The hooded knights revive

Rule by Terror in the ‘twenties

David Chalmers Those interested in reading further on the invisible Empire should consult Professor David Chalmers’ Hooded Americanism: The History of the (1965). Chalmers is professor of history at the University of Florida D.W. Griffith’s 1915 melodrama, The Birth of a Nation, was a blockbuster of a motion picture, and it helped revive the Ku Klux Klan. The Kentucky-born Griffith created his pioneering film from a novel written by a North Carolinian named Thomas Dixon. Dixon’s life was built on eloquence and passion. A fellow-student and friend of at Johns Hopkins graduate school, Dixon had been a legislator, Baptist preacher, lecturer, novelist, playwright, and actor, always reaching out to a larger audience. Griffith gave him his biggest one.

Dixon’s 1905 book, The Clansman: An Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan, was one of the three that he wrote on the Invisible Empire which his uncle had helped lead in the Carolina piedmont. The story revolved around two star-crossed families, the Camerons and the Stonemans, one from the South and the other from the North. Their sons and daughters fell in love, but the War Between the States separated them and Reconstruction brought them disaster. Congressman Stoneman, copied from life after Radical Republican leader Thaddeus Stephens, was presented as a crippled, hate-filled villain, urged on by his mulatto mistress to degrade the captured South. With the murder of “The Great Soul,” Abraham Lincoln, there was nothing to stop him. Black tyranny ruled the South, black corruption stained its legislative halls, and brutish black lust stalked its womanhood. However, at this darkest moment, the hooded knights of the Ku Klux Klan, led by young Ben Cameron, Civil War hero and beloved of Stoneman’s daughter, rode forth to save the South and its downtrodden people.

The Klan rides. Scene from D.W. Griffith’s “The Birth of a Nation.” 1915 D.W. Griffith took Dixon’s story and made it into the movie’s first colossal spectacular. In place of the usual fifteen-minute flicker, Griffith created a three hour epic dramatically restaging the war’s battles, Sherman’s March to the Sea, and Lincoln’s assassination at Ford’s Theater. Congressman Stoneman comes to the Southern town of Piedmont to oversee his Sister,” as he called her, and her mother. Mrs. Lenoir, leap from a cliff to their deaths after ravishment by a black renegade soldier. Cameron is arrested and sentenced to death for murder; Stoneman’s son, in love with Cameron’s sister, takes his place. Just in time, the Klan arrives to save the living, avenge the fallen, and reunite the lovers. Breaking former static role of the camera, using angels, movement, and changing focus, expanding irises, reaching in and out of the close-ups, juxtaposing, and paralleling, Griffith created his masterpiece. As the bugle call rang out and the Klan rode to the rescue, theater orchestras pounded out themes from Wagner and “The Hall of the Mountain King.” Audiences rose cheering in the South, and crowds demonstrated in protest in the North. The picture was seen by President Woodrow Wilson, members of Congress and the Supreme Court, and millions of spectators at $2 apiece, while William J. Simmons, a fraternal organizer, colonel in the Woodmen of the World, and failed Methodist minister, dreamed of a revival of the Klan itself.

“Colonel” Simmons’ plan for the Klan was revealed in the words of the advertisement which he inserted in the December 7, 1915, Journal. The “Knights of the Ku Klux Klan” was “A High Class Order for Men of Intelligence and Character.” It was to be “The World’s Greatest Secret, Social, Patriotic, Fraternal, Beneficiary Order.” In other words, it was to be a lodge, a fraternity. The fact that it was so exclude all who were not white, native-born, or Protestant did not make it substantially different from others such organizations and most college fraternities. It was the chance factor of its Southern origin that provided the dynamic element – the name and legend of the Ku Klux Klan. In The Birth of a Nation, whose Atlanta advertisement shared the page with Simmons’ hand-drawn announcement of the Klan, Thomas Dixon and D.W. Griffith had engraved an image of the flowing robes and mystic, masked, night-riding, patriotic violence on the national imagination. While most fraternities guarded their lodge hall secrets against outsiders and aliens, the vigilante heritage of the Klan took it out into the cow-pastures and city streets to protect its version of American Values.

Simmons’ initial plans had been less extravagant. His specialty was lodge ritual. He had hoped for a mildly successful organization in the Southeast to which he could sell memberships, regalia, and insurance. World War I enabled the Klan to do a little public marching and patriotic snooping. After the war the Klan with a small membership in Georgia and , emerged into a time of opportunity. The heightened emotions and restlessness that were not immediately stilled by an end to the fighting, the manly camaraderie of the war and the habit of violence, people going home and not going home, black men who had served in the Army or who had left the farms for the cities and Northern factories – all were unsettling elements. There were race riots in Chicago, Omaha, and Knoxville, in Duluth, Springfield, and Tulsa, in Texas, Arkansas, Kansas, and Florida. Large numbers of immigrants were arriving from the Southern and Eastern European dwelling places of the Roman Catholic, Jew, Slav, and Bolshevik. Life in the cities was confusing; the war to end war had turned sour, and the attempt to make society better by prohibition was either being flouted or downright corrupted. As with the original Ku Klux Klan, the unsettled times and the mysterious name (now potent with the legacy of its vigilante role during Reconstruction) undoubtedly shaped the direction the Klan would take for years to come.

Simmons engaged in a pair of fund raisers, Edward Young Clarke and Mrs. Elizabeth Tyler, who were the Southern Publicity Association, to handle recruitment. Simmons was to receive $2 of the $10 initiation fee paid by each new member. The rest was to go to Clarke, Tyler, and their salesmen. The results were phenomenal. The Klan made good copy and the press rushed to spread reports of its doing. Within a year membership was nationwide and soared to almost 100,000.

The basic Southern emphasis on patriotism and was expanded into the Americanism. The American way of life and moral values were to be guarded not only against the Negroes, but from Roman Catholics, Jews, and Orientals, from aliens and immigrants, from bootleggers and road houses, from crime and corrupt politicians, from marital infidelity and sexual immortality, and from scoffers and unbelievers. Salesmen, or “keagles,” were selected from the Masonic and other lodges, touring lectures from the evangelical ministry, and the country was divided and subdivided into sales districts. Local groups brought the Klan into town to combat bootlegging or corrupt city government, and Atlanta’s usual advice to new chapters was to “clean up the town.” Crosses burned on nearby hillsides, sheeted horsemen paraded down Main Street on Saturday night and the next morning marched down church aisles to make donations while choirs sang. “The Old Rugged Cross” or “Onward Christian Soldiers.”

Georgia, the home of Henry Grady’s New South industrialism, old Tom Watson’s snit-Catholic tirades, and the of Jewish factory owner Leo Frank, was the cradle for the reborn Klan. Colonel Simmons’ blazing cross on Stone Mountain had been its first annunciation and Peachtree Street in Atlanta brought the robed faithful to its Imperial Palace. For fifty years Georgians would march in its parades and elect its candidates, as well as fight against its violence and intolerance. Klan No. 1 was the Imperial Empire’s mother lodge, and in 1920 when Simmons triumphantly attended the annual reunion of the United Confederate Veterans in Houston, its Exalted Cyclops Nathan

Thomas Dixon’s book about the hooded knights of the Ku Bedford Forrest III rode beside him. Klux Klan inspired D.W. Griffith’s movie “The Birth of a Nation.” The original Klan arose after the chaos of the Civil War, and members dressed in disguises such as these. The Klan spread through the cities and small towns of Georgia. The mighty Robert E. Lee No. 1 of Birmingham was the heart of its strength in Alabama and Sam Houston No. 1 led the way in Texas, although probably outstripped in size and violence by ’ No. 66 and Beaumont’s No. 7. Klan organizers did well in northern and throughout Arkansas, but the Imperial Empire’s earliest bastion of terror was in Texas and . Klan salesmen jumped across the continent to California, selling patriotism, fraternity, and moral enforcement. They spread out from Los Angeles, and moved northward across the border to power in Oregon, offering anti-Catholicism to the descendants of the New England and Midwestern Puritans. Its legions grew in Missouri and Kansas, and its salesmen worked their way up the Mississippi Valley, across the Great Plains, and into the mountain states. In 1924 Colorado became even a greater success story of Denver, the governor, and both senators.

But in no realm did Klan political power become greater than in . Its ambitious Grand Dragon, D.C. Stephenson, built his organization on a bloc by bloc basis throughout the state, carrying in tow the governor and both senators, negotiating for the purchase of Valparaiso University, and working his own way toward the White House. The Klan’s fraternal appeal to what its Ohio Grand Dragon described as “the submerged majority of Protestants” swelled the tide of its membership in Cincinnati, Columbus, Toledo, Akron, and the steel centers of the Mahoning Valley. The Klan did well in the small towns and industrial cities of central and among the anti- Klan city administration. In “Bloody Herrin” County down in fundamentalist southern , where the mountain people from Kentucky and Tennessee shared their country uneasily with French and Italian immigrant coal miners, labor conflict turned into a murderous Klan and anti-Klan war that brought in the National Guard some eight times in four years.

Nor was the East immune from the recruitments of the Invisible Empire. Torn from its past as an instrument by which the post-Civil War Reconstruction was undone, the Klan, which was mainly Democratic in the South, was Republican in the North. In both sections it represented the old moral values against the newcomers and social change. There was the same concern about foreigners, the Roman Catholic “threat” to the public schools, and the enforcement of prohibition. Klan marchers brought in by characters trains “to give the micks something to think about,” were attacked by mobs in the western Pennsylvania mill towns of Carnegie, Lilly, and Scottdale, but in Philadelphia suburbs and down Lancaster County, once the Klan got organized, it stayed organized. While New York City was generally enemy territory, Klan wedding, christenings, church visits, volunteer fire departments, parades, rallies, county fair days, and local political victories marked the Klan as a leading organization in Lon Island’s Suffolk and Nassau counties. Upstate, Klan domain stretched from its Binghamton headquarters to Buffalo. It entered New Jersey from New York and Pennsylvania and despite denunciation at church conferences; it found a home among Methodist prohibitionists and along the seacoast from Atlantic City to Cape May. Portions of the Klan-infiltrated National Guard were disarmed in Rhode Island. Boston’s’ Mayor Michael Curley cracked down on Klan meetings with the same sternness he had shown to the birth control crusader Margret Sanger (despite American Civil Liberties Union protest in both cases), and Klansmen and Irishmen fought on summer nights in central Massachusetts. On the other side of the ethnic line, the prominent Boston blue-blood author found no conflict between his Americanism and that of the Klan, which also elect Mayflower descendant William Owen Brewster governor of Maine.

Simmons’ talents lay in the area of lodge ritual and florid oratory, and many of his rising territorial leaders felt that he was not fully capitalizing on the Klan’s potential. Led by the Dallas dentist Hiram Wesley Evans, whom Simmons had brought to Atlanta to help run things at the Imperial Palace, they staged a coup on the eve of the first national Klonvokation in 1922. When Simmons realized that he had been pushed upstairs out of control of the Klan, he was furious. Evans only laughed and replied, “Let’s get the money, colonel.”

There has never been a reliable tally of the number who belonged to the Klan. Between its veil of secrecy and its public boastings, the estimates run from two to four million members. During its peak years in the early ‘twenties, members were streaming in and out in such numbers that the Klan itself probably never knew its own size. The consensus of historians is that Indiana took the lead with perhaps several hundred thousand Klansmen, Hiram Wesley Evans, Dallas dentist who captured leadership Klanswomen, Tri-K’s, and Junior Klansmen, with Texas, and ruled from 1922 to 1939. Oklahoma, Illinois, Ohio, and Pennsylvania probably close to 100,000 each. At one time or another in the 1920’s, perhaps at least one out of every ten white, native-born, Protestant adult males belonged to the Invisible Empire. While sheer size did not necessarily mean political domination or long life for a Klan realm, in communities all across the country its strength gave a sense of power and immunity from the law. The mayor of Enid, Oklahoma, explained to the American Civil Liberties Union that since the Klan had 1,500 members and he had ten policemen, there was no point in investigating a reported Klan flogging.

A part of the fraternal excitement of the Klan was violence, a heritage from its reconstruction days and not out of keeping with the Klan’s vigilante role as a fighter against crime and immorality. The Klan was secret, masked, decentralized, and righteous, often operating with community approval and police participation. Although some Northern realms such as Ohio and Pennsylvania had their “Night Riders” and “Triple 5” (“Super- Secret-Society”) squads, the Southwest particularly liked “a little rough stuff.’’ In the early ‘twenties there were regular whippings and tar-and- feather parties in the meadows along Dallas’ Trinity River bottoms. The Mer

Klan supported William Gibbs McAdoo, loser of the Democratic nomination for the presidency in 1924. California Senator in 1932- 1938 Rouge murders brought a portion of Louisiana close to civil war, and Governor Jack Walton got himself impeached when he called out the National Guard and imposed martial law on much of Klan-ridden Oklahoma. Texas and Oklahoma led the way, but Klan floggers were also active in Georgia, Alabama, Florida, , and Kern County, California, with scattered incidents elsewhere. In those areas where the Klan dominated, however, it was the fellow white, native-born, Anglo-Saxon; Protestant rather than the Negro, Roman Catholic, Jew, or alien who was on the receiving end—which may be a commentary on the extent of the alien danger against which the Klan warned.

What drew its scores of thousands to the Klan?

Later generations have looked upon the hooded knights as sour, defensive, bigoted, and something of a joke. To their contemporaries, they were serious business. Famed juvenile court judge, Ben Lindsey, who fought the Klan in Denver, commented, “They paid ten dollars to hate somebody and they were determined to get their money’s worth.” Julian Harris, son of the creator of the Uncle Remus tales, won a Pulitzer Prize for the anti-Klan campaign of his Columbus, Georgia, Enquirer-Sun. Taking the popular booster slogan “It’s Great To Be a Georgian,” he asked, “Is it great to be a citizen of a state whose governor is a member of and subservient to that vicious masked gang?” New Jersey Methodist Bishop E.H Hughes found it necessary to remind his fellow ministers that “ft is not Anglo-Saxon blood but the blood of Jesus Christ that has made us what we are.” However, to the Klansmen, their purpose was a positive expression of good fellowship and what America was all about. The Klan was a reform movement, even as prohibition was. It was a means to protect society, to keep things good “the way they had been,” to get rid of criminals and corrupt politicians, dangerous radicals and those who scoffed at or violated church and home, bought illegal alcohol, or threatened racial purity and the Anglo-Saxon heritage of America.

People prefer simple explanations and scapegoats. Presidents Warren Harding and , the Congress, and the Supreme Court hardly seemed dangerous forces for change. The Klansman found a symbol that he enjoyed blaming: the outsider-alien, personified in the Roman and personalized in the Roman . Ex-priests and “escaped” nuns were popular on the Klan lecture circuit where stories of papal intrigue, convent sin, guns hidden in church basements, and the menace of the were staples. From Maine to California, the Klan girded its emotional loins against the Roman menace. While no Episcopal, Methodist, or Baptist convention approved of the Klan and many church leaders denounced it, the Klan appeared to be taking a noisy leadership in protecting community morality. In short, it was doing what the churches talked about: the Klan spoke their language, made donations, and tilled their benches. So it was very difficult for many ministers and parishioners to turn it down. In addition to fraternalism, nativism, and the protection of basic moral Americanism, the Invisible Empire offered fellowship, excitement, and a sense of power—and advantage. The ritual and life of the Klan were those of the lodge, and the Ku Klux Klan was the fastest growing fraternity of the 1920’s, far outdistancing the newly formed American Legion. Through the early years, Klansmen gathered at monster initiations, cross burnings and rallies, at Klan Day at the state fair in Dallas or the inauguration of Grand Dragon D.C. Stephenson at Kokomo. From the lodge halls of Birmingham’s Robert E. Lee No. 1 to Phoenix’s Kamelback Klan No. 6, from Shreveport and Grand Island, Portland, New Haven, Beaumont, Bangor, Billings, Binghamton, and Bakersfield, Klansmen felt that they were part of a full-throated, rising, powerful force in the nation.

Of course there was always the The New York World advertises its expos’e of the Klan. possibility of more than the psychological advantage of being in on it. Merchants put “TWK” (Trade With a Klansman) and “SYMWA” (Spend Your Money With Americans) stickers in their shop windows. Rising young politicians such as lawyer Hugo Black in Alabama, joined, and county judge hopeful Harry Truman of Independence, Missouri, went through the first steps before he withdrew. With its soaring membership, the Klan seemed to have the votes.

Earle Mayfield in Texas was its first genuine U.S. Senator, and in Arkansas the Klan had its own primary first to decide which brother to support in the regular Democratic Party one. Success whetted the appetites of the imperial potentates in Atlanta, and other eager hopefuls, from Maine to California. Altogether, the Klan substantially helped elect both senators from Colorado, Indiana, Oklahoma, and Alabama, and one each from Iowa, Oregon, Texas, Georgia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, as well as governors in Maine, Kansas, California, Wisconsin, Colorado, Indiana, Ohio, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, and Oregon. While some only accepted Klan support, at least five of the senators and four of the governors were Klan members.

In 1924, the Klan played a major role in presidential politics. The two candidates battling it out at the Democratic Convention in Madison Square Garden were the “wet,” Catholic, New York Governor, , and the Georgia-born Senator from California, William Gibbs McAdoo. McAdoo was not a bigot, but he had important support from Klan regions. The Platform Committee presented a plank opposing racial or religious discrimination, but the Smith supporters, and others, wanted the Klan denounced by name. As the Convention fought over the three crucial syllables, the supporters in the galleries chanted “Ku, Ku, McAdoo!” and “Booze! Booze! Booze!” at each other. The party’s elder statesman and three times nominee, , was hissed and booed when he asked for party unity and compassion, not condemnation, for those who belonged to the Klan. By an embittered 542 3/20 to 541 3/20 vote, the angry, shouting delegates failed to name the Klan. It was the climax of the Convention. Afterward it took nine days and 103 ballots to eventually send out John W. Davis as the compromise candidate to lose the election to Calvin Coolidge, who kept silent about it all. In many communities, as the mayor of Enid, Oklahoma, had told the American Civil Liberties Union, the Klan held unchallenged power. That power, however, was unimaginative and soon squandered. The Klan was conservative, not revolutionary, and had little program other than to enjoy the spoils of office. Its members were a mixed bag of town and city blue- and white-collar workers, shopkeepers, and professional men. Although a potent force in politics, the Klan probably knew as little about economics as Warren G. Harding. Where it became involved, the Klan was pro-business and manipulated. Its leaders were friends to the electrical utilities in Oregon, and to the oil companies in Texas. In Kansas its top attorney also represented the anti-labor Associated Industries, and the Klan opposed street car regulation in Denver, public power ownership in Minneapolis, and the United Mine Workers in Kentucky. In the zones of emergence of the Northern cities, instead of organizing exclusionist neighborhood improvement associations, Klansmen spent their time at parades, church socials, fried chicken dinners, and lectures by Klan clergymen from Atlanta. The Klan’s prime concern was fellowship and morality, not economics and urban dynamics.

On the national scene, the Klan supported immigration restriction, Federal aid to public education (as a counter to parochial schools), and non-participation in such “foreign” organizations as the League of Nations and the World Court. In state legislatures, Klansmen concentrated on protecting the flag, the Bible, racial purity, and the little red schoolhouse. This meant patriotic observances and readings from the King James Bible in the schools, and the exclusion of Roman Catholic teachers, or at least their wearing of religious garb. In Oregon the Klan combined with other fraternal lodges to pass a compulsory public school law, which the U.S. Supreme Court soon overruled.

But politics helped to undo the Klan’s imperium. Leadership from Atlanta and in the state realms was remarkably inept. Conflict over which Klan candidate was going to be endorsed in Texas, Arkansas, Founded in 1915 and inspired by the Reconstruction-era organization of the same name, the second Ku Klux Klan shared with its nineteenth-century namesake a deep racism, a fascination with mystical regalia, and a willingness to use violence to silence its foes. It also professed anti-Catholicism and anti-Semitism as strongly as it affirmed racism. The “secret” society had 3 million members during its heyday in the early 1920s; roughly half its members lived in metropolitan areas, and although it enjoyed considerable support in the South, the Klan was strongest in the Midwest and Southwest. In this photograph, forty thousand members of the Klan march down Pennsylvania Avenue on August 8, 1925. Organized to counter reports of faltering enrollment, this “konklave“ succeeded in attracting national attention but marked the peak of Klan power in the 1920s. and Oregon left bitter feelings. A jump to the Republican party did help produce a Klan senator from Oklahoma and a shift the other way elected a Democratic governor in Oregon, but the internal costs were high. State realms did not like being dictated to from Atlanta and local Klansmen were no happier with the divisive, manipulative politics and authoritarian candidate-picking of their own Grand Dragons, who, in turn, had been imposed on the membership. Generally, the Klan was not successful in replacing other political associations and loyalties, and the men Klansmen elected, as well as those who told the Klansmen whom to elect, turned out to be of equally poor quality.

Although the Klan numbers and power often grew impressively, there was almost always someone to fight it, an editor such as Julian Harris or the Emporia, Kansas Gazette’s William Allen White to expose it, or a district attorney such as future Texas Governor Dan Moody, Denver’s Philip Van Cise, or Alabama Attorney General Charles McCall to investigate and indict it. The New York World, Memphis Commercial Appeal, Columbus, Georgia Enquirer-Sun, Montgomery, Alabama Advertiser, and Indianapolis Times received Pulitzer Prizes for their anti-Klan campaigns.

Initially, all press coverage helped spread the Klan, and violence gave the Klan a “hell-of-a-fellow” sense of power. By the mid-1920’s, almost everything the Klan did or that was reported about it revealed its ineptitude, immorality, corruption, and community destructiveness When Indiana Grand Dragaon D.C. Stephenson, the most powerful leader of the Northern Klan, went to prison for a sex murder, the Klan’s reputation was further badly damaged. The more the Klan’s linen was hung out in public, the dirtier it appeared for all to see, and the Invisible Empire was almost continually in court to settle internal disputes. Colonel Simmons and “Doc” Evans fought over who would be Imperial Wizard; Grand Dragons struggled against Imperial headquarters, and local klavernss against their state realms. The leadership on most levels ruled dictatorially and was out for the money. This struggle for the spoils and the exploitation of the membership wrecked the Klan in practically every state where it existed. By the latter half of the 1920’s, membership was melting away. In 1926, when the Klan staged its second national parade down Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, D.C., only half as many Klansmen and women came, and they marched in columns of four instead of sixteen and twenty abreast as they had done the year before.

During its years of glory, the Klan produced no statesmanlike leaders or social programs, but rather violence, local turmoil, and scandal. By the latter 1920’s the country had settled down—even if the Klan had not —to enjoy Republican prosperity. The dangers of Rome or Russia seemed more distant and less real. The Klan’s role in the American fraternal world had been irreparably damaged by its mismanagement and extremism. The self-confidence of the great early days had become a sour defensiveness laboring under a damaged reputation, which contrasted badly with a more dominant American optimism.

Even in 1928 when the Democrats picked the Irish Catholic Al Smith as its presidential candidate, Klan leaders could not produce a revival. With the crash and of the 1930’s, the Klan ranks thinned to even fewer thousands. Shrunken to the Southeastern United States, the Klan sometimes had friends in power and engaged in occasional night riding and anti-union violence. It denounced the as communistic, but offered no alternatives.

At the end of the 1930’s, Imperial Wizard Hiram Evans sold the Klan’s Peachtree Street Palace to the Roman Catholic Church and the Klan itself to a veterinarian, Jimmy Colescott, from Terre Haute in the once potent realm of Indiana. A joint meeting with the German-American bund, in New Jersey, drew bad publicity. World War II, gas rationing, and a lien from the for back taxes temporarily put the Imperial Empire out of business.

It was brought back to life after the end of the greater war in Europe, and maintains a fragmented existence mainly in the Southeast today, unmasked by state and local laws and watched by the F.B.I. It failed as a resistance movement during the civil rights days of the 1950’s and 1960’s in the South. Despite the annual compulsion of the press, wire services, and television to rediscover the Klan and announce its “revival,” the Klan endures but has not regained any of the unity, numbers, or influence it once had in the 1920’s. It was still capable of violence, but at the end of the 1970’s, the most serious Klan watcher, the Anti-Defamation League, computed the strength of the various contending Klans at no more than 10,000.

Unit: Material Dreams and Social Realities – 1920’s Assignment: Rise of the 2nd Ku Klux Klan –Reading Guide Name: During reading activity for the reading “Rule by Terror the Hooded Knight Revive”

1. Explain the plot of Dixon’s 1905 book?

2. Summarize the dramatic restaging D.W. Griffith makes with the movie, The Birth of a Nation

3. How do audiences react to the film?

4. How does William J. Simmons (“colonel” Simmons) advertise his plan?

5. What were Simmons’ original goals for the Klan?

6. What contributions did the end of World War I have to the development of the 2nd Ku Klux Klan?

7. Who are Edward Young Clarke and Mrs. Elizabeth Tyler and what did they do?

8. In the Klan’s idea of 100% Americanism, what did they want to eliminate? Protect? EXPLAIN.

9. Expansion – State/ Area Success / reason for expansion who joins and why heart (center) of the strength Georgia

Alabama

Texas

California

Oregon

State/ Area Success / reason for expansion who joins and why heart (center) of the strength Colorado

Indiana

Ohio

Illinois

East to North

East to South

New York

10. How did “colonel” Simmons leave the head of the KKK? What is the impact of his leaving – increase, decrease, no change? EXPLAIN

11. Explain the vigilante role of the Klan (Who, What, Why, Where, etc.)

12. Why did so many join the Klan?

13. Explain the Klan and politics.

14. Explain the Klan and the Press.

15. Summarize the decline of the Klan.