Radio-Activity Collective Approaches to Art and Politics

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Radio-Activity Collective Approaches to Art and Politics RADIO-ACTIVITY COLLECTIVE APPROACHES TO ART AND POLITICS 18 February – 23 August 2!2! INTROD"CTION Taking its cue from Bertolt Brecht's theory of radio, the exhibition Radio-Activity turns the spotlight on artistic and political collectives that launched their own publications and charted new channels of communication. "It is a very bad thing," Brecht said in 1932 about the radio of his time. "It was suddenly possible to say everything to everybody but, when one thought about it, one had nothing to say." Ten years after the $rst public radio broadcasts, a disillusioned Brecht proposed repurposing the new medium, transforming an apparatus of distribution into one of communication. Instead of merely broadcasting a single feed, it was to receive as well% more than making hearers listen, it would empower them as speakers and producers. Brecht's ideas for an "uprising of the listeners" came at the exact moment when radio broadcasting in &ermany was brought under state control and increasingly taken into service as an instrument of propaganda. 'tarting in the late !()s, Brecht's theory of radio sparked a vigorous debate. The concern at the heart of his critique had lost none of its urgency+ Who determines how a society makes sense of the world? Who speaks, and who is spoken to- The utopian vision of boundless communication untainted by relations of power was electrifying. The exhibition puts the focus on pro.ects from the 1920s/30s and the !()s/70s, when various collectives emerged that, instead of accepting language and the societal status *uo as a given, aimed to rethink them and pioneer forms of anti/ national and international communication. #$ % Ass&'ia $&( re)&lu $&(+rer b$*,e(,er -.(stler Deu s'%la(,s /AR0-D12 T&3as& 0$(ga2 Ha(s 0r$(43a(2 Cash3ere Ra,$& 0er*$(2 0e y Da(&(2 Isa 5e(64e(2 5ru77e SP"R2 -ur 5.( %er2 #$*%e*3 Heise2 Ra*8 Ho3a((9:a(uela "()er,&rbe(2 I(st$ u e 8&r C&37u a $&(a* Va(,alism2 ;a'<ue*$(e ,e ;&(g2 Lab&ra &r$& P2 -a r$( :ayer2 -ar&*$( :eu(ier2 S e7%a(ie :.ller2 A(,rea Lesja42 -alas L$eb8rie,2 S e8a(ie :.ller2 Ra,$& Pa7esse2 :a> Ra,ler2 -e y La R&''a2 Ru$(e :.('%e(2 Ru,&*8 S'%*$'% er2 ?ul S&lar2 -ur #e$(%&*,2 A(,reas @eising2 H. PA @$33er2 L$(a @ylla Presse4&( a4 : C*au,$a Weber /9 T +DE 8E 233 32!2! /9 presse-*e(ba'%%ausF3ue('%e(A,e RADIO IN THE #EI:AR REP"0LIC The radio emerged from the development of radio communication, especially as a military apparatus, dominated in Germany by the Telefunken company, founded in 1903 as a monopolist. 1fter the 2irst ,orld ,ar, there was an “army” of *uali$ed radio operators or signalmen. 1lthough the technical possibility existed to transmit “to everyone,” the state and the economy feared its use by forces of the 5ovember 6evolution of 1918 and the workers movement. It was only as a conse*uence of the 8nabling 1cts of 1923 that the government, strengthened by these laws, allowed radio to become a mass medium. 9n 9ctober #!, !#", the $rst state/controlled radio broadcast in Germany was aired from the :ox ;ouse in Berlin: 1n infantry regiment played Deutschland, Deutschland über alles. The 2unk/'tunde 1G subse*uently took up its regular broadcasting operations. The new form of communication met a social need+ ,ithin a year, there were ten broadcasting stations, covering almost the entire territory of the 6eich. The new medium was conceived as a non/commercial entertainment service. In their self/ portrayals, the creaters propagated neutrality, both in terms of party politics and religious denomination. 2rom the beginning, the state monopoly and the “capitalist class<s” sovereignty over interpretation were targets of criticism. The radios available on the market were expensive. This made it difficult for blue and white/collar workers—not to mention the unemployed—to partake of the new medium. 9ne remedy was the do/it-yourself construction of radio receivers. ,orkers< radio associations .ointly constructed crystal radio receivers to listen to local radio stations% the bourgeois radio associations devoted themselves to tube receivers that could also receive more distant stations, for which high fees had to be paid. In any event, radio *uickly found its way into the private sphere. By the end of 1925, there were over one million registered listeners% despite the reduction of broadcasting fees the year before, countless users still remained unregistered. ,ithout much e@ort, vacuum tube receivers could be converted into transmitting stations, which allowed every technically experienced person to construct his or her own “private broadcasting station.” In !#A, an emergency radio law put a stop to this 3radio piracy,” and a mandatory broadcasting license was introduced. 2rom then on, the content and scope of radio programs were sub.ect to state control. The ,orkers< 6adio Bovement and the Communist Darty of Germany EFDGH in particular formulated a policy of co/determination and their claim to a democratic radio alternative–ultimately without success. In !"#, the newly elected government under 2ranz von Dapen fully nationalized broadcasting, centralized its organization, and implemented a uniform regulation. 1fter the 5ational 'ocialists began their rule, the instrumentalization and harmonization of radio for propaganda purposes was further expanded, including the distribution of the inexpensive Volksempfänger Epeople<s radioH, which, in 1932, counted four million o=cial listeners in 1932 and, by !A", sixteen million. Presse4&( a4 : C*au,$a Weber /9 T +DE 8E 233 32!2! /9 presse-*e(ba'%%ausF3ue('%e(A,e -ur 5.( %er 5era 18E3 – S a, r&,a 1EGG The Ra,$& Lis e(er /Ra,$&(ist12 192H S aa *$'%e :usee( zu 0er*$(2 Na $&(a*galerie In addition to the amusement, edification, and instruction of the population as a whole, radio certainly also had educational aspirations. 5evertheless, the impression of “light entertainment,” which was intended to distract from existing grievances and everyday problems of modern life, dominated. The 'ocial Gemocratic newspaper Vorwärts commented ironically+ “But now we have radio, stay decorously at home, and listen to the most pleasant and beautiful things.4 ,ith his Radionist, also known as etty !ourgeois at the Radio, Furt &Knther presented what was ostensibly precisely this situation of pacifying the bourgeois through radio culture+ a narrow living room with a box radio, headphones, a bottle of red wine, a cigar, and an opera textbook. Through his active participation, the radio listener is at least exemplary in the sense of Brecht’s radio theory+ listening and reading along with the opera booklet. What distinguishes &Knther<s Radionist from Bax 6adler<s working class Radiohörer E6adio ListenerH are his clearly bourgeois attributes. The depiction of the listener is based on one of &Knther<s neighbors, who was bound to a wheelchair—information that again casts doubt on the caricature/like nature of the depiction+ 2or those con$ned to their apartments, the radio does in fact open a window to the world. -ur #e$(%&*, 0er*$( 18EI – Ca*J 1EIG :a( J$ % Ra,$& /Ho3& sa7ie(s12 192E Pr$)a e C&lle' $&( In the early days, radios were a@ordable for only a few. 9ne of them was presumably the naked Bann mit 6adio EBan with a 6adioH in Furt ,einhold<s painting. ,einhold depicts radio as a pastime for the well-to/do middle classes+ :isibly relaxed and pu=ng a cigar, ;omo sapiens Eas he is called in the subtitleH sits in his apartment and listens. The headphones are connected to a crystal radio receiver. The model is a Berlin-based lawyer from ,einhold<s circle of friends. 5ot only Brecht, but also the authors of the various workers< radio magazines of the time regarded public entertainment radio, in which recipes, travel reports, and :iennese waltzes were broadcast, as a diverting exertion of influence and political sedation, tailored to the bourgeoisie. The apparatus was switched on, while those who listened were switched o@. 1fter the 'econd ,orld ,ar, ,einhold himself drew a connection between his Mann mit Radio and 5ational 'ocialism+ 36adio as a means of stultifying the people, as this was extensively exploited during the Third 6eich. 1 brain-erosion machine, coercion to switch o@ one<s own thinking.” In his portrayal of a naked, cabled man, he also aimed at the contradiction between technology and the body, a common theme at the time. Presse4&( a4 : C*au,$a Weber /9 T +DE 8E 233 32!2! /9 presse-*e(ba'%%ausF3ue('%e(A,e #$*%e*3 He$se #iesba,e( 18E2 – :.('%e( 19IG #$ %er$(g S7r$(g – Se*8 P&r ra$ as a Ra,$& T$(4erer2 192I Le(ba'%%aus :u($'% ,ithout a human counterpart, the artist works his way through the chaos of ob.ects in front of him, which includes not only painting utensils and potted plants, but also components of the latest technology of the time. The tangle of cogs, screws, and connecting parts seems to be taxing. It is not an easy task to establish contact with the outside world. Initially, only the well/to/do could a@ord the e*uipment approved by the 6eich Telegraph 1dministration, as well as the high broadcasting fee. The great mass of those a@ected by the inflation constructed their own receivers and thus dodged the fee. 6adio hobbyists were—in contrast to ;eise<s isolated $gure—often organized in clubs. They initially came together without any political motivation to exchange experiences in constructing their own simple crystal radio receivers. In !#A, the broadcasting fee was reduced to two marks Ethe ,orkers< 6adio Bovement had demanded one markH, and many now registered their homemade receivers.
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