The Ku Klux Klan in Nebraska, 1920-1930
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The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics
L I B RARY OF THE UN IVERSITY OF ILLINOIS "R3GK. cop. 2. r ILLINOIS HISTORY SURVEY LIBRARY The Ku Klux Klan In American Politics By ARNOLD S. RICE INTRODUCTION BY HARRY GOLDEN Public Affairs Press, Washington, D. C. TO ROSE AND DAVE, JESSIE AND NAT -AND, OF COURSE, TO MARCIA Copyright, 1962, by Public Affairs Press 419 New Jersey Avenue, S. E., Washington 3, D.C. Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 61-8449 Ste3 >. V INTRODUCTION There is something quite frightening about this book. It is not so much that Dr. Rice recounts some of the brutalities and excesses of the Ku Klux Klan or even that he measures the intelligence of those who led the cross-burners as wanting; indeed, those of us who lived through the "kleagling" of the 1920's remember that the Klansmen, while not men, weren't boys either. What is frightening is the amount of practical action the successors to the Klan have learned from it. They have learned not only from the Klan's mistakes but from the Klan's successes. Fortunately, neither the John Birch Society nor the White Citizens Councils nor the revivified Klan nor the McCarthyites have learned well enough to grasp ultimate power. All of them, however, have learned enough so that they are more than an annoyance to the democratic process. Just how successful was the Klan? It never played a crucial role in a national election. The presence of Klansmen on the floor of a national political convention often succeeded in watering down the anti-Klan plank but national candidates, if they chose, could casti- gate the Klan at will. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Infonnation Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 KLÀNNISHNESS AND THE KU KLUX KLAN: THE RHETORIC AND ETHICS OF GENRE THEORY DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Robert McGee, B.S., M.S. -
ABSTRACT “The Good Angel of Practical Fraternity:” the Ku Klux Klan in Mclennan County, 1915-1924. Richard H. Fair, M.A. Me
ABSTRACT “The Good Angel of Practical Fraternity:” The Ku Klux Klan in McLennan County, 1915-1924. Richard H. Fair, M.A. Mentor: T. Michael Parrish, Ph.D. This thesis examines the culture of McLennan County surrounding the rise of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s and its influence in central Texas. The pervasive violent nature of the area, specifically cases of lynching, allowed the Klan to return. Championing the ideals of the Reconstruction era Klan and the “Lost Cause” mentality of the Confederacy, the 1920s Klan incorporated a Protestant religious fundamentalism into their principles, along with nationalism and white supremacy. After gaining influence in McLennan County, Klansmen began participating in politics to further advance their interests. The disastrous 1922 Waco Agreement, concerning the election of a Texas Senator, and Felix D. Robertson’s gubernatorial campaign in 1924 represent the Klan’s first and last attempts to manipulate politics. These failed endeavors marked the Klan’s decline in McLennan County and Texas at large. “The Good Angel of Practical Fraternity:” The Ku Klux Klan in McLennan County, 1915-1924 by Richard H. Fair, B.A. A Thesis Approved by the Department of History ___________________________________ Jeffrey S. Hamilton, Ph.D., Chairperson Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Baylor University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Approved by the Thesis Committee ___________________________________ T. Michael Parrish, Ph.D., Chairperson ___________________________________ Thomas L. Charlton, Ph.D. ___________________________________ Stephen M. Sloan, Ph.D. ___________________________________ Jerold L. Waltman, Ph.D. Accepted by the Graduate School August 2009 ___________________________________ J. -
The Rhetoric of Hiram Wesley Evans and the Klan of the 1920S Nicolas
American Communication Journal Vol. 11, No. 2, Summer 2009 Ambiguously Articulating “Americanism” The Rhetoric of Hiram Wesley Evans and the Klan of the 1920s Nicolas Rangel Jr. Keywords: Hiram Wesley Evans; Ku Klux Klan; Americanism; Strategic Ambiguity; American Civil Religion; Organizational Rhetoric Historian Richard Hofstadter once described an essay by Imperial Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans as “not immoderate in tone.” Evans oriented that essay in the defense of Americanism, a frequent theme in his writing. Among the central tenets of Evans’s Americanism was a devotion to Protestantism. It was in the religious fulfillment of Protestantism, Evans would suggest that American values could be fully recognized, predominantly the American concern with individualism. In this essay, I argue that Evan’s ambiguously defined his notion of Americanism by making substantial efforts to associate his organization’s goals with the American civil religious tradition. Evans’s strategically ambiguous rhetoric portrayed a unified, moral and political vision for American life that served the Klan throughout the 1920s, but ultimately undermined the virtues that the civil religious tradition was initially intended to maintain. Nicolas Rangel Jr., Ph.D is an Assistant Professor of Communication Studies University of Houston-Downtown Department of Arts and Humanities [email protected] American Communication Journal Vol. 11, No. 2, Summer 2009 While mention of the Ku Klux Klan conjures images of right-wing political extremism, the Klan of the 1920s was a social, political, and cultural force with which to be reckoned. The organization defied any simple extremist classification (MacLean, 1994, p. xii). Historian Leonard J. Moore argued that the Klan of the 1920s differed considerably from the Klan of the post-civil war era and the Klan that opposed the mid-century civil rights movement. -
Cross Burnings and the Harm-Valuation
CROSS BURNINGS AND THE HARM- VALUATION ANALYTIC: A TALE OF TWO CASES RONALD TURNER* INTRODUCTION Cross burning is a form of hate speech "inflict[ing] its harm through its meaning as an act which promotes racial inequality through its message and impact, engendering terror and effectuating segregation."' Does the First Amendment to the United States Constitution 2 forbid or permit laws regulating and criminalizing this expression and communication? Consider the following cases: 1. A group of white teenagers, angered at the presence of an African- American family in "their" neighborhood, assembled and burned a cross in the backyard of the black family's residence in St. Paul, Minnesota. One of the cross burners was arrested and charged with violating a city ordinance banning the burning of a cross on public or private property "which one knows or has reasonable grounds to know arouses anger, alarm or resentment in others on the basis of race, color, creed, religion, or gender... ' 3 Arguing that this law violated the First Amendment, he sought dismissal of the charges. 2. Two whites tried to burn a cross at the home of an African-American neighbor; both were charged with and convicted of violating a Virginia statute making it a felony to burn a cross "with the intent of intimidating Alumnae Law Center Professor of Law, The University of Houston Law Center, [email protected]; Visiting Professor of History, Rice University. J.D., The University of Pennsylvania Law School; B.A. Magna Cum Laude, Wilberforce University. I. Catherine A. MacKinnon, Pornographyas Defamation and Discrimination,71 B.U. -
Memorandum of Law in Support of Changes to Stone Mountain Park
Memorandum of Law in Support of Changes to Stone Mountain Park To: Whom It May Concern From: Stone Mountain Action Coalition Date: October 15, 2020 During public discourse regarding the legal entanglement between the Confederacy and Stone Mountain Park (the “Park”), some have argued that the Stone Mountain Memorial Association (“SMMA” or the “Board”) is powerless to make changes to the Park, claiming that the Board’s “hands are tied by the law.” To the contrary, the Board has discretion to make changes under current Georgia state law. Indeed, all boards created by law have discretion. Absent discretion, such entities would be powerless to take actions pursuant to their statutory mandates. Here, that discretion is front and center, listed in the code among the three primary purposes of the SMMA: (1) To preserve the natural areas situated within the Stone Mountain Park area; (2) To provide access to Stone Mountain for Georgia's citizens; and (3) To maintain an appropriate and suitable memorial for the Confederacy. See O.C.G.A. § 12-3-192.1 (emphasis added) (the complete “Stone Mountain Memorial Act,” O.C.G.A. § 12-3-190, et seq. is attached as Exhibit “A”). Thus, the General Assembly explicitly granted the Board discretion as to what is an “appropriate and suitable” memorial to the Confederacy. Page 1 of 11 I. THE STONE MOUNTAIN MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION IS PERMITTED UNDER GEORGIA STATE LAW TO MAKE CHANGES TO STONE MOUNTAIN PARK. A. The history of Stone Mountain Park and the SMMA underscores the urgent need to make changes at the Park. -
VIRGINIA V. BLACK Et Al. Certiorari to the Supreme Court of Virginia
538US2 Unit: $U39 [10-30-04 18:46:44] PAGES PGT: OPIN OCTOBER TERM, 2002 343 Syllabus VIRGINIA v. BLACK et al. certiorari to the supreme court of virginia No. 01–1107. Argued December 11, 2002—Decided April 7, 2003 Respondents were convicted separately of violating a Virginia statute that makes it a felony “for any person . , with the intent of intimidating any person or group . , to burn ...across on the property of another, a highway or other public place,” and specifies that “[a]ny such burning . shall be prima facie evidence of an intent to intimidate a person or group.” When respondent Black objected on First Amendment grounds to his trial court’s jury instruction that cross burning by itself is sufficient evidence from which the required “intent to intimidate” could be inferred, the prosecutor responded that the instruction was taken straight out of the Virginia Model Instructions. Respondent O’Mara pleaded guilty to charges of violating the statute, but reserved the right to challenge its constitutionality. At respondent Elliott’s trial, the judge instructed the jury as to what the Commonwealth had to prove, but did not give an instruction on the meaning of the word “in- timidate,” nor on the statute’s prima facie evidence provision. Consol- idating all three cases, the Virginia Supreme Court held that the cross- burning statute is unconstitutional on its face; that it is analytically indistinguishable from the ordinance found unconstitutional in R. A. V. v. St. Paul, 505 U. S. 377; that it discriminates on the basis of content and viewpoint since it selectively chooses only cross burning because of its distinctive message; and that the prima facie evidence provision ren- ders the statute overbroad because the enhanced probability of prosecu- tion under the statute chills the expression of protected speech. -
The History of the Ku Klux Klan in Maine, 1922-1931
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Electronic Theses and Dissertations Fogler Library 6-1950 The History of the Ku Klux Klan in Maine, 1922-1931 Lawrence Wayne Moores Jr. Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Moores, Lawrence Wayne Jr., "The History of the Ku Klux Klan in Maine, 1922-1931" (1950). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3239. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd/3239 This Open-Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE HISTORY OF THE KU KLUX KLAN IN MAINE, 1922-1931 by Lawrence Wayne Moores, Jr. H B. A., University of Maine, 1949 z/P A THESIS Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History and Government Division of Graduate Study University of Maine Orono June, 1950 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I Fifteen Years of Klanism 1 II Entrance into Maine 27 III The Klan in Maine Politics 47 IV Catholics, Protestants, and the Klan 71 V The Klan in Retrospect 97 VI Bibliography 102 VII Biography 110 THE FIERY CROSS Behold, the Fiery Cross still brilliant! Combined efforts to defame And all the calumny of history Fail to quench its hallowed flame. It shall burn bright as the morning For all decades yet to be Held by hearts and hands of manhood It shall light from sea to sea. -
O Say, Can You See: Free Expression by the Light of Fiery Crosses Jeannine Bell Indiana University Maurer School of Law, [email protected]
Maurer School of Law: Indiana University Digital Repository @ Maurer Law Articles by Maurer Faculty Faculty Scholarship 2004 O Say, Can You See: Free Expression by the Light of Fiery Crosses Jeannine Bell Indiana University Maurer School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/facpub Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Criminal Law Commons Recommended Citation Bell, Jeannine, "O Say, Can You See: Free Expression by the Light of Fiery Crosses" (2004). Articles by Maurer Faculty. Paper 334. http://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/facpub/334 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by Maurer Faculty by an authorized administrator of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 0 Say, Can You See: Free Expression by the Light of Fiery Crosses JeannineBell* Scholarship on cross burning has paid scant attention to the full context of the act of burning a cross. Many FirstAmendment scholars generally ig- nore cross burning's historical underpinnings. Those scholars who do rec- ognize the historical importance of cross burning as a threat to African Ameri- cans do not fully address its place in First Amendment doctrine. Scholars in neither group acknowledge the contemporary use of cross burning by those with anti-integrationistends. This Article presents a comprehensive, context-based theory that both places cross burning in its proper doctrinalframework and recognizes the history of cross burning as one of Ku Klux Klan-inspired terrorism directed at African Americans. -
'Kluxer Blues': the Klan Confronts Catholics in Butte, Montana, 1923
AiLUXER !aSE KLAN SUGGESTI TlgE MOIaT COUICIL FOu R 1t [S __,.. This content downloaded from 161.7.59.20 on Tue, 06 Dec 2016 23:36:47 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ONFRBONTS CATHOLICSf rn UTTE, EMON-TAN , 23-A2 by Christine K. Erickson OUR MEN HAVE ORDERS TO SHOOT ANY KU KLUXER WHO APPEARS IN BUTTE. ON FOR TARGET PRACTICE -Sheriff Jack Duggan WE REALIZE THAT BUTTE IS THE WORST PLACE IN THE STATE OF MONTANA, SO FAR AS ALIENISM AND CATHOLICISM ARE CONCERNED. -Grand Dragon Lewis Terwilliger n mid-192l the Ku Klux Klan marched into Big Sky country to recruit white, native-born, Protestant Montanans who were willing to part with a ten-dollar initiation fee for the privilege of wearing the hood and robe. It was not altogether surprising that just over 5,100 Montanans welcomed an organization that preached patriotism and "1oo% Americanism." Native-born citizens may have -1 felt uneasy over the influx of immigrant miners, or perhaps the mood of superpatriotism and intolerance championed by the notorious Montana Council of Defense during World War I still lingered in the early 1920s.' Whatever Montanans may have thought, the Klan's Imperial officials surely viewed the state as a potential source of revenue and an opportunity to increase their political clout. It was within this spirit that on September 16, 1923, Imperial Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans, the Klan's national leader, welcomed the Realm of Montana into the Invisible Empire. Complete with appropriate "herewiths" and "hereby ordereds," the official charter briskly divided Montana into four Provinces, appointed Hydras and Great Titans to assist in governing, and sternly laid out the financial responsibilities of the Montana Klan to the Imperial Palace. -
Collected Commentary on the Ku Klux Klan
BECOMING MODERN: AMERICA IN THE 1920S PRIMARY SOURCE COLLECTION ONTEMPORAR Y HE WENTIES IN OMMENTARY T T C * — The Ku Klux Klan — Spreading far beyond its southern Reconstruction roots, the resurgent Klan of the 1920s was a short-lived but potent phenomenon. By equating white Anglo-Saxon Protestantism with “true Americanism,” it fueled intolerance for blacks, Catholics, Jews, immigrants, and those it deemed immoral and lawless. Under the guise of patriotism and Christianity, it justified acts of intimidation and vigilante justice. As the Klan grew nationally, many “klaverns” eschewed violence while fostering suspicion and prejudice toward “the other” in their communities. The following selections from commentary on and by the Klan offer an overview of this pivotal movement of the 1920s. BACK TO LIFE AND VERY ACTIVE AFTER FORTY YEARS! W. E. B. Du Bois This is the thrilling story that one hears today in various “The Ku Klux Are Riding Again!” parts of the South. The old Klan with its white-robed citizens The Crisis, March 1919 going out to maintain the supremacy of the white race, as depicted by Thomas Dixon and his satellite, D. W. Griffith,1 has again come to life. Read this article printed in a daily in Montgomery, Ala.: __ KU KLUX KLANSMEN SUGGEST SILENT PARADE! __ The city of Montgomery was visited last night by a Ku Klux Klan that bore all the earmarks of the ancient honorable order that placed white supremacy back in the saddle after a reign or terror for several years by Negroes and scalawags. About one hundred white-robed figures silently paraded through the town and, as the paper specially mentioned, went into that section where the Negroes lived. -
A Condensed History of the Stone Mountain Carving
A Condensed History of the Stone Mountain Carving Copyright © 2017 Atlanta Historical Society, Inc. Atlanta History Center 130 West Paces Ferry Road NW Atlanta, Georgia, 30305. www.atlantahistorycenter.com Executive Summary: Condensed History of the Stone Mountain Carving The carving on the side of Stone Mountain has a controversial history that involves strong connections to white supremacy, Confederate Lost Cause mythology, and anti-Civil Rights sentiments. From the beginning of efforts to create the carving in 1914, early proponents of the carving had strong connections to the Ku Klux Klan and openly supported Klan politics. Helen Plane, leader of the United Daughters of the Confederacy and credited with beginning efforts to create the initial carving, openly praised the Klan and even proposed Klansmen be incorporated in the carving. Sam Venable, owner of Stone Mountain, sanctioned Klan meetings on the mountain and remained highly involved with the group for many years. These are just a two of the early carving proponents involved with the white supremacist organization- the carver, Gutzon Borglum, and others were also involved. Given the influence of white supremacists, the Stone Mountain carving effort carried with it Confederate Lost Cause sentiments from its beginning. Efforts at rewriting Confederate history as a moral victory and pining for the supposedly morally superior society of the romanticized Old South were at the center of the motivations behind the carving. Although the carving was not again pursued after the collapse of the initial effort until half a century after it was begun, Lost Cause sentiments remained. Governor Marvin Griffin, an overt supporter of segregation, promised to resume the carving if elected during his campaign for governor.