics and feminist organizing: Writing feminist infrapolitics and affective solidarity into everyday sexism. Human Relations, 72(1), 23-47. https://doi.org/10.1177/0018726718780988 Peer reviewed version Link to published version (if available): 10.1177/0018726718780988 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is the author accepted manuscript (AAM). The final published version (version of record) is available online via SAGE at https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0018726718780988 . Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ Ethics, politics and feminist organizing: Writing feminist infrapolitics and affective solidarity into everyday sexism Sheena J. Vachhani University of Bristol, UK Email: [email protected] Alison Pullen Macquarie Universtiy, Australia Email: [email protected] Abstract This paper critically examines a twenty-first century online, social movement, The Everyday Sexism Project (referred to as the ESP), to analyse resistance against sexism that is systemic, entrenched and institutionalised in society, including organizations. Our motivating questions are: what new forms of feminist organizing are developing to resist sexism and what are the implications of thinking ethico-politically about feminist resistance which has the goals of social justice, equality and fairness? Reading the ESP leads to a conceptualisation of how infrapolitical feminist resistance emerges at grassroots level and between individuals in the form of affective solidarity, which become necessary in challenging neoliberal threats to women’s opportunity and equality. -
Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women's
Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women’s Campaigns for Executive Office: The 2009 Campaign of Dora Bakoyannis for the Leadership of Nea Dimokratia in Greece by Stefanos Oikonomou B.A. in Communications and Media Studies, February 2010, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens A Thesis submitted to The Faculty of College of Professional Studies of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Professional Studies August 31, 2014 Thesis directed by Michael Cornfield Associate Professor of Political Management Acknowledgments I would like to thank my parents, Stella Triantafullopoulou and Kostas Oikonomou, to whom this work is dedicated, for their continuous love, support, and encouragement and for helping me realize my dreams. I would also like to thank Chrysanthi Hatzimasoura and Philip Soucacos, for their unyielding friendship, without whom this work would have never been completed. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Michael Cornfield for his insights and for helping me cross the finish line; Professor David Ettinger for his guidance during the first stage of this research and for helping me adjust its scope; and the Director of Academic Administration at The Graduate School of Political Management, Suzanne Farrand, for her tremendous generosity and understanding throughout this process. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..ii List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………….vi List of Tables…………………………………………………………………………….vii -
Connecting Gender-Based Violence, Sexual Harassment and Everyday Sexism
Feminist Pocketbook TIP SHEET #3: Connecting gender-based violence, sexual harassment and everyday sexism The Coalition of Feminists for Social Change (COFEM), created in 2017 to reassert a feminist perspective in violence against women and girls (VAWG) work, is a collective of activists, academics, and practi- tioners working globally to end VAWG. This Tip Sheet is part of the COFEM Feminist Pocketbook. For access to the full Pocketbook, go to: www.cofemsocialchange.org. Tip Sheet 3 explores how gender-based violence, sexual harassment and everyday sexism are related, and discusses potential actions for a holistic approach to building gender equality. Key points • Everyday sexism, sexual harassment and other forms of gender-based violence (GBV) all share a root cause — gender inequality and the oppression of women and girls. • Feminist movements and women’s collective voices show that women across the world experience multiple forms of violence throughout their lives. • Distinguishing different forms of GBV as ‘more serious’ than others ignores how patriarchy and gender inequality create a culture in which violence against women and girls is accepted and normalised. What is the issue? have been shared through collective actions such For several decades, GBV1 has been recognised as the #MeToo movement, facilitated by social me- as a serious global health epidemic and a breach dia and an increasing global connectedness. This of women’s basic human rights. Over the last 20 powerful movement, which has empowered many years, a growing body of data on the scope of the women to speak out for the first time, has provid- problem — and evidence demonstrating how GBV ed even further evidence of the scope of GBV and is driven by gender inequality — have given great- resulted in increased calls for accountability. -
22. Gender and the 2013 Election: the Abbott 'Mandate'
22. Gender and the 2013 Election: The Abbott ‘mandate’ Kirsty McLaren and Marian Sawer In the 2013 federal election, Tony Abbott was again wooing women voters with his relatively generous paid parental leave scheme and the constant sight of his wife and daughters on the campaign trail. Like Julia Gillard in 2010, Kevin Rudd was assuring voters that he was not someone to make an issue of gender and he failed to produce a women’s policy. Despite these attempts to neutralise gender it continued to be an undercurrent in the election, in part because of the preceding replacement of Australia’s first woman prime minister and in part because of campaigning around the gender implications of an Abbott victory. To evaluate the role of gender in the 2013 election, we draw together evidence on the campaign, campaign policies, the participation of women, the discursive positioning of male leaders and unofficial gender-based campaigning. We also apply a new international model of the dimensions of male dominance in the old democracies and the stages through which such dominance is overcome. We argue that, though feminist campaigning was a feature of the campaign, traditional views on gender remain powerful. Raising issues of gender equality, as Julia Gillard did in the latter part of her prime ministership, is perceived as electorally damaging, particularly among blue-collar voters. The prelude to the election Gender received most attention in the run-up to the election in 2012–13 rather than during the campaign itself. Prime Minister Julia Gillard’s famous misogyny speech of 2012 was prompted in immediate terms by the Leader of the Opposition drawing attention to sexism in what she perceived as a hypocritical way. -
Week Ten: Fourth Wave Feminist Cultural Critiques
Week Ten: Fourth Wave Feminist Cultural Critiques Monday, October 29 Hewitt, Nancy. 2012. Feminist Frequencies: Regenerating the Wave Metaphor. Feminist Studies 38(3): 658-680. Wednesday, October 31 Abelson, Miriam. 2016. Trans Men Engaging, Reforming, and Resisting Feminisms. Transgender Studies Quarterly 3(1/2): 15-21 Friday, November 2: Discussion Groups Levitt, Heidi and Maria R. Ippolito. 2014. Being Transgender: Navigating Minority Stressors and Developing Authentic Self-Presentation. Psychology of Women Quarterly 38(1): 46-64. Readings for this Week Available on WyoCourse as: 1. Hewitt, Nancy. 2012. Feminist Frequencies: Regenerating the Wave Metaphor. Feminist Studies 38(3): 658-680. 2. Abelson, Miriam. 2016. Trans Men Engaging, Reforming, and Resisting Feminisms. Transgender Studies Quarterly 3(1/2): 15-21 3. Levitt, Heidi and Maria R. Ippolito. 2014. Being Transgender: Navigating Minority Stressors and Developing Authentic Self-Presentation. Psychology of Women Quarterly 38(1): 46-64. You may consult related sources online in open access format by consulting the “Additional Resources” section of this document. Context and Relevance Fourth wave feminism is the contemporary global movement for gender equality that began to flourish following the establishment and globally widespread use of information and communication technologies toward the first decade of the twenty-first century. Facilitated by the creation of global feminist communities unbounded by geography and enabled by social media, fourth wave feminism builds on the third wave’s prioritization of diversity and inclusivity, the second wave’s focus on equal socio-sexual rights, and the first wave’s focus on equal legal rights. The fourth wave is inclusive of a spectrum of gender identities, sexualities, body types, and denounces gender-based violence through widespread social media and other online fora. -
Maybe He's Just Better Than You”: Generation X Women and Higher
UDC: 005.322-055.2 JEL: I24, B54 COBISS.SR-ID: 211197196 PRELIMINARY REPORT Maybe He’s Just Better Than You”: Generation X Women and Higher Education Brabazon Tara 1 Charles Sturt University, Australia A B S T R A C T The next five years will be significant in international higher education as the baby boomer generation leaves our campuses. What legacy will they leave and how will the next generations manage the ‘leaderist’ turn in universities? This article enters the tight cluster of gender, generation and leadership, and probes how masculine ideologies of achievement, power and recognition can be critiqued and challenged. Recognizing Laura Bates ‘everyday sexism’ project, my piece names the daily structures, stories and scenarios that undermine and minimize women in universities. KEY WORDS: higher education, feminism, leadership, managerialism, everyday sexism Indroduction Academic leadership is like dieting. In most universities, the vice chancellor, deputy vice chancellor, pro vice chancellor and acting pro vice chancellor needs a pill, potion, lotion, gastric band, girdle or vibrating slen- dertone to shake, shift, tuck, tighten or excrete the unwanted flab to reveal a sleek new shape. Similarly, a new leadership post, role, committee, strategy or action plan is announced in universities only at moments of crisis. This 1 Professor of Education and Head of the School – Teacher Education, e-mail: [email protected] Brabazon, T., Generation X Women, JWE (2014, No. 3-4, 48-70) 49 leader-magician-guru will right the titanic of a budget, rather than rearrange the deckchairs of debt, revise the dated curriculum, solve the problematic supervision policies and inspire research inactive staff to become superhe- roes of scholarship. -
The Rising Fourth Wave: Feminist Activism on Digital Platforms in India
JULY 2020 ISSUE NO. 384 The Rising Fourth Wave: Feminist Activism on Digital Platforms in India SHRUTI JAIN ABSTRACT Feminist movements have historically lacked inclusivity, often growing within a limited Western upper-class psyche, based on their own challenges and needs. The digital revolution has paved the way for a new iteration of feminism. The digital space can bolster feminist activist movements by encouraging inclusion and improving accessibility in organising collective action. It also helps weave local stories with global narratives to highlight common structural inequalities. At the same time, however, the digital space can also become a breeding ground for sexism and misogyny. This brief attempts to analyse how digitisation can affect women’s movements, especially in emerging economies like India. It does so by viewing contemporary cyberfeminism through postcolonial and postmodern feminist theories. The brief also highlights the strengths and deficits of digital activism. Attribution: Shruti Jain, “The Rising Fourth Wave: Feminist Activism and Digital Platforms in India,”ORF Issue Brief No. 384, July 2020, Observer Research Foundation. Observer Research Foundation (ORF) is a public policy think tank that aims to influence the formulation of policies for building a strong and prosperous India. ORF pursues these goals by providing informed analyses and in-depth research, and organising events that serve as platforms for stimulating and productive discussions. ISBN: 978-93-90159-47-5 © 2020 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, archived, retained or transmitted through print, speech or electronic media without prior written approval from ORF. The Rising Fourth Wave: Feminist Activism on Digital Platforms in India INTRODUCTION polygamy, early marriage and permanent widowhood.4 Further, the Brahmo Samaj Feminism consists of social, economic and gave impetus to mass education of girls and political movements and theories that are women. -
Australian Feminist Approaches to Mass Awareness Campaigns: Celanthropy, Celebrity Feminism and Online Activism
Australian Feminist Approaches to Mass Awareness Campaigns: Celanthropy, Celebrity Feminism and Online Activism Author Casey, Sarah Jane Published 2015 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School School of Humanities DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/2528 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366513 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Australian Feminist Approaches to Mass Awareness Campaigns: Celanthropy, Celebrity Feminism and Online Activism Sarah Jane Casey B.A. B.A. (Hons 1) School of Humanities Arts, Education and Law Group Griffith University Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2014 1 ii Abstract This research asks which methods can successfully promote mainstream recognition for an issue, and if the success of such methods translates to a stronger feminist movement in Australia in the twenty-first century Western zeitgeist. These questions are important because broader-scale feminist consciousness-raising is critical at a time when the dominant discourses of neoliberalism and postfeminism often mean a reduced focus on collective campaigning for issues such as the awareness of gender-based violence, and there has arguably been an evacuation of substantive feminist politics in some areas. My original contribution lies in the testing and analysis of campaign methods and pathways for the information of Australian feminists who want to take women’s rights issues to more central mainstream spaces in feminist mass awareness campaigning. This research explores the deployment of what I call the twenty-first century’s ‘Tools of the Zeitgeist’. -
1 Performance Feminism and Affect in Neoliberal Times
Performance Feminism and Affect in Neoliberal Times. Editors: Diamond E, Varney Formatted: Font: Italic D, Amich C. London: Palgrave Macmillan, United Kingdom 2017. pp 25-38. Chapter 2 ‘Not Now, Not Ever’: Julia Gillard and the Performative Power of Affect Denise Varney, University of Melbourne Gender-based criticism of Australia’s first female Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, reached a level of intensity in 2011 and 2012 that culminated spectacularly in a speech now widely known as the Misogyny Speech. Delivered by an enraged Gillard in the Australian parliament in October 2012, and uploaded and circulated on YouTube shortly afterwards, the speech denounced the sexist and misogynist remarks used against her for political gain. The Australian parliament was a particularly apposite space for the speech. Feminist writer and commentator Anne Summers writes that during Gillard’s Prime Ministership, female politicians identified a gang of men, who would sit in what the women called ‘misogynist corner’ and ‘positively bray’ whenever a female from the government rose to speak (Summers 2012a). This named ‘corner’ effectively marks the wider spatial-gendered dimensions of the parliamentary system, and its patriarchal history, allowing us to understand, as I will argue, how liberalism and now neoliberalism appear to champion but actually circumscribe women’s rights. Heightening the effect is the nation’s adoption of the British Westminster System in which the two major political parties, nominally representing the left and right of politics, sit opposite each other in the parliamentary chamber in such a way as the business of governance easily turns into a theatre of politics. -
ANZSOG Case Program Revealing the ‘Real Julia’: Authenticity and Gender in Australian Political Leadership (A) 2016-185.1
ANZSOG Case Program Revealing the ‘Real Julia’: authenticity and gender in Australian political leadership (A) 2016-185.1 Julia Gillard became Australia’s 27th prime minister and the first woman to have the role when, as his deputy, she ousted Kevin Rudd in a sudden leadership coup in 2010. The challenge was prompted by widespread concern within the ruling Labor Party at Rudd’s domineering leadership style, including tight control of access to information and inability to reach timely decisions. Gillard, by contrast, was known for her ability to negotiate, plan and get things done. She sought to position herself as an authentic leader, ‘the real Julia,’ openly sharing information, standing by her personal values and choices and, as she says in her autobiography My Story, acknowledging mistakes as opportunities to learn. In the 2010 election campaign she pledged that: As prime minister, I will be driven by the values I have believed in all my life. The importance of hard work, the fulfilling of the obligation that you owe to yourself and to others to earn your keep and do your best.(...) In my life I have made my own choices about how I want to live. I do not seek anyone’s endorsement of my choices; they are mine and mine alone. I do not believe that as prime minister it is my job to preach on personal choices. However, it is my job to urge we respect each other’s personal choices.1 A better chance in life Julia Eileen Gillard was born in Wales, and her family migrated to Adelaide, Australia in 1966 when Gillard was four years old to give the young girl who had suffered severe recurring chest problems a better chance in life. -
Gillard/A Murderous Rage Julia Gillard
Gillard/A Murderous Rage Julia Gillard: A Murderous Rage Roslyn Appleby, University of Technology, Sydney Abstract This chapter charts the political career of Julia Gillard, Australia’s first female Prime Minister (2010-2013), and argues that three intertwined discourses of gender shaped how she was perceived and represented in the political domain and in the media. First, Gillard was faced with the challenges such as the “double bind,” by which female leaders are expected to demonstrate qualities stereotypically associated with masculinity, and at the same time to display qualities stereotypically associated with femininity. Second, Gillard faced sexist abuse in politics and media which labelled her an “unintelligible being.” Third, in acts of “strategic essentialism,” Gillard condemned the misogyny she endured, repositioning herself as a coherent political force and marking the re-emergence of feminism in Australian politics. Keywords: normative discourses of gender, misogyny and sexism in media representation, double bind, strategic essentialism Introduction Julia Eileen Gillard served as Australia’s first female Prime Minister for three years and three days. During her time in office, from 2010 to 2013, she introduced a raft of significant social reforms, including improvements in regard to workplace regulation, educational opportunity, and disability care. But it was, arguably, her lack of conformity with normative gender regimes that had the most significant deleterious effect on perceptions and evaluations of her performance as Prime Minister. This chapter charts Julia Gillard’s political career, and argues that three specific discourses of gender shaped the ways in which she was perceived and represented in the political domain, in the media, and by the voting public.