Chapter 1: Introduction

With the onset of globalization, the peripheral Northeast, like the rest of India, has been confronted with multiple folds of change and development. Such change also culminated in the fluidity of movements of tribes of , who were once considered to be isolated from the rest of the country. At the same time, Northeast India is known to be a ‘troubled region’ with violence and ethnic clashes occurring on daily basis coupled with socio-political and economic instability of the region. Due to these factors of socio-economic insecurity and the fast pace of globalization complimented by free flow of movements, it ultimatedly led to a unique kind of culture, where geo-political boundaries are dissolved and instead a community of imaginary world evolves. Similarly, many people from the Northeast, especially the younger generations began to migrate to major Indian cities in mainland India in order to seek for greener pastures. As a result to this socio-economic transformation which arrived over a short span of time has become a challenging force. As a consequence to this, tribes of Northeast India are confronted with a new phenomenon of identity crisis like never before.

When the rich tribal cultural heritage clashed with faster currents of new and greater civilizations, there is greater probability that tribes such as the Hmars, will be consumed by the greater cultural currents. Simultaneously, this new current also gives rise to negotiations and search for their indigenous tribal identity. Therefore, the socio-political instability and the changing social dynamics of the tribal world of Northeast India constituted by the onset of globalization gave rise for the need to understand the process of such change and how the tribal worlds confront, negotiate and construct their identity in this fast pace of global system. An inclusive policy of the government such as Look East Policy 1, 1992 with Northeast India as its corridor and the launcing of Facebook page called Delhi Police for North East Folks 2 clearly indicates the exclusivity of Northeast from mainstream geo-political identity formation of an Indian nation. Northeast India which is predominantly inhibited by tribes with Mongoloid racial features constitutes about 8% of India's geographical land mass which is roughly 3/4th the size of

1 http://www.academia.edu/15544201/Indias_Look_East_Policy_Prospects_and_Challenges_for_Northeast_India

2 https://www.facebook.com/dpfne/ the state of Maharashtra. Subsequently, we see and hear news about racial discriminations against people from the Northeast. As such, it is highly important to investigate whether it could be because of the geo-political history and racial distinctiveness that there tends to be continuous subjugations of tribal minorities of Northeast India.

On the other hand, there are tribes from the Northeast such as Hmars who seek to find an identity for themselves within this tumultuous situation. A search for identity, not as a distinct entity with the process of nation formation but those who seek to re-create the culture and heritage that they have lost in the course of their socio economic struggles. Therefore, this research revolves around questions relating to the process whereby indigenous Hmar tribal migrants from Northeast India residing in Pune city of Maharashtra state reconstruct their indigenous tribal identity in mainland India; how the everyday social world of identity narratives are accentuated with various cultural symbols that subsequently paved way for reconstruction of identity. As such, the study is designed to be based on an ethnographic study of tribal migrants from the Northeast in general and Hmar migrants in particular.

Thus, this study basically looks at how identity is reconstructed by Hmar tribal migrants within the backdrop of socio-political periphery of Northeast India. Similarly, the study seeks to examine the adaptation modes of the Hmar migrants with their host community as well as the receptiveness of the hosts towards the tribal migrants. It also examines various cultural symbols and representations as well as the strength of social networks amongst the tribal migrants by looking at social and religious organizations in bringing about cultural endurance and survival.

1.1 - Background of the Problem

According to the Census of India, 2001, 307.2 million out of 1028.6 million persons were migrants. Among these 30% migrants, 42.1 millions were inter-state migrants. The total number of all duration of migrants from the northeastern region to other parts of India has increased from 0.4 million in 1981 to 0.6 million in 1991. In 2001, this is an increase of 1.1 million migrants against its population of 39 million (Rajan 2011). In spite of large number of out-migrants from northeast regions, there is limited literature available on this issue. Historically and geographically, the northeast region is different from the rest of India in many aspects. With its poor infrastructure, industrial development, geographical location, the development process has been slow in spite of the fact that the region is rich in natural resources (Sharma 2006).

Some writers such as R. P. Sinha (2006) are of the opinion that the northeast region’s lack of development is due to economic neglect from mainland India. It is mostly due to the underdevelopment and lack of opportunity at home which motivates and push people from that region to migrate to other parts of India. Prior to the new millena, people prefered to migrate urban cities with better connectivity and transport links (Chyrmang 2010). However, at the turn of the new millena, with the improvement in transport and communication as well as reduction in airfare and increase in transportation frequencies, people migrate further to other urban cities of India. Politically disturbed states like , , and have recorded more out-migrants than in-migrants (see table 1.1).

Table 1.1 - Share of Migration in Overall Growth Rate of Population (Duration 0-9 year), 1991-2001 States POP POP IM OM NIM: MGR: PGR: (1991) (2001) (2001) (2001) (2001) 1991- 1991- 01 01 406457 540851 30174 6238 23936 5.89 33.06 Arunachal 864558 1097968 74720 12507 62213 7.20 27.00 Pradesh Nagaland 1209546 1990036 35346 51857 -16511 -1.37 64.53 Manipur 1837149 2166788 4711 30867 -26156 1.42 17.94 689756 888573 31035 31739 -704 -0.10 28.82 Tripura 2757205 3199203 51508 23538 27970 1.01 16.03 177477 8 2318822 34864 20434 14430 0.81 30.65 Assam 22414322 26655528 126856 281510 -154654 -0.69 18.92 Total NER 31953771 38857769 389214 458690 -69476 -0.22 21.61 All India 846387888 1028610328 17567746 16826879 740867 0.09 21.53 Source: S. Irudaya Rajan based on Government of India (1991, 2001). Notes: POP: Population; IM: In-migration; OM: Out-migration; NIM: Net in-migration; MGR: Migration Rate; PGR: Population Growth Rate

1.1.1 - Reasons and Trend of Migration from Northeast Region:

During the year 1981 to 2001, the proportion of out-migration has increased from 1.7 % to 2.9 % (GoI 1991; 2001). This increase indicates various pull factors where migrants are motivated by employment opportunities, better living conditions, higher wages, and better educational opportunities. Financial conditions at home, political instability of their state, ethnic conflicts, lack of opportunities also pushes the migrants out of their regions (Singh 2007; Rajan 2011). Based on the Table 1.2 below marriage occupies the highest reason for migration accounting to 47% in 1991 and 58% in 2001 (Census 2001). However, when comparing statewise reasons for out-migration, marriage is not the foremost reason for migration which is the case with Manipur which is the native home for majority of the respondents. Instead employment and education are two of the main reasons for migration as seen in Table 1.3. Looking at the reasons and trend of migration, migration flow does not seem to come to an end. With the improvement in India’s economy and at the same time the relentless political and social instability of northeast will eventually continue to drive the people out of their native place in search of greener pasture.

Table 1.2 - Reasons for Migration by Place of Last Residence, 1991-2001 Reasons for 1991 Census 2001 Census migration Persons Males Females Persons Males Females Employment 14.90 27.21 3.84 14.76 32.95 3.03 Business 4.67 8.49 1.25 2.37 5.47 0.37 Education 4.05 6.00 2.29 2.71 4.83 1.35 Marriage 26.19 2.84 47.17 35.86 1.68 57.89 Family 32.04 31.46 32.57 1.16 1.70 0.81 move Natural 1.25 1.81 0.74 23.64 25.21 22.62 calamities Others 16.89 22.19 12.14 19.51 28.16 13.94 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 migrants Source: S. Irudaya Rajan based on Government of India (2001).

Table 1.3 - Reasons for Total Out-migration from the Northeastern Region (in Percentage) States Moved Moved Work/ after with employment Business Education Marriage birth household Others Sikkim 16.05 1.79 5.95 22.94 1.68 27.97 23.6 3 Arunachal 13.84 1.26 8.98 21.01 1.93 27.72 25.27 Pradesh Nagaland 8.10 0.56 1.91 60.42 0.80 13.55 14.67 Manipur 18.62 2.46 14.87 13.73 1.11 28.45 20.76 Mizoram 5.55 0.44 4.01 3.77 0.41 23.96 61.85 Tripura 15.82 6.34 3.52 22.68 1.19 30.77 19.68 Megh alaya 17.15 2.46 3.57 23.42 1.80 32.89 18.70 Assam 16.20 2.54 1.53 36.54 1.20 23.99 18.01 Source: S. Irudaya Rajan based on Government of India (1991, 2001).

1.2 - Demographic Profile of Northeast India

Northeast India, as the name suggests is located in the northeast corner of India bordering with , China, , and . It comprises of eight states namely Assam, , Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Sikkim. The northeast region covers an area of 2.62 lacs sq. kms. and accounts for 7.9% of the total geographical area of the country. Arunachal lies in the northern most corner while Sikkim lies in the northwestern region bordering Nepal and Bhutan. Bangladesh and Myanmar lies to the southwest and east bordering Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, Mizoram and Manipur. The total population of northeast India constitutes 3.79% of India’s population (Census 2001) in which Assam has the highest share. Its sex ratio is slightly lower than the figure of the entire country. Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland have sex ratio below the national average. More than half of the population of northeast comprises of Scheduled Tribe (ST). Mizoram has the highest ST population followed by Nagaland, Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh. Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) in the northeast is well below the national rate. Crude Birth Rates (CBR) and Crude Death Rate (CDR) for the region stand lower than the rest of India although some states are shown in Table 1.4.

Table 1.4 - Demographic Profile of Northeastern States of India CDR Population Popula % of SC in % of ST in IMR (per CBR (per (per (in Sex tion total total 1000 live 1000 1000 States millions) ratio density population population births) population populati on)

P-33 T-19.20 T-5.60 M-35 R-19.50 R-5.70 Sikkim 0.54 875 76 5.00 20.60 F-16 U-17.70 U-4.70 P-40 T-22.50 T-5.00 Arunachal M-44 R-23.80 R-5.50 Pradesh 1.09 893 13 0.60 64.20 F-19 U-17.40 U-2.80 P-20 T-17.30 T-4.80 M-18 R-16.80 R-4.90 Nagaland 1.99 900 120 0.00 89.10 F-27 U-19.20 U-4.10 P-11 T-13.40 T-4.50 M-11 R-13.50 R-4.40 Manipur 2.29 978 104 2.80 34.20 F-11 U-13.10 U-4.60 P-25 T-17.80 T-5.50 M-32 R-21.60 R-6.20 Mizoram 0.89 935 42 0.00 94.50 F-13 U-14.00 U-4.80 P-36 T-16.60 T-6.30 M-37 R-17.30 R-6.20 Tripura 3.19 948 305 17.40 31.10 F-30 U-13.40 U-6.80 P-53 T-24.70 T-8.00 M-54 R-26.40 R-8.50 Meghalaya 26.65 972 103 0.50 85.90 F-43 U-17.10 U-5.80 P-67 T-24.60 T-8.70 M-70 R-26.10 R-9.20 Assam 38.98 935 340 6.90 12.40 F-42 U-15.40 U-5.80 P-35.60 T-19.50 T-6.10 M-37.60 R-20.60 R-6.30 Total NER 38.98 929 149 4.15 54.00 F-25.10 U-15.90 U-4.90 P-58.00 T-24.80 T-8.00 M-56.00 R-26.40 R-8.70 All India 1028.61 933 313 16.33 8.01 F-61.00 U-19.80 U-6.00 Source: S. Irudaya Rajan based on Government of India (2001); SRS Bulletin 2001.

1.3 - Historical Background of the Target Population

The Hmars are the first indigenous tribes of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo of the Tibeto-Burman groups who have migrated to their present settlement and to have interacted with the ‘mainstream’ Indians, particularly the Bengalees. They have neither written history nor written script of their own. Their origin and history can only be traced through oral narrations. According to Lal Dena 3

3 Dr Lal Dena is a retired Professor of History from . He received his Ph.D from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi in 1982. He belongs to the Hmar tribe and is the first professor amongst his tribesmen. (2008), the Hmars traced their origin from a cave known as Sinlung in central China. From Sinlung, they migrated to Shan state, then to the Chin Hills of Myanmar. Dena further claims that upon their arrival in the Burmese plain, the Hmar sub-tribes “separated themselves according to their clan from this place onwards” (ibid). At present, the Hmar population is approximately 5, 76,720. The Hmars have settled in the sub-division in southwest Manipur, North Mizoram, Cachar and North Cachar Hills of Assam, Jowai areas of Meghalaya and North Tripura state of Northeast India. They are recognised as Scheduled Tribes under the 6th Schedule of the Indian Constitution.

From a socio-cultural sphere, the Hmars are traditionally nomadic tribe unknown by most of the ‘outside’ world, representing specific interests of their own people, have now participated in the national as well as transnational global exchange of people whereby transfiguring cultural boundaries and at the same time recreating new representation of their ‘tribal-self’ identity, their past history and their new milieu. The major reason behind this socio-cultural and economic transformation of the Hmars is the arrival of a European missionary Watkin R Roberts, fondly called by the Hmars as Sap Tlangval (Mr.Young Man) in 1910 at Senvon village in the south west Manipur.

The Hmars are sub-divided on the basis of their sub-clan Pahnam. Hmar villages were predominantly comprised of members of the same clan, with the Chief Lal as the head of the village. Though the Hmars have no written criminal or civil laws of their own, they also have rigid customary laws executed by the Chief and his Council members. The practice of Khawtlang Ensan 4 is also a common practice rendered to those who disobeyed the village court. Lal Dena (2008) is of the opinion that since Khawtlang Ensan is such a harsh punishment, “everyone tried to obey the orders of the village court”. When chieftainship was abolished after the amalgamation of the north-eastern states into a fully legal and political territory of India, Village Authority 5 (VA) came into existence. This is the case with other indigenous tribes of such as the Nagas (Prabhakara 2012). Many of the traditional institutions and practices faded away in due course.

4 A type of social boycott or being ostracize by the whole village community.

5 VA is an elected body of tribal village council members. It is similar to Gram Panchayat. The epicenter of social life amongst the Hmar youth was Buonzawl (youth dormitory) , an important socio-educational agency that imparts strict disciplines and a dynamic training ground for tribal warfare and other social responsibilities before the introduction of formal education. Buonzawl is also commonly known as Zawlbuk by the Lushai speaking Mizos. Buonzawl is located at the centre of the village near the Chief’s house. It has a single entrance with an open space for wrestling matches and dances. There is also sleeping quarters for bachelors and night- watchers that protect their village from intruders. However, with social change brought forth by the coming of British and Christian missionaries in the Hmar inhabited areas, Buonzawl disappeared gradually. This was invariably due to the introduction of formal education which inevitably replaced the traditional informal kind of education. Therein, traditional musical instruments Khuong (drum), dance form Hnam Lam , cultural activities such as Sikpui-Ruoi 6, brewing of rice beer Zupui , and various other cultural practices and lifestyles were abolished as they believe that such activities would remind them of their old pagan traditions.

1.4 - Globalization

Merriam-Webster 7 dictionary defines globalization in the following way: “ the act or process of globalizing : the state of being globalized ; especially : the development of an increasingly integrated global economy marked especially by free trade, free flow of capital, and the tapping of cheaper foreign labor markets”.

According to Arjun Appadurai globalization is characterized by “more persons and group deal with realities of having to move or the fantasies of wanting to move.” (Appadurai 1996:34). This notion, to a large extent, resulted from technological inventions and interventions where the landscapes of movements of people and of mass media becomes fluid; the social imaginary world of people expanded that has transformed not just the economic aspects of the world but also the socio-cultural imagination of communities that participate in the movement. Appadurai’s concept of global scapes such as ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscape, financescape and ideoscape is considered an useful conceptual reference in identifying movement and connections that encompasses geo-political boundaries.

6 Winter or Harvest Festival of the Hmars.

7 http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/globalization Prior to the onset of globalization, people who migrate usually remain in their migrated destination for a long period of time, if not considered it their final destination. However, networks and connectivity of people is made easier with the improvement in transport and communication. The length of stay becomes increasingly intermittent rather than permanent as many began to cross national and transnational borders when new opportunies arise. (Cohen 1997; 54). The media intervention plays crucial role in this fluidity of movement of people from one geographical area to another.

Globalization is also characterized by the free flow of world economy where in, “products, production and financing increasingly flow around the world.” (Derne 2008). Those which were once considered products and the manufacturing companies which were once situated in far flung regions of the western world have shifted base to places of cheap labour and raw materials. The receiving nations at the same time, benefits from such shifts as it generates employment for the host country. There is also an increase in the cross border flow of the finance capital in the pursuit of profit and gain which Appadurai (1996) termed as financescape.

Even though economic transformation is the foremost reason for the onset of globalization, globalization has not produce homogenization of the global population. Instead, the message of globalization is interpreted locally sometimes highlighting local identities. Therefore, globalization heightens awareness of how local cultures contrast with the global image presented from the outside world. (Richard and French 2000). The transformation of local culture can sometimes be greatly influenced by religion as can be seen from the contribution of Hmar Christian Fellowship Pune in the later chapter. In other words the revival of local culture can result in the form of religious movements.

1.4.1 – Globalizing India

Rajiv Gandhi’s administration in the 1990s is often credited as an initiator to the process of economic liberalization of India. Increased spending and oil price rise associated with the Gulf war of 1991 led to crisis of foreign exchange reserves of India. As a result India turned to IMF for a bailout. The bailout by IMF led to structural adjustment loans of 1991 which ended India’s path of swadeshi (self reliance). Economic liberalization is soon followed by cultural liberalization with mass media captivating, capturing and even exploiting the Indian mass especially the urban elite. Hollywood TV shows and news transformed the Indian media landscape like never before. On the other hand, however, this transformation have been mediated by large proportions of the Indian masses with resistance to the new cultural flow.

The portrayal of the mass media of what is supposedly ‘western culture’ such as Valentine’s Day is being resisted (India Abroad 2000a:43). Protestors targeted TV programmes and production companies for corrupting Indian values (India Abroad 1998:8; 2000b:6) In the words of Steve Derne (2008) “The limited defussion of economic and cultural globalization in India also suggests that the impact of globalization has been anything but unified while many praise the rise of consuming class in India, most Indians do not benefit from the new consumer goods and transnational opportunities of an expanding economy.”

In a country of over one billion people there are only about 50 million televisions. The Hollywood conquest may be great but looking at the total population, only about 10 percent of the population have access to or are interested in Hollywood, preferring local media based on regional language (ibid). Similarly, as per the United Nations University Institute of Water, Environment and Health (UNU-INWEH), India has 366 million people who have access to improved sanitation which is 31% of the total population. However, it has also been estimated that 545 million mobile/cell phone are now connected to service in the ever emerging Indian economy. Ther is an increase of mobile/cell phone ownership per 100 people from 0.35 in 2000/2001 to 45 in 2010.

1.5 - The Study: An Overview

The title of this research is The Study of Social Re-Construction of Indigenous Tribal Identity Within a Globalizing India: with Special Reference of Hmar Tribal Migrants of Northeast India in Pune. The study placed its focus on several factors influencing the process of reconstructing identity for indigenous tribal migrants’ namely cultural symbols, social networks, religious organizations and memories about the past by the diasporic community. This data clearly indicates how the process of globalization is ongoing but not unified and at the same time, globalization has reached even the lower class of India’s population. On the backdrop of this ongoing globalization process in India, the study focuses on the following:

Cultural Symbols: Cultural symbols included in this study are food, arts and artifacts, language, lifestyles, tribal traditional dress, ornaments and even memories orally narrated have become important indicators in the process of understanding identity construction for tribal migrants. The everyday lifestyles, decision making, interaction with members within the community and outside the community are also shaped by these symbols. These cultural symbols facilitate toward social and emotional ties between members and thus proved to be an important representation of social cohesion among these minority tribal communities.

Social Networks: For tribal migrants, social networks have become an important platform in transmitting their culture, language and emotions among its members regardless of the geographical space between them. Globalization and the advancement of technologies further accentuate the transgression of geographical and cultural boundaries whereby integrating the migrants within the different social scapes (Appadurai 1990 ) of change. The fluidity of human movements has produced shared cultural imagination beyond geographical and ethnic boundaries.

Religious Organisation (HCF): The study also observes the establishment and functions of Hmar Christian Fellowships (HCF) in major urban cities of India; the different functions and role HCFs play in overseeing the welfare of its members. These roles and functions of HCFs have ultimately become an important space for not only spiritual growth of its members but also act as an important platform for cultural upheaval for the tribal community. It is also believed that the re-enactment of the traditional youth dormitory, Zawlbuk/Buonzawl , abolished by western Christian missionaries takes place within the realm of HCFs.

Memories: Unlike in the past, the movement of people from one geographical area to another is accompanied by identities and cultures which become delocalized. In other words, these identities and cultures are being re-enacted by the migrant community in their new destinations which are hardly detached from the memories of their historical past. Advanced technological interventions also play a crucial role in constructing new social space of ‘imagined communities’ (Anderson 1983; Appadurai 1997) where the ‘longing for home’ is compensated via social media. Through the improvement in transport and communication, news about home, traditional food products, etc. can be acquired within no time.

1.6 - Significance of the Study

Prior to the new millennia, most Northeast people who migrate to major Indian cities were either in government service or pursuing higher education. However, from the new millennia onwards, India has witnessed a sudden surge of people from the Northeast migrating to mainland India in search of job and better career opportunities. While many studies have been undertaken in order to understand the push and pull factors of migration on the people of Northeast India, it is equally important to also recognise the socio-cultural implication of migration and the process of re-articulating their identity especially for the indigenous tribes.

Madhu Chandra 8 (2010) has once written about Northeast migrants thus: “Unprepared they come, unprepared they faced challenges and unprepared yet to address them”. Within the span of few years, migration process and the organizational set up of Northeast people in cities like Delhi, Chennai, Bangalore, Mumbai and Pune has changed to a large extent. One of the major reasons could be the continuous crimes committed against Northeast people, particularly in Delhi and NCR regions. Crimes based on racial profiling, sexual abuse, social discrimination and economic exploitations have become common everyday occurrence in the above mentioned cities. Such atrocious crimes, however, has brought the people of Northeast together like never before. New social and religious organisations began to be established or the existing organisations began to gain their strength from such incidents.

To study the formation and processes of social cohesion, strength and identities of communities is important especially in this globalizing era. The dynamics of ethnicity is shaped by the everyday life situation of the people which has been proven in this study by tribal migrants of Northeast India. Lifestyles are shaped or get evolved through the influences of economy, politics, religion and cultures at a given ethnoscapes (Appadurai 1990). With no written history of their own, this study believes that research on the formation process of tribal identity in this

8 Madhu Chandra is a Social Activist and Research Scholar at All India Christian Council, New Delhi. www.indianchristians.in . She is also a Spokesperson of North East Support Centre & Helpline (www.nehelpline.net) and National Secretary of All India Confederation of SC/ST Organisations ( www.scstconfederation.net ). Her article was extracted from countercurrents.org, December 8, 2010. contemporary globalizing world will be an important benchmark in the positioning of tribal identities and perhaps, at least in some small ways, contribute to the study of nation formation within the backdrop of a diverse social landscape of India.

1.7– Definitions

Some definitions used in this study are understood and interpreted differently by different people. Based on the literature reviewd and discussions about various studies presented in the next chapter, this research is inclined to follow the definitions and meanings of the following terms which are as follows:

• Northeast

The word ‘North East’ and ‘Northeast’ has been used interchangeably by writers as well as in common everyday narratives. However, in this study, the term ‘Northeast’ has been preferably used to note not only the native region as an area’s location on India’s political map but also used as an unit of analysis. Furthermore, the term ‘Northeast’ in this study does not try to highlight the geo-political situation of the region. Instead, the study encapsulates the region’s heterogeneous characteristics coupled with the existence of multiple sub-nations that becomes important fabrics to the Indian nation building process. As Sanjib Baruah (2005) has rightly pointed out, Northeast as a term cannot be a ‘collective political project’ as of now due to lack of emotional resonance and does not evoke cultural or historical memory as a whole. It is a term being used in everyday parlance with the absence of its local translation.

• Native

Native according to dictionary.com is “ the place or environment in which a person was born or a thing came into being: one's native land or belonging to a person by birth or to a thing by nature; inherent: native ability ”. For this research, the word ‘native’ is used as a substitute to ‘home’; to refer to the place where the respondent was born and not the historical expanse where their forefather once inhibited. The word ‘native’ is also specifically used as there is no proven homeland for the tribal Hmar migrants since they were once nomadic in nature. • Social Network

A social structure is made up if a set of social actors (such as individuals or organisations), with sets of divided ties, and other social interactions or integrating forces between actors. The study looks at the social networks or connections of people from basically three levels. Firstly, how migrant tribal community from Northeast India connects with their native region and secondly, how Hmar migrant community connects with members of their own community and thirdly, how respondent Hmar migrants connect with people from outside their community. It is believed that culture and traditions are transmitted through the networks of people and as such, social networks play a vital role in the reconstruction of tribal identity among tribal migrants in Pune.

• Diaspora

The dispersion or spread of people from their native homeland is known as diaspora. When such groups of people are geographically detached from their native homeland, there is a situation where the longing for home intensify whereby creating space for an imaginary ‘home away from home’. In this study, ‘diaspora’ and ‘migrant’ community is used interchangeably. Most often a time, ‘diaspora’ or ‘diasporic community’ is used to refer to transnational migrant community who have been either integrated with their host community or have created a distinct culture from the host community but the native culture and identities are hardly detached from the memories of their historical past.

• Migrant

A person who moves from one place to another in order to find work or better living conditions. The word ‘diaspora’ and ‘migrant’ community is used interchangeably in this study. There are several push and pull factors of migration for Northeast migrants residing in Pune. Some of the push factors of migration are socio-political unrest and lack of employment opportunities in their native place, poor educational system, ethnic conflicts and inter-tribal rivalries. The pull factors of migration are better educational system in the host community, better employment opportunities and better health care and infrastructure. • Tribe

A tribe is viewed, developmentally or historically, as a social group existing before the development of, or outside, states and not as reference for people belonging to backward and primitive community for this study. ‘Tribe’ is a popular nomenclature given to a group of people or community who share common territory, culture, religion, tradition, economy, speaking a common language or dialect and with a single political organization. ‘Adivasi’ is another word for ‘tribe’ in Hindi which means original settlers. The British administrators and anthropologists first used the term ‘tribe’ in India solely for administrative convenience.

• Indigenous Tribe

Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing on those territories, or parts of them. This study has intentionally combined the two words ‘tribe’ and ‘indigenous’ together. Reason being that the term ‘tribe’ alone is used in common parlance to denote a homogeneous group of people who are geographically, politically and emotionally isolated from the rest of the world. Therefore, as a working definition, this study has used the term ‘indigenous tribe’ to mean communities, people, group having historical continuity, considered as having distinct identities, protected in international or national legislation with rights based on their historical ties with a particular territory.

• Intersection/Intersectionality

The interconnected nature of social categorizations such as race, class, and gender as they apply to a given individual or group, regarded as creating overlapping and interdependent systems of discrimination or disadvantage. To understand identity formation and re-articulation of tribal characteristics with the dynamics of a globalizing system, this study believes that we must also recognize that cultural traits such as gender, race, ethnicity, religion, age, etc. are inextricably linked with each other. This disentanglement of elements at the multi-dimensional level has enabled us to conceive and interpret the changing world around us from different social lenses so as to negotiate and adopt holistic approaches to social relations.

• Social Positioning

Social position is the position of an individual in a given society and culture. Social position influences social status. This study upholds the idea that identity is a dynamic process in human evolution and that new forms of identity may be reconstructed or go through transformation, even if there is a discontinuity in the process. Therefore, the positioning of an individual or group in the migration process, from the native to the final destination via the intervening places or transit area plays a role in the reconstruction process of identity formation. The different global scapes such as ethnoscape, technoscape, finanscape, and ideoscape portrayed by Appadurai (1997) also influence the social positioning of identity.

• Representation

A social representation is a stock of values, ideas, metaphors, beliefs, and practices that are shared among the members of groups and communities. Social representation theory is a body of theory within social psychology. Identity is a dynamic process which never ceases to exist with subjective ‘ representation ’ from within and not outside human inter-relationship. As the present study focuses on the reconstruction of indigenous tribal identity within a globalizing India, the concept of representation will be useful in analyzing traces of meaningful representation of indigenous tribal identities surfacing or resurfacing within the realm of structural and institutional changes even for a fleeting moment in time.

• Stretched Identity

It refers to a situation where socio-cultural identities of individual or group are stretched beyond a particular geo-political boundary; maneuvered by the globalization processes. There really is not boundary for identity movement. The socio-cultural traits that individual and group possess have many parts; the sub-sets of each part can further be broken down into multiple layers. The matrix of functions can be both visible and invisible. Therefore, even when one form of identity dies (perhaps through the process of acculturation or assimilation), the others survive and grow new or hybrid identities.

• Identity

In simple term, identity refers to close similarity or affinity from one individual to another. In this study, identity is used to understand the boundaries being created by individuals or group for the purpose of identification. Cultural identity is the identity or feeling of belonging to a group. It is part of a person's self-conception and self- perception and is related to nationality, ethnicity, religion, social class, generation, locality or any kind of social group that has its own distinct culture. When boundaries (both imaginary and real) are created, it provides a framework for virtual sites of identities. Identity based on boundaries can also be both inclusive and exclusive, depending on whether one adopts to locator or marker of such boundaries. When there are restrictions of social-cultural exchange between people, the notion of exclusive boundary arises. But when integration between groups of people takes place, an inclusive boundary is found. It is in this site of inclusive boundary that identity often disintegrates leading to the consumption of smaller cultures by larger ones.

• Cultural Symbols

Cultural symbols are symbols for identifying with one another or to demonstrate ones position within a society by the person’s possession of cultural capital: It is believed that the more knowledge of a culture and ability to communicate using the symbols and language of that culture, the more cultural capital one possess. Cultural objects, language and experiences through oral narratives are important cultural capital shared by tribal migrant community which becomes objects of imaginary representation of their identity, an analysis of which can be seen in this research.

• Mainstream Indian

In this study, ‘mainstream’ means nothing but the majority population whose culture, religion, and way of life are different from that of the migrants, at a given geographical area. The study has used this word ‘mainstream’ not as representation of an Indian nation.

1.8 – Personal Journey and Reflections

This research has become the product of over three decade ethnographical journey of the researcher, the intervening spaces being , Bangalore, Delhi in India and the United States then finally to Pune. As will be mentioned in Chapter 4 of the Methodology section, the researcher, being an insider, has both an advantage and disadvantage point when it comes to studying his or her own people. Being the subject of one’s own study, the advantage point is that the researcher understands in-depth grass root issues that tribal migrant community are experiencing. The dynamics of identity, especially the identity of a small community which can easily be devoured by larger culture cannot entirely be seen from macroscopic lenses. Instead, one has to put on micro lenses to evaluate the socio cultural behaviour, which this researcher possesses. This enables the research to identify comprehensive hypothetical assertions of identity which are not simply draw out of interest and curiosity.

In order to make this ethnographic study by the researcher as formal and impersonal as possible, the use of words such as ‘I’ and ‘me’ is being avoided and instead, words like, ‘this research’, ‘the researcher’ and ‘this study’ has been used. Moreover, the study believes that academic writing is not about one’s opinion and feelings and thus, the use of third person is more relevant and allows objectivity as well as avoids subjective statements.

During the initial period of this journey in studying identity formation of tribal migrants from Northeast India, collecting materials and references for the subject related studies appeared difficult. However, knowing the limited existing studies available on Hmar community and especially so on Hmar migrants, academicians and members of the community themselves began to take keen interests on this topic. And as such, building networks of people and resources no longer became a hindrance. Similarly, the limited literatures available are in Hmar language and since the researcher speaks the Hmar language, there was no translation difficulty while analysing literatures and data collected.

For this study, concepts such as global scapes by Arjun Appadurai (1997) and network society by Manuel Castells (1996) have played major roles in understanding the influence of globalization at the global space in general and communities at the periphery in particular. Technological, financial and media interventions upon people from the onset of globalization has changed the social landscapes of our world today like never before. These interventions subsequently breaks down geo-political barriers whereby transmitting the notions of borderless borders within the realm of an ever expanding imaginary global community.

1.9 – Synopsis of Chapter

This study comprises of seven chapters, with each chapter subdivided based on different sub topics. In the first chapter, an introduction to the whole research is made highlighting the general proposal of the study. This chapter provides the historical background of the target population i.e. Hmars of Northeast India. It also includes an overview of the study that emphasized on several factors which influenced the process of reconstructing identity of indigenous tribal migrants, namely cultural symbols, social networks, religious organisation (HCFP) and memories about their past. This chapter also incorporates the significance of the research. Here, the dynamics of ethnicity are examined where lifestyles are shaped by economy, politics, religion and cultures within the framework of globalization.

Important terms and definitions used in this study are also explained here. Words like Northeast, native, social networks, diaspora, migrant, tribe, indigenous tribe, intersectionality, social positioning, representation, identity, stretched identity and cultural symbols have become important terms and concepts in this identity scholarship. The researcher’s personal journey and reflections has also been one of the highlights in which it elucidates how this study is a significant one where comprehensive hypothetical assertion of identity is not simply drawn out of interest and curiosity by the researcher.

The second chapter brings out the different theoretical framework used in this research. In order to understand and discover useful link between the foundations of sociology and identity scholarship, representation and positioning concepts were used. The concept of imagined community by Benedict Anderson (1983) has been used in this study to explain the emotional image of affinity amongst Hmar tribal migrants and thereby creating a Hmar community with collective interest i.e. identity restoration of indigenous tribes. To understand the process of reconstruction of indigenous tribal identity within the dynamics of globalization, the present research has also used Appadurai’s (1997) concept of the five ‘global scapes’ – ethnoscape, technoscape, finanscape, and ideoscape - which is the cultural landscapes with multiple realities where old and new forms of identity breed and are dynamic, depending on the position of a given spectator.

The study has also gained theoretical insights from Manuel Castells’ concept of network society. Castells basically tries to map new forms of social and economic dynamics within the new era of innovation and communication. The exchange of information, cultural, political and economic network flows not just within a particular political boundary but outside national regulations. Works of Aparna Rayaprol has also been incorporated so as to understand the characteristic of diasporic community is that in spite of a shift in geographical spaces, there is a constant renegotiation and reconstruction of their cultural past and identity.

The third chapter represents key literatures reviewed for this study. Concepts of identity have been discussed. The study has also identified different locations where identities are being exercised such as culture, literature, gender, religion, sports, economy, politics, emotions, outward and inward remittance and language. These different locations have become important ‘social markers’ for the study of identity reconstruction especially in a globalizing world in general and India in particular. This chapter also includes the historical background of the Hmars which have also been discussed in detail.

In the second section of this chapter, review of key concepts from native to an imagined community is made. This section has also examined various academic literatures relating to the growth of inter-communal, inter-regional and inter-group rivalries, lives beyond the periphery and questions relating to the formation of nations within a nation have been examined through academic writings of Subhir Bhaumik (2009), Guha, Margaret Zama (2012), Kailash C Baral et.al. on Northeast India. Also, I have highlighted various concepts such as ‘stretched identity’ (Bucholtz and Hall: 1995) and ‘imagined community’ (Anderson 1983; Appadurai 1997) where tribal migrants have become a part of within the complex socio-political scenario of a ‘globalizing India’. Section 3 addresses other studies related to the concepts of identity and its central concern from a number of different positions or intersections such as nationality, ethnicity, gender, religion and modernity, sports and identity, social institutions, lifestyles and so on within the framework of the so called Indian nation. The fourth chapter represents research methodology. Here, statement of the problem, theoretical background of the problem, objective of the study, hypothesis, research questions, definitions are being addressed. This chapter further discussed research design which includes both independent and dependent variables. An ethnographical approach adopted for this study is also included in detail where in-depth discussions on the concept of native, socio cultural symbols and strength of networks are highlighted. The geographical area of the study, data collection and research method are explained in detail.

In this chapter, both primary and secondary data collection methods are being discussed. Primary data collection includes sampling, sampling size, questionnaire, case study, open ended interview, participant observation and photo journal. In secondary data collection, the study has included text literatures, oral narrations, mobile apps and internet group and sites. Furthermore, the process of data analysis and findings are presented in this chapter which also include coding and field work experiences.

The fifth and sixth chapter includes analysis of data from the study. The fifth chapter is titled Representing and Reconstructing Northeast Tribal Identity where the process of catalyzing tribal ethnoscapes in a globalizing world, re-positioning the ‘native’ through stretched identity with mobilizing, negotiating and re-constructing tribal identity through linguistic affiliation and social networks. The intersections of tribal identity and its challenges and negotiations are discussed. Some of the highlights under the subject of catalyzing tribal ethnoscapes in a globalizing world are case study on sports and national integration, ‘self’ and ‘others’, cultural symbol, geo- political boundary. Here a case study and interview data of M.C. Mary Kom is presented.

Secondly, attachment with the native and new destination is included. Thirdly, case studies on issues related to identity in transit spaces and HEAP were conducted. To set base for the re- positioning the ‘native’ through stretched identity with mobilizing, negotiating and re- constructing tribal identity through linguistic affiliation and social networks, two case studies were also highlighted. The sixth chapter on Positioning Religion in the Identity Narrative: Re- Discovering Culture through Christianity includes socio-cultural unification through HCF, case studies on religion and identity and HCFP and finally concluded with and interpretation of the data. The seventh chapter is the concluding chapter which describes the representation and positioning of networks and symbol from the native to host destination. The notion of the existence of a stretched identity is the main theme of this chapter. This section also includes the process of reconstructing Zawlbuk/Buonzawl among the Hmar migrant community. Within this same chapter, the bridging of memories and the remittance sent back to the native by migrants are being evaluated. Finally, the researcher had also put forward various recommendations from the study.